Mogeely Parish in the 1641 Depositions

Mogeely Parish in the 1641 Depositions

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In October 1641 a rebellion began in Ulster principally led by Irish Catholics against their British Protestant neighbours who had settled in Ulster over the previous forty years, acquiring the best land and building English towns. A second part of the rebellion was to capture Dublin Castle but this failed. Over the winter and spring of 1641-42 the rebellion spread across Ireland until the summer of 1642 when the unrest settled down. By that time most of Ireland was in the hands of Irish rebels with five pockets of the country held by the British Protestants. These areas were north and east Ulster; Dublin and the surrounding along the coast to Drogheda; east Galway; the area around Birr in Offaly and southern Munster. The area of southern Munster was bounded on the east and north by the River Blackwater as far as Mallow and then an imagery line south to Bandon and on to Kinsale. There were a few isolated pockets north of the Blackwater around Mitchelstown and Doneraile.

During the 1630s tensions were building in Ireland as the New English were pushing out the Irish and Old English (medieval English settlers) with King Charles promising redress but only with words and not actions. New English settlers were also trying to prevent government interference in their new estates such as against that £20,000 tax on plantation towns like Baltimore, Bandon, Tallow, Dungarvan and other towns to fund the Irish army.[1] Tensions were also building between King Charles and the English Parliament over who controlled taxation and the nature of religion. The religious question also created tensions between Anglican Protestant church and state of England with Presbyterian Scotland. The first engagement of the civil war that engulfed Ireland and Britain in the 1640s began in Scotland in 1639-40. King Charles lost the war and the English Parliament disarmed the Irish army to prevent Lord Wentworth (Lord Deputy of Ireland) from bringing the mostly Catholic Irish army into England where it could be used not only against the Scots but against the English parliament. With the Irish army and many New English settlers disarmed the Irish took the opportunity of rebellion in 1641 to get concessions just as the Scots had successfully achieved by war in 1639-40.

In the summer of 1642 when the country had settled, the Irish government organised the collection of depositions from New English settlers who had suffered losses in the unrest. The depositions were to get a value on the losses son that some compensation could be arranged. The depositions were also to help identify Irish rebels who had caused much of the damage so they could be punished. In the 1641 depositions nine people from the united parish of Mogeely/Templevalley claimed losses due to the rebellion. Four of the people lived in the area of what was the old medieval parish of Mogeely while the other five lived in Templevalley parish. One person, John Rowe from Templevalley, filed two depositions for damages. Another individual, Samual Blancher of Garranjames is given in published sources as being from Mogeely parish.[2] But when you examine his file it refers instead to Mogeely parish in the barony of Imokilly and not this one in Kinnatalloon.[3] The Mogeely part of the parish appears to have been a mixture of livestock and tillage farming. Most of the Mogeely depositions were made at Cork in the summer of 1642 in the presence of Thomas Elwell, sovereign of Tallow in 1621-22 and elected in 1634 as one of the two MP’s to represent the borough in the Dublin Parliament.

In mid November 1641 Sir Richard Boyle had an armed force at Lismore and gave military supplies to Sir William Fenton at Mitchelstown.[4] By Christmas 1641 Sir Richard Boyle had fortified Bandon, Youghal and Lismore against the rebels. Some English settlers had retreated from the countryside to local medieval castles.[5] But many settlers fled to the towns of Youghal, Lismore, Tallow and Cork. On 5^th January 1642 commission of martial law were issued by the Lord President of Munster to Lord Dungarvan for Youghal. Another commission was issued to Ensign Hugh Croker and Sir Richard Osborne for the Cappoquin/Dungarvan area.[6] On 16^th January 1642 Ensign Croker was allowed to raise a foot company.[7]

On 25^th February 1642, having taken most of County Waterford, the rebels bombarded Youghal from the Ferrypoint on the Waterford side.[8] In early March Sir Charles Vavasour landed at Youghal with a regiment of foot which restored the military balance in the area in favour of the English. Also in March the Lord President of Munster marched from Cork to Tallow and onto Dungarvan without meeting any of Sir Richard Butler’s force (a rebel) on the march.[9] A number of the Mogeely depositions said they were robbed in February and March 1642. The violence would appear to be of a local nature by it causing a decline in law and order or responding to the decline. The depositions below will record the story of British Protestant settlers robbed, so to speak, by rogue Catholic Irish.

Yet the English settlers were not all innocent victims. English tenants and soldiers from Camphire castle robbed and stripped naked many poor Irish tenants between Camphire and Kilnecarnygy (Kilnacarriga). The robbed an honest Irish neighbour, Darby Farrell, of 17 garrans, 21 cows, along with all his sheep, pigs, wine and household materials. Twice they stripped him of all his clothes such that he arrived at Lismore castle seeking refuge covered with a borrowed sheet. On 2^nd March 1642, after a troop of government soldiers had passed through the area, English settlers sallied forth from the castle of Kilmacow and Lisfinny to attack Irish tenants. One of their victims was James Roche from whom they took sheep and pigs. Later they took plough horses belonging to John O Crotty, a ploughman for the Protestant dean of Lismore. The dean, Robert Naylor, was a cousin of Sir Richard Boyle, 1^st Earl of Cork, and principal landlord of west Waterford and east Cork. Robert Naylor went to Camphire, Lisfinny and Kilmacow and recovered only some of the stolen animals. In fear of more such actions many Irish tenants drove their animals over the Blackwater into Irish controlled areas and the ploughs of the region were left idle. Robert Naylor said this whole unrest will cause difficulties for people to pay their rents and result in famine.[10]

In the early summer the English forces began to recover ground from the Irish rebels. On 10^th May 1642 Lord Dungarvan and the Earl of Barrymore captured Ballymacpatrick (Careysville) castle from Richard Condon. In July Lord Broghill won the battle of Cappoquin against the Irish. Soon after Lord Barrymore crossed over the Blackwater and took Clogleigh castle near Kilworth, the chief castle of the Condon family.[11] By the end of 1642 the English held an area bounded on the east and north by the River Blackwater as far west as Mallow and from there a line south to Bandon and Kinsale. North of the river the English held Mitchelstown, Doneraile and a few places in between. Beyond this area much of the rest of Munster was held by the Irish forces. Elizabeth Danvers, formerly pine of Mogeely, was forced out of her farm in County Kilkenny in 1642 and first sought refuge in Waterford city before resettling to Mogeely towards the end of 1642 when Waterford came under Irish control. For two years Elizabeth Danvers lived at Mogeely Castle with others refugees seemingly at peace until 1645.[12] The frontline held until early 1645 when Irish forces moved in to garrison Barryscourt castle near Carrigtwohill and deep inside the English area. These were defeated by Lord Inchiquin. But Lord Castlehaven led the Irish forces to the walls of Youghal by April. Without any heavy siege equipment they moved off to take Cappoquin. In May 1645 Lord Castlehaven took Mitchelstown and crossed the Blackwater at Fermoy. Although the English won a battle near Castlelyons the weight of the Irish army compelled the English to retreat.[13] Conna castle was taken in mid June 1645 with many of the garrison killed or hanged. Mogeely castle withstood a short siege of two days but then surrendered on 20^th May. The Mogeely garrison was offered quarter to leave for Youghal with their women and baggage. But upon coming out this quarter was not given and the garrison was stripped and their baggage taken.[14] As captives they were paraded before Lismore and Youghal to force the surrender of those places. Lismore fell as did all the castles up to the walls of Youghal. But the town held out against a three month siege until a relief force arrived.[15] Castlehaven then withdrew north and the English gradually retook all the lost ground.

In 1647 the English advanced beyond their area of control to take Cashel and win the battle of Knocknanuss in Duhallow. In 1649 Oliver Cromwell advanced from Waterford to take Dungarvan, Youghal and Cork along with the castles on the Bride and Blackwater for the English Parliament. Small groups of Irish forces held out until 1653 when defeated in the Cork and Kerry region. Up until 1649 the English of east Cork and west Waterford had, at various times, supported King Charles and the English Parliament in the English civil war. But they kept their differences to themselves as they united against the common enemy of the Irish rebel armies.

Mogeely residents

Walter Croker

Most of the people who suffered losses in the parish of Mogeely/Templevalley during the civil unrest in the period from October 1641 to March 1642 filed claims for compensation on amounts under £100 with one notable exception, that of Walter Croker of Curraglass. On 12^th August 1642 Lieutenant Walter Croker late of Curraglass, a gentleman and British Protestant, claimed that he was robbed of goods worth £616 16s (revised to £685 16s) in early March 1642 and at other times. Walter Croker lost £5 on the value of one cow and one horse along with goods and household stuff to the value of £6 13s. His main losses were due to the fact that he had to leave Curraglass and live elsewhere. Thus he lost £76 due out of his Curraglass lands. The farm at Curraglass measured half a ploughland and was a parcel of the manor of Mogeely castle. Walter Croker had another twenty seven years to run on his lease of the farm (valued at £65) which was worth £9 a year above the landlord’s rent. The destruction of his houses, orchards, gardens and fences at Curraglass were valued at £40.[16] The dwelling house existed before 1614 and was possibly located on or near Lisnabrin House or Lisnabrin Lodge. Later developments in both places make it difficult to say exactly where the 1642 house was without an archaeological dig. Lisnabrin House (built circa 1730), with its original entrance connected to the public road by a straight avenue east from the front door, appears to mark the site of Walter Croker’s new house built after 1653 when the war ended.

On 18^th February 1588 Edward Leachland, a merchant, was granted 400 acres of Templevalley and Curraglass by Sir Walter Raleigh.[17] On 26^th September 1594 Laurence Longland (otherwise Leachland) made a lease to Walter Coppinger of Lisnabrin. On 28^th April 1596 William Lee made a lease of Curraglass to Walter Coppinger. On 8^th June 1614 Sir Richard Boyle made a lease of Curraglass and Lisnabrin to Walter Coppinger. This included dwelling house, garden, watermill, orchard and farmland. On 29^th August 1631 Sir Richard Boyle made a lease to Walter Croker of part of Mogeely for 31 years.[18] Walter Croker was the son of Hugh Croker and Elizabeth Coppinger, daughter of Walter Coppinger. On 1^st March 1633 Richard Boyle had made a lease of Curraglass West and Lisnabrin to Walter Coppinger for 4,960 years with reminder to the heirs of Walter Coppinger.[19] This lease contained a provision for Walter Croker to retain title to the Curraglass farm even if it was occupied by other during rebellion or laid waste.[20] Walter Croker didn’t mention this lease as the lease made him effective owner of the Curraglass farm and so liable for his own losses. By mentioning only the 1631 lease Walter Croker was regarded as an ordinary tenant and so in line for government compensation.    

In the deposition of August 1642 Walter Croker was also dispossessed of his farm at Modeligo which was worth £77 13s 6d above the landlord’s rent. This farm was leased for three lives and was valued at £569. At the end of his claim Walter Croker said he was robbed by persons unknown.[21]

After making his claim for damages an account was added concerning the attack on Cappoquin in later April 1642. In this it was said that the deponent said that about 1 o’clock in the morning several hundred men attacked Cappoquin in a warlike and hostile manner. The accused rebels were led by Edmond Fennell from Carrig, County of Tipperary, John Sherlock Fitz Patrick of Mothill, County of Waterford, Esquire, Thomas McDonell McCragh of Curraghnesledy, County of Waterford gentleman, and Thomas Mc Morris Fitzgerald of the parish of Ringagonagh, ensign. The rebels burnt fifteen houses in the town and killed many of the town’s men, women & children including Richard Lowden, glover, Nicholas Wale, broge maker, Agnis Sugar, spinster, Erine Sugar, spinster, Thomasie Saunders, spinster, Elizabeth Saunders (wife to Robert Saunders, mercer), Margaret Nance (wife of Henry Nance, tailor), Alsis Browne (wife of Zacharias Browne), Mary Groute, spinster and Alsis Hill, widow. Then Walter Croker said he knew of no further atrocities but this line was crossed out by the authorities.[22] It is not clear if Walter Croker personally known about the Cappoquin attack, or if the account was inserted by others. Walter’s cousin, Hugh Croker, was commander of the English garrison at Cappoquin and may have supplied the information.[23]

Lisnabrin House, 18th and 19th Century home of Croker family

John Andrews

John Andrews of Curraglass, yeoman, said he lost goods and chattels to the value of £107 19s 6d between October 1641 and 10^th February 1642 including debts owed to him by several people who had gone into rebellion. This amount included £17 in lost cows, heifers and horses and a further £20 for lost hay, corn and wood. John Andrews said he was robbed by Richard Condon of Ballymacpatrick (modern Careysville) and Richard Condon of Ballydorgan along with their followers. The debts of £70 9s 6d were owed by five people. Three of the debtors were husbandmen from Mogeely parish, viz.: Murtogh O Madden, George Nagle and James Inchin. The fourth debtor was Morrish Condon of Kilbarry in Knockmourne parish. The fifth debtor was Teige McGrath from Illtown in Brittas parish, County Limerick.[24]

In times of war and a breakdown in civil authority it is sometimes difficult to collect debts while others perhaps take advantage of not paying their debts. The three debtors from Mogeely parish possibly lived there but the two other debtors present a problem. If John Andrews was to recover his debts it would be good to know where your debtors are living. Morrish Condon was said to live at Kilbarry in Knockmourne parish but Kilbarry was not in that parish in the 17^th century but further west in Clondulane parish.[25] In the 19^th century Kilbarry was in the civil parish of Castlelyons.[26] Kilbarry was not mention in the Down Survey and David Condon was living there in 1659.[27] Thus it would appear the debt to John Andrews did not have serious consequences for the Condon family. Yet by naming Morrish Condon as a debtor to a British Protestant it condemned him to be declared an outlaw as recorded in 1663 in the Court of Claim where Morrish Boy Condon of Kilbarry was an outlaw.[28] It would seem that Morrish Condon did live in Kilbarry but that John Andrews didn’t known which parish the townland was situated in.

Elsewhere we are informed that Sir Walter Raleigh was granted Kilbarry as part of his 42,000 acre Irish estate in 1586. The plantation charter to Raleigh allowed him to acquire part of the Condon estates of east Cork if the former Earl of Desmond lands in Waterford and Cork were insufficient to make up the 42,000 acres. At some unknown date Sir Walter Raleigh granted a lease of 61 years on Kilbarry to Edmond Condon, the previous owners and father of Morrish Condon. In October 1630 Sir Richard Boyle instructed his agent Mr. Walley to distain seven parts of Kilbarry held by Morrish Condon and grant it to William McEdmond Condon. In return William Condon gave Boyle the lands held by Morrish Condon at Ballynehawe, Coole, Kilvallag and Fynoge. Sometime before 1630 Morrish Condon had succeeded his father at Kilbarry but refused to pay the rent to Boyle, who took him to court in the Minster Presidency. The deal with William Condon was to settle the law suit.[29] It seems that Morrish Condon was not good at repaying his debts or considered the New English settlers to be upstarts and he was still lord of his estates. Yet in November 1630 Boyle made a new lease with Morrish Condon for Kilbarry of 41 years.[30]

Teige McGrath of Illtown, in Brittas parish in County Limerick, is another person with a non valid address. In the first place there is no parish in County Limerick called Brittas. There was a place called Brittas in Caherconlish parish in the barony of Clanwilliam but no place called Illtown in that parish. Thomas Bourke, Baron Brittas, was the owner of much of Caherconlish parish in 1641 and there may have been a tenant called McGrath under him but was not recorded.[31] In 1659 there was no McGrath family members listed as living in Clanwilliam barony.[32] There were a number of McGrath people in Cuonagh barony but none who could be identified with Teige McGrath.[33] In 1657 a person called Teige McGrath left his mark as a County Limerick witness to the sale of lands in Counties Kerry and Limerick by Duke Crofton of County Roscommon to Thomas Green of Canterbury in England.[34] No actual address was given for this Teige McGrath but as a witness to a land deed during the Cromwellian period it appears he didn’t have any major legal bar upon him.

Barnard Guppy

Barnard Guppy of Shanakill, yeoman, said he lost £202 between October 1641 and 1^st December 1641. He lost £62 5s in the value of cows, heifers, bulls and one hog. He lost £6 worth of hay and £20 worth of corn from his haggard and house. Barnard Guppy was expelled from his farm at Shanakill and thus further lost £20 in the value of winter corn in the ground. When he made his deposition in August 1642 Barnard Guppy said that he still had 26 years yet to run on the lease of his farm on which he made £12 per year above the landlord’s rent. Barnard Guppy claimed £100 in losses by way of improvements he did to the farm in buildings and enclosures. He lost a further 40s in various husbandry implements. Barnard Guppy named Richard Condon and John Condon of Ballymacpatrick along with John and Richard Condon of Ballydorgan as the principle people who robbed him. It is not clear who removed Barnard Guppy from his farm or if he left because the area was unsafe for a British Protestant. He said that his neighbour, George Fabin of Shanakill, an Englishman, was murdered.[35] It is possible that Bernard Guppy and others who lost their farm didn’t lose them to the Irish rebels but because of assaults by the rebels were unable to pay their rent and thus lost their farms to their landlord rather than the farm taken over by the rebels. The documentary evidence is simply none existent to reach a conclusion. In March 1632 Sir Richard Boyle had lent £5 to Richard Fitz Edward Condon of Ballydorgan to help release Richard from the debtor’s prison in Dublin – how times change.[36]

On 25^th May 1637 Sir Richard Boyle, then 1^st Earl of Cork, was granted the release of the two ploughlands of Shanakill and Ballycullane (about 400 acres of statute measure), parcel of Mogeely manor, from Alexander Towse that the latter had inherited from his father Guy Towse. Sometime before 1602 Andrew Colthurst, agent for Sir Walter Raleigh, had granted to land to Guy Towse and Thomas Salisbury.[37] On 27^th February 1588 Thomas Salisbury, gent, had received a grant of 400 acres of Shanakill and Balycullane. On 25^th February 1589 Guy Towse, skinner from London, received a grant of the two ploughlands.[38]

A number of people with the surname of Guppy appear in various records of the 17^th century. In 1649 Sergeant John Guppy was a member of the Youghal garrison, under Lieutenant William Smyth, who swore fidelity to the English Parliament following the surrender of the town.[39] In the 1650s William Guppy held land at Dogcloyne in St. Finbarr’s parish, south of Cork city.[40]

Edward Markam

In June 1642 Edward Markam of Lockbreake (Lackbrack) in the parish of Mogeely, shearman and British Protestant, submitted a claim for losses between October 1641 and 5^th of February 1642 of £21 4s. These losses included £11 for cows and one mare; 14s of household goods; 30s of fruits in the garden to the value 40s. Edward Markam also was dispossessed of his farm at Lackbrack which still had nine years to run on the lease. This farm was worth £2 above the rent and was valued by Markam at £6. He did not know the names of the people who robbed him.[41]

Templevalley residents

Theodore Cumby

In June 1642 Theodore Cumby, a British Protestant husbandman from Templevalley, filed for losses of £209 10s relating to farms he held in Templevalley and Ballycullane in Mogeely parish along with land at Glanatore in Knockmourne parish. Initially losses were put at £246 but this was later reduced before the final claim was made to £209 10s. Theodore Cumby seems to have suffered most of his losses around 25^th February 1642 at the hands of Art O’Keeffe, a husbandman from Kilphillibeen in Ballynoe parish and unnamed rebels who had come to Tallow.[42]

Among the details of Theodore’s losses included £20 on the value of young and old cattle that he lost. He lost corn in the house and the haggard which was worth 40s. As Theodore Cumby was also expelled and driven away from his farm in Templevalley he also lost £37 worth in the value of winter corn that he had planted. Theodore Cumby also lost £33 in household goods and provisions which included bedding and clothes. Outside the house Theodore lost husbandry implements worth 30s. Later in his claim for compensation Theodore Cumby said he lost two stacks of bees worth 20s but it is unclear on what farm these bees were kept.

One of these farms was an unexpired lease of eighteen years on a parcel of land in Glinballyconelan (Ballycullane) which was worth £16 per year above the landlord’s rent. This land must have been no small parcel as Theodore placed a value of £126 on the loss of improvements and buildings on the farm. Theodore Cumby was further dispossessed of his farm at Glenatore in Knockmourne parish upon which, as of June 1642, he had five and a half years yet to run on the lease. Theodore Cumby had made improvements and constructed buildings on the farm to the value of £27 10s which were also lost. This farm was worth £11 per year above the landlord’s rent.[43]

John Russell

John Russell of GlanBalliconlane (Ballycullane), husbandman, said he lost £34 between October 1641 and 25^th February 1642 by various unnamed persons from the barony of Imokilly. Of this amount £18 was attributed to lost household goods while £16 worth of animals was lost, comprising of horses along with old and young cattle.[44] A husbandman was in medieval and early modern times seen as a free tenant, or small farmer, below the rank of a yeoman. In his deposition in June 1642 John Russell said that he heard that three people from Tallowbridge, namely; John Foster, John Orten and Walter Shoulder were killed by the rebels. John Russell went on to say that he saw John Foster stripped naked and killed by the rebels at Tallowbridge.[45] In 1611 John Foster was a gentleman in the horse company of the plantation militia of tenants belonging to Sir Richard Boyle. In 1611 Walter Shoulder was a drummer in the foot company of the plantation militia and John Orten was a pikeman in the plantation militia.[46] This would place all three man in their mid fifties to mid sixties in 1641/2 were they were allegedly killed by rebels at Tallowbridge.

In 1611 Edward Russell was a lieutenant in the foot company of Sir Richard Boyle’s plantation militia. A pikeman in the foot company was William Russell. Three other people, Edmond Russell, Michael Russell and William Russell, were riflemen in the foot company.[47] It is not certain if John Russell of 1641 was of the same family as any of these earlier people. Under the organisation of Boyle’s Irish estates then tenants of Youghal, the manors of Inchiquin, Kinnatalloon and Coole along with the lands of Kilmacow and Boyle’s possessions in Cork city were to furnish 58 foot soldiers and 37 horses for the estate militia.[48]   

Glenballycullane as seen from Glengoura church

John Williams

In early March 1642 John Williams of Balleren (Ballyerrin) lost £87 of which chattels amounted to £42 along with 20s in household goods when Captain Fennell and his company came to Tallow. John Williams was further expelled from his farm at Ballerrin where he still had three lives of a lease yet to run. This farm made £4 per year above the landlord’s rent. He lost £24 by such expulsion. John Williams was also expelled from another holding near Balleren (Ballyerrin) to the loss of £20 on which he had seven years yet to run on the lease and was valued by him as making £6 per year above the rent.[49] 

John Rowe

In August 1642 John Rowe, a yeoman from Templevalley, said he was robbed in early March 1642 of £29 6s (changed in the file to £30) of which household goods amounted to 14s and £29 6s in cows, one heifer and some pigs. John Rowe said some of his cattle were driven away by Anthony Scriuener, an English Protestant living in Mogeely/Templevalley parish.[50]  John Rowe didn’t consider this one act of unrest as sufficient to leave Templevalley or to seek refuge in the castles of Kilmacow and Mogeely as some locals appeared to have done. Considering what happened in August 1642 John Rowe may have done good to move to these castles.

In December 1642 John Rowe of Templevalley made another deposition in which he claimed losses of £51 8s. This amount was composed of £36 8s for cows, heifers and pigs; £10 in household goods and £5 in hay. These losses appear to be a re-evaluation of the early losses rather than new losses. In this second deposition Mary, his wife, said that in August 1642 two men called Morris MacShane and John Oge came and attacked Rowe’s house breaking windows and doors. The two stole household goods of no declared value. Before leaving the two stripped Mary and her three children, Mary, Ann and John junior.[51] The text says stripped but rape would not be too far from having the same meaning. Up until recent times a successful prosecution in court for rape was not easily done. Instead women sought redress by claiming loss of goods taken at the time of the rape.[52] The increase in the value of losses suffered in March may therefore be to seek compensation for the rape of Mary and her children. Like other people who filed depositions in 1642, the Rowe family were residents in the area for at least three or four decades. In 1611 John Roe was a pikeman in the plantation militia of Sir Richard Boyle.[53]

Simon Randall

In June 1642 Simon Randall of Gortnawherre (Gortnafira) in the parish of Mogeely, husbandman and British Protestant, submitted losses of goods and chattels  to the value of £18 10s between October 1641 and 25^th February 1642. He lost £14 on the value of cattle, young and old along with one mare. He lost a further £3 on the value of corn stored in his house and 30s on household goods. Simon Randall accused Mary Fitzgerald of GlunballicolliLane (Ballycullane), a widow, and her tenants, the names of whom he didn’t know, as the principle robbers of his property.[54] In 1611 Henry Randall was a pikeman in the plantation militia of Sir Richard Boyle.[55]

In October 1630 Sir Richard Boyle instructed the several tenants of Glanballyconnelan that they should pay their rents on that ploughland to Thomas Fitzgerald until further notice. Boyle also told his tenants that he would give two months warning to pay the rent to Boyle if circumstances changed.[56] It would appear that Mary Fitzgerald was the widow of Thomas Fitzgerald and that in her view the charter of 1630 had not changed and she was thus due the rents from Ballycullane. The Thomas Fitzgerald referred to was possibly the same Thomas Fitzgerald whose family once held Kilmacow, in the east of Mogeely parish. By March 1633 Thomas Fitzgerald had lost Kilmacow and Christopher Bluett of Youghal paid Sir Richard Boyle rent for same. Boyle clear Bluett of £12 rent arrears on Kilmacow as Bluett was owed a debt from Fitzgerald that was considered beyond recovery.[57]

Receiving compensation for claims

The 1641 depositions were partially use to record losses suffered by Protestants and put a monetary value on them for compensation. The other reason for the depositions was to identify people who had rebelled or committed acts against English settlers and so identify those for punishment. But the war and civil unrest did not cease in 1642. Instead the war continued until 1653 when the English government finally gained control over the whole country. After more than ten years of war the government was short on cash to arrange compensation and so seized land belonging to the rebels for redistribution to government supporters, financiers, and as compensation for those who had suffered losses. Of the nine people who filed depositions for losses in the parish of Mogeely/Templevalley, only one, Walter Croker, seems to have got compensation.

Walter Croker received the property of RoovesMore and Roovesbeg in the parish of Aglish in the barony of Muskerry in mid County Cork. In 1641 this property contained one ploughland and eight gneeves and was held by Teige McCormuck McCarthy with a total value of £60. The land then had a grist mill (£4 value) and a decayed tucking mill (£2 value). There was 400 arable acres of which 180 acres was profitable along with 511 acres of pasture of which 120 acres was profitable. There was 60 acres of forestry fit for shipbuilding, 30 acres of shrubby wood and 10 acres of red bog. The property was held of the manor of Kilcrea from Lord Muskerry by a chief rent of £16 8s.[58] As Walter Croker recovered his farm at Curraglass, and this remained with his descendants until 1911 when it was inherited by a cousin in New Zealand, the compensation of RoovesMore was possibly for Croker not recovering the farm at Modeligo which had a different history in the 18^th and 19^th centuries.

In the 23^rd year Charles II Walter Croker along with Sir Boyle Maynard of Curraglass and Col. Randal Clayton got a grant of land in the barony of Ardagh in County Longford around Killogen.[59]

Conclusion

The 1641 depositions give us an insight into life in the untied parish of Mogeely/Templevalley in the early 1640s. We observe large farmers with two and three farms (Walter Croker of Curraglass and Theodore Cumby of Templevalley) inter mixed with small farmers, all claiming to be British Protestants. These deponents were mostly engaged in mixed farming of livestock and tillage. No person engaged in a trade filed a deposition for losses from Mogeely parish. The farmers including Walter Croker, gentleman, held their land by lease of years and lives from unknown persons. It is presumed that the Earl of Cork was the landlord of most of the farmers but the deponents could have leased their land from intermediate landlords. The tenant farmers expended their own money on improvements to their rented farms as in the case of Bernard Guppy and Theodore Cumby. Edward Markham had fruits trees on his farm at Lackbrack while Theodore Cumby kept bees. We are told of a number of people who owed money to the deponents but it is not recorded who the deponents were debtors of. Most of the losses occurred between February and April 1642 with the Condon family of Ballymacpatrick and its associated families among known rebels. Other people like Art O’Keeffe and Mrs. Fitzgerald seemed to attack the New English settlers to recover debts or rent due and don’t appear to be active rebels. The unrest and breakdown of government control seemed to have encouraged some deponents not to pay their debts which forced a reaction by their Irish creditors.

Some Protestant creditors were also forced into exposing themselves to punishment for causing unrest like Anthony Scriuener taking cattle from John Rowe of Templevalley, presumingly by way of recovering a debt. Some Protestant settlers in the wider River Bride valley seemed to have taken advantage of the absence of government forces to attack Irish tenants and workers, to acquire the possessions of the Irish or provoke a reaction the could be punished by the government.

There is also the question of absence as it is difficult to see the nine deponents as the only British Protestant settlers in the Mogeely/Templevalley parish. The Pyne family of Mogeely castle didn’t file a claim for losses as didn’t Boyle Maynard of Curraglass. Elizabeth Danvers, sister of Nicholas Pine of Mogeely castle, did file a claim for losses on a farm she had with her husband Thomas Danvers in the parish of Ballybrassell in Kilkenny (leased from Richard Strange of Dunkitt) to the value of £700. At Mogeely Elizabeth Danvers held a farm worth £20 by jointure with her late husband William Towse which she included in her losses.[60] In March 1643 Nicholas Pine was imprisoned at Youghal on charges of attacking and robbing his neighbours at Mogeely and favouring the Irish over the English.[61] Samuel Maynard of Curraglass was killed in battle on 3^rd July 1642 at Bewley near Cappoquin when Lord Broghills horse and troop company fought an Irish force led by John Fitzgerald of Kilminnin, Co. Waterford.[62] Samuel Maynard could have suffered losses on his Curraglass farm but his death in July 1642 prevented him lodging a deposition. Yet none of his family made a deposition which may suggest that they suffered no losses apart from the death of Samuel.   

At the end of any article or book it is nice to be able to round up all the evidence and come to a clear conclusion, yet there is no clear conclusion. The 1641 depositions were traditionally seen as a record of attacks by Catholic Irish rebels on British Protestants settlers. Yet the nine depositions from Mogeely/Templevalley parish show a mixed situation with unrest committed by both sides. The 1641 rebellion is seen by some as a civil war and in a civil war there are no clear lines of blame or innocence. The united parish of Mogeely/Templevalley was a mixed community of English Protestant settlers, of one or two generations, and Irish native families. They interacted with each other, working on their farms and trading in crops and livestock. They were economically bounded up together but these bounds were not strong enough in the nationalist and religious war of the 1640s. Some like Walter Croker returned to live in Mogeely parish after the war but most of the deponents seemed to have disappeared from the records. Of course the records themselves are few for the second half of the 17^th century compared to the vast amount for the first half of the century. The Irish families of Fitzgerald and O’Keeffe appeared to have lived on after the war, possibly reduced in circumstances, yet still part of the mixed community with its mixed history. Thus we conclude with a mixture of conclusions.   

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[1] Grosart, Rev. Alexander (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series): Selections from the Private and Public (or state) correspondence of Sir Richard Boyle, First and ‘Great’ Earl of Cork (5 vols. London, 1888), vol. 4, p. 178

[2] Canny, Nicholas, ‘The 1641 Depositions as a source for the writing of social history: County Cork as a case study’, in Patrick O’Flanagan & Cornelius G. Buttimer (eds.), Cork History and Society : Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin, 1993), pp. 249-308, at p. 301

[3] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 824.80

[4] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), vol. 4, pp. 224, 225

[5] Hayman, Rev. Samuel, The hand-book for Youghal (Youghal, 1896, reprint Youghal, 1973), p. 32

[6] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), vol. 4, pp. 244, 245

[7] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), vol. 4, p. 249

[8] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 34

[9] Gillman, Herbert Webb, ‘The Rise and Progress in Munster of the Rebellion, 1642’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Volume II (Second Series), 1896, pp. 63-79, at p. 70

[10] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), vol. 5, pp. 16, 17

[11] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 34

[12] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 820, fol. 316v, made a Cork 14^th August 1645

[13] Caulfield, Richard (ed.), The council book of the corporation of Youghal (Guildford, 1878), p. lii

[14] Caulfield (ed.), The council book of the corporation of Youghal, p. 553

[15] Caulfield (ed.), The council book of the corporation of Youghal, p. liii

[16] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.6

[17] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 18

[18] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, MS 43,142/2 and MS 43,142/3; Ball, Stephen (ed.), Collection List No. 129: The Lismore Castle Papers (Dublin, 2007), p. 93

[19] Lisnabrin House Archives, Document One, Lease between Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, and Walter Coppinger and trustees, 1^st March 1633

[20] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, MS 43,142/4

[21] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.6

[22] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.6

[23] O’Sullivan, Melanie & Kevin McCarthy, Cappoquin: A Walk Through History (Cappoquin, 2000), p. 77

[24] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 822.156

[25] Pender, Séamus (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659 with essential materials from the Poll Money Ordinances 1660-1661 (Dublin, 2002), p. 235

[26] Griffith’s Valuation, Kilbarry, Castlelyons parish, Condons and Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[27] Casey, Albert Eugene & Thomas O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 11, p. 933; Pender (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659, p. 235

[28] Tallon, Geraldine (ed.), Court of Claims: Submissions and Evidence 1663 (Dublin, 2006), no. 882

[29] Grosart, Rev. Alexander (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series): Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle (5 vols. London, 1886), vol. 3, p. 55

[30] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 3, p. 62. In November 1630 there was still 21 years unexpired on the Raleigh lease on Kilbarry.

[31] Simington, Robert C. (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Limerick Vol. IV with a section of Clanmaurice Barony, Co. Kerry (Dublin, 1938), p. 63

[32] Pender (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659, p. 275

[33] Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Limerick Vol. IV, pp. 26, 29, 55

[34] Ainsworth, John (ed.), The Inchiquin Manuscripts (Dublin, 1961), no. 1086

[35] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.7

[36] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 3, p. 130

[37] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 5, pp. 8, 9

[38] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, pp. 17, 18

[39] Caulfield (ed.), The council book of the corporation of Youghal, p. 560

[40] Tallon (ed.), Court of Claims: Submissions and Evidence 1663, no. 625

[41] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.136

[42] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 825.114

[43] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 825.114

[44] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.9

[45] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.9

[46] Brewer, J.S. & William Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts preserved in the Archiepiscopal library at Lambeth (6 vols. London, 1873, reprint Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 6 (1603-1624), pp. 89, 90

[47] Brewer & Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts, vol. 6 (1603-1624), pp. 89, 91

[48] Day, Robert, ‘Historical Notes of the County and City of Cork’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Volume 1 (1892), pp. 1-324, at p. 32

[49] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.77

[50] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 823.84

[51] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 824.155

[52] Kimball, Elizabeth G. (ed.), Roll of the Gloucestershire Sessions of the Peace, 1361-1398 (Kendall, 1942), p. 46

[53] Brewer & Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts, vol. 6 (1603-1624), p. 89

[54] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 825.288

[55] Brewer & Bullen (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts, vol. 6 (1603-1624), p. 90

[56] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 3, pp. 55, 56

[57] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 3, p. 183

[58] Simington, Robert C. (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford Vol. VI with appendices: Muskerry Barony, Co. Cork: Kilkenny City and Liberties (part), also valuations, circa 1663-64 for Waterford and Cork Cities (Dublin, 1942), p. 307

[59] National Archives of Ireland, Lodge MSS, 13, fol. 160

[60] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 820, fol. 316v, made a Cork 14^th August 1645

[61] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), vol. 5, p. 222

[62] Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 820, fol. 54v, made 15^th August 1642 by Hugh Croker of Cappoquin; also Trinity College Dublin, 1641 Depositions, 820, fol. 135r, made at Waterford, 11^th August 1642, by William Ledshaw

Last Day of Passenger & General Freight on the Mallow to Waterford Railway

Last Day of Passenger & General Freight on the Mallow to Waterford Railway

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Easter Saturday, 25^th March 1967, was just another day for most people who lived through that day but for passenger and general freight on the Mallow to Waterford railway line it was to be the last day. Although the section of track between Mallow and Fermoy was built in 1860, that part of the line from Fermoy to Waterford was not even a hundred years old. The nineteenth century had seen the invention of the modern railway. It replaced canal and river transport in a few places but the expansion of the railway network entered parts of the country that possibly never saw an outsider since Cromwell. Yet, in the twentieth century, the railway itself was usurped by the internal combustion engine of road transport. The large quantity of lorries left over from the Great War, coupled with the destruction of the Irish railway network in the civil war, gave road transport a foot into the freight transport business that it never left go. Bus transport also increased and after the formation of Córas Iompair Éireann in 1945 the bus competition faced by the railways more often than not came from within the same company.

On 20^th January 1967 CIE announced in the government publication, Iris Oifigiuil, that it intended to close three lines on Saturday, 25^th March 1967. These lines were, the Thurles to Clonmel, the Charleville to Patrickswell and the last cross country mainline, the Mallow to Waterford line.[1] Of course the 25^th March 1967 is therefore quoted by many as the last day of the Mallow to Waterford line but it was not the absolute closing day. The line from Ballinacourty to Waterford was re-opened in 1970 for the Quigley dolomite trains until July 1982 and in the early twenty-first century the Waterford Suir Valley Railway established a narrow gauge passenger train service between Kilmeaden and Waterford. Thus the 25^th March 1967 is the last day of standard gauge passenger and general freight traffic on the Mallow to Waterford line.

Of course the last day could have happened that the previous day, 24^th March as B130, hauling a long goods train of 16 wagons and a brake van, derailed in the goods siding at Ballyduff station. The derailment stopped all the trains for over two hours as B130 had left its train standing on the main while it went into the siding to collect a wagon. A bus had to come from Cork to Lismore to collect the stranded passengers of the Rosslare Express as it couldn’t pass through Ballyduff until the goods train was cleared away later in the day by the Mallow pilot, C230. [2]

Group at Fermoy station on the last day

The last day, 25^th March 1967

The first of the last passenger trains on the Mallow to Waterford line left Rosslare at 06.15 on Saturday, 25^th March 1967, bound for Cork. This would be the last westbound Rosslare Express as on Monday, 27^th March it went to Cork via Limerick Junction. The locomotive B172 pulled 8 bogie carriages, one bogie van and a heater van with 116 passengers. The train left Waterford 33 minutes behind the working time table and its speed reduced as it headed west as it arrived in Mallow 48 minutes behind time. There was little fanfare at Mallow for the Rosslare “non” Express. Instead the train continued its journey to Cork, arriving well past its 10.05 scheduled time of arrival.[3]

At 9.20am the last up local passenger train left Waterford for Mallow with 38 passengers. This train consisted of 3 bogies, a bogie van and a heater van with B123 providing the pulling power. In contrast to B172 when B123 pulled into Mallow it was greeted by fog-signals. Also in contrast with the first up train B123 came into Mallow before its due time.[4] This was important as the train was a connection service in Mallow for the 11.30 ex Cork to Dublin train.[5] It may have been the last day of the Mallow to Waterford railway line but there was still a railway service to run.

At 13.30 the last down local passenger train service left Cork pulled by B124 and consisting of 4 bogies, one luggage van and a heater van.[6] The train driver was said to be Bill Conway.[7] This train left Mallow at 14.30 with an unknown number of passengers. The one hour between Cork and Mallow was mostly spent standing in Mallow station as the train waited for the connection service with the Dublin and Kerry trains.[8] A few passengers got on the train at a number of the stations along the route to make a short sentimental journal and say in later years that they were on the last train. Michael Walsh of Grange outside Fermoy purchased a second class ticket to travel from Fermoy to Ballyduff.[9] At Fermoy a number of passengers, visitors and railway staff had their photograph taken on the platform in front of B124 to mark the occasion and say that they were there. The photographer also took a photo of all the railway staff of Fermoy station. The staff included Tommy Power, Ned Coill, Bill Conway, Billy Clifford, Denis Gavighan, Tim Hannon, John Barry, Liam Dowling, Cal Cotter, Jackie Carr, Jim Cotter, Brendan Flynn, Don Callaghan, Mattie Jeffers, George Tobin and Paddy Power.[10]

It is said that B124 began its journey as a very quiet train but along the way a group of passengers had decided to have a farewell party. The train stopped at Ballyduff as part of its regular schedule but by that time the passengers had become rowdies. The train stayed at the station until the garda at Ballyduff arrived and got onboard. B124 then left Ballyduff with the rowdies still on the train. The train passed through Tallow Road station without any change but when it reached Lismore the rowdies were removed from the train. The Ballyduff garda was possibly helped in this job by the Lismore gardaí. B124 then continued its journey eastwards. The Ballyduff garda then waited at Lismore station for B131 which was pulling the Waterford to Mallow goods train and got a lift back to Ballyduff station.[11]

 While B124 was making its way between Ballyduff and Lismore a big rain shower descended on west Waterford but by the time the train reached Cappoquin the rain had cleared and the sun came out. The experience with the rowdies at Lismore meant that a small garda present was on the Cappoquin platform when the train arrived. Photos of the day show people of all ages, especially many children, who were possibly brought there by their parents to observe a bit of history and to say in later years that they were there. A number of people got on and off the train, some travelling for the occasion while others were heading for the boat at Rosslare.[12]

The closure of the railway led to fifteen job losses in the Cappoquin area alone. Some of the older employees took retirement while others left the area to work on the railway many miles away from Cappoquin. Jackie Greene, the station master at Cappoquin and a railway employee of 40 years service, was told by CIE in a very brief note that his services were no longer required. It said ‘I am to inform you that, due to the closing of the above line, your services will not be required at Cappoquin after 25^th March 1967’.[13] He was later offered a railway job some forty miles away for 21s 7d per week but he declined the offer and instead took retirement.[14] The Greene family had held various jobs at Cappoquin railway station over many generations back to at least the 1890s with John Greene as porter for the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway.[15] At other stations many of the staff were transferred to other stations. Tommy Power after 1967 became a railway inspector at Cork’s Kent station while Mattie Jeffers transferred to the accounts department at Cork.[16] Denis Gavagan had worked at Fermoy station from 1952 to 1967 became station master at Ballyhaunis in Co. Mayo.[17]

At 18.20 the last Rosslare Express to leave Cork for the Mallow to Waterford line left with 6 bogies, one heater van and 160 passengers pulled by B121. This was reportedly the quietest train of the day with few passengers going along just for the sentimental journey. Many, like most of the passengers on the ex Cork Rosslare Express for the previous decade, were on the train with a one way ticket for the boat in Rosslare and emigration. This train served Mallow, Fermoy, Ballyduff, Lismore, Cappoquin, Dungarvan and Kilmacthomas before arriving in Waterford some eight minutes late.[18]

In the stations that the train didn’t stop at, the station staff were still on duty. At Clondulane station, by then classified as a halt, Franks Somers watched the Express pass through with his young nephew, Gabriel Carton. Frank Somers was the last halt keeper at Clondulane station.[19] The last Rosslare Express didn’t stop at Durrow but Paddy Joe Maher, the last station master, was still on duty to work the signal cabin and see it through. He then locked up and got on his motorbike and went home. After the closure he stayed with the railway and retrained as a train driver. Paddy Joe sometime drove the dolomite trains to Ballinacourty, passing through his old station as its fabric slowly fell apart.[20]

B121 left Dungarvan station at 20.20 or 20.30 on that last Saturday night, sources differ on the time.[21] as the train pass through the causeway level crossing in Abbeyside, said to be the longest level crossing in Europe, the stopped cars blew their horns at the passing train while the driver responded with the ‘diesel engine’s own peculiar horn’. It was reported that about 40 people boarded the train at Dungarvan for Kilmacthomas.[22] In contrast to Dungarvan, there were no fog-signals or hooting to greet the train in Waterford.[23] Instead, after a short stop, it proceeded onwards to Rosslare via the South Wexford line, arriving at 22.15.[24] Dungarvan station was removed and demolished over the following few years such that today the Waterford County Council machinery yard, which was built on the site, shows no evidence that a railway station ever existed.[25]

Dungarvan Railway Station after the closure

Last freight traffic

While the last passenger trains were going up and down the Mallow to Waterford line on 25^th March there were also a number of freight trains operating on the line. B131 left Waterford at 09.40 with the Mallow bound goods train (arrival time of 18.45). The train consisted of about 3 or 4 covered vans and a few open wagons. This wasn’t just a train out for a drive as it appears to have done some freight business along the route. For example, B131 was photographed at Cappoquin and Lismore and in the Lismore photo appears to have dropped down an open wagon at possibly Cappoquin where it was clearly seen in the Cappoquin photo in between two covered vans.[26]

The eastbound Mallow to Waterford goods train was pulled by B122 in its original silver/grey livery. According to the time table it left Mallow at 07.00 with an expected arrival in Waterford at 19.10. This train also did work along the route as it was photographed at Cappoquin shunting wagons.[27] According to the working time table the eastbound and westbound freight trains met at Cappoquin where the crew changed trains and returned to their starting station. It would appear that the crews did this also on the last day as both trains were photographed in Cappoquin station at the same time.[28]

The local Waterford to Dungarvan freight train operated on the last day going to Dungarvan and later returning to Waterford. But we don’t know what locomotive pulled this train or what it consisted off.

From Monday, 27^th March 1967, onwards no passenger or freight trains operated on the Mallow to Waterford line as part of any public service but a good number of freight wagons were left at various stations at the end of schedule services. A number of open wagons and covered vans were left at Lismore station to be collected, for example.[29] Further down the line a bitumen tanker was photographed at Dungarvan station.[30] CIE did have plans to continue to operate a goods train between Waterford and Dungarvan after the 25^th March but later changed their mind when the magnesite factory became a better financial option. Occasionally bitumen tankers were carried by train between Waterford and Ballinacourty for Waterford County Council in the 1970s for making tar for the roads.

Demolition of the line

For a number of months after March 1967 the line lay untouched. Then on 11^th January 1968 CIE broke the line east of Lismore at milepost 32¾ and began to pull up the trackway towards Dungarvan with a plan to stop at mile post 45¾. By 11^th March they had got as far as milepost 38¼ at Ballyhane. Beginning demolition at Lismore, and in January, was putting the cart before the horse by CIE as they were not the sole owners of this part of the Mallow to Waterford line. The track between Fermoy and Waterford was owned by the Fishguard & Rosslare Railway & Harbours Company of which CIE only had a 50% share. The other half was owned by British Rail. Although CIE had issued an abandonment order for the line in late 1967, the Fishguard Company did not meet until 4^th April 1968 to approve of the abandonment order. By which time nearly 10 miles of the Fishguard track had been removed by CIE before the Fishguard Company agreed for its removal.[31]

This action by CIE was typical of its previous activities to rid itself of this line. In July 1962 CIE had begun to sell off parts of the railway line when it had no legal powers to do so and the line was still functioning for another 4½ years. sections of the 1966 Transport Act had to be included to give retrospective powers to CIE to sell the land and give the buyers of July 1962 proper legal title.

Ballinacourty magnesite trains, 1970-82

Yet CIE didn’t wholly succeed in ridding itself of the Mallow to Waterford line. Early in 1968 the Quigley Magnesite Group lodged plans to build a dolomite processing facility at Ballinacourty, a short distance east of Dungarvan. The factory intending to transport dolomite by train from Bennettsbridge to Ballinacourty to make magnesite which would then be transported by train to Tivoli Docks in Cork for export. In May 1968 a trail heavy train consisting of open wagons and a number of brake vans to make a train of over 500 tons was run between Waterford and Dungarvan to test if the trackway could hold up to the heavy trains of dolomite and processed magnesite that would travel over the line.[32] On 14^th September 1968 the first sod was turned on the new factory.[33] On 9^th December 1968 a Railway Works Order was issued to build a new line of track of about two miles off the old Dungarvan to Waterford line to the new factory. When the new run-around track was finished at the factory in early 1970 the spur line through Abbeyside to Dungarvan was removed. The Ballinacourty factory ceased operation in July 1982 and the line was left unused until 1993 while a new abandonment order was issued. Diggers aided by tractor and trailers lifted the line between Ballinacourty and the Suir Bridge near Waterford. On 25^th March 2017 the former railway line from Dungarvan to Waterford was re-opened as the Waterford Greenway, fifty years to the day of the last mainline passenger services ended – while – for the present anyway. Originally the Quigley Company had planned to gather dolomite also from a quarry at Lombardstown near Mallow and if it continued these plans the whole of the Mallow to Waterford line could have been retained after 1967 for the dolomite trains and thus stay long enough open for an extended greenway but this didn’t happen.[34] Instead the line between Mallow and Dungarvan was removed and the permanent way was much demolition by its many new owners including various branches of local government.

Passenger trains today on the Kilmeaden to Waterford line

Because of the Quigley magnesite factory, the line between Ballinacourty and Waterford stayed open long enough for the public appreciated of the railway to grow. Originally it was hoped in the 1990s to re-open the line for tourist trains with the possibility of continuing into Dungarvan as the trackway there had not been built upon between 1970 and the 1990s. But the plan was considered by the authorities to be too expensive and it was stopped in its tracks. Instead the Waterford Suir Valley Railway was formed to run a narrow gauge railway between Kilmeaden and Waterford. Thus the 25^th March 1967 was not the final last day of passenger trains on the old Mallow to Waterford railway as a small part of that line now runs passenger trains again.

Mary Hickey poem on the last day

Mary Regan Hickey was born on Bere Island and moved to the mainland as a teenager. Although Mary had no secondary education she taught herself. She learnt to type and could shorthand to 150 words per minute. Her first employment was as secretary of the copper mine at Ahillies. When the mine closed in 1930 she moved to Fermoy and got a job in a solicitor firm. In Fermoy she also found a husband and had to give up her job. Yet Mary Hickey remained active giving talks on secretarial skills, history research and writing poetry. One of her poems was on the last train in Fermoy which records the day in march 1967 and a tribute to past railwaymen.[35]

The Last Train by Mary Hickey[36]

The sombre shades of eventide are drawing to a close,

And cherished dreams of bygone days now everywhere arose.

Though with downcast hearts all waited to see that train again,

Come chugging on, for the last time, enwrapped in memories chain.

 

Hark! ‘Tis the whistle sounding; the train is drawing nigh,

A sound, Alas! We’ll hear no more at the Station in Fermoy.

Ah! Now the train has stopped, anon, the interval is brief,

As the last farewells are spoken in accents filled with grief.

 

The last lone whistle fills the air and in its ringing chime,

Fond mem’ries are wafted back o’er the transient wings of Time.

And golden dreams of blissfulness mirrored in yesteryears,

Are caught in the last lingering note and meshed with parting tears.

 

And so we bid adieu to that train we’ll see no more,

For it runs on its last journey to Rosslare’s shelt’ring shore.

But the memory of that evening will live with our GOODBYE,

And kindle recollections of ‘Excursions’ filled with joy.

 

And in the years, perchance, to come we’ll pause now and again,

To hear within our hearts, anon, the echo of that train,

That sped along so swiftly from out our saddened view,

Chugging its way with gallant mien o’er the waters of Avondhu.

 

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[1] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[2] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 4

[3] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[4] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[5] Murray, D., ‘Mallow to Waterford’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 18, No. 121 (June, 1993), pp. 236-250, at p. 250

[6] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[7] Fermoy, Facebook page, 7^th January 2012, photo of passengers and staff in front of B124 at Fermoy, comment by Michael Jordan, March 2023

[8] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 250

[9] Roche, Christy, A Glimpse of Grange: The Story of a Rural Irish School (Fermoy, 2001), p. 58

[10] Fermoy, Facebook page, 7^th March 2012

[11] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[12] O’Sullivan, Melanie & Kevin McCarthy, Cappoquin: A Walk Through History (Cappoquin, 1999), p. 403

[13] Letter in possession of the Greene family of Cappoquin, dated 9^th February 1967

[14] O’Sullivan & McCarthy, Cappoquin: A Walk Through History, p. 404

[15] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 365

[16] Fermoy, Facebook page, photo of the Fermoy railway staff in march 1967, posted 7^th March 2012, comment by John Gleeson made in 2013

[17] Fermoy, Facebook page, photo of the Fermoy railway staff in march 1967, posted 7^th March 2012, comment by Maire Ni Giolladubh (Gavagan) made in 2013

[18] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[19] Information by Gabriel Carton to the author, 20^th March 2023

[20] Interview with Paddy Joe Maher by the author, 10^th October 2022

[21] Flaherty, Cian, William Fraher, Julian Walton & Willie Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway: a history of Dungarvan, Abbeyside, Stradbally, Kilmacthomas, Portlaw & Waterford City (Dungarvan, 2018), p. 254 says 20.20 hours; Hickey, Tom & John Keane, Stradbally na Déise (Stradbally, 2007), p. 176 says 20.30 hours

[22] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 254

[23] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1967, p. 3

[24] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 249

[25] Power, Patrick C., A History of Dungarvan Town and District (Dungarvan, 2000), p. 292

[26] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at pp. 245, 250

[27] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at pp. 247, 250

[28] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at pp. 247, 250

[29] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 245

[30] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 248

[31] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 250; Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An Illustrated History (Newtownards, 2015), p. 43

[32] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1968, p. 10

[33] Irish Railway Society Bulletin, 1968, p. 9

[34] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, pp. 236-250, at p. 250

[35] Garner, Edward, ‘Mary Hickey – Historian & Poetess’, in J.J. Bunyan (ed.), A sense of Fermoy, Vol. 1 (Fermoy, n.d.), pp. 71, 72

[36] Garner, ‘Mary Hickey – Historian & Poetess’, in Bunyan (ed.), A sense of Fermoy, Vol. 1, p. 73

Foynes Railway Station and Line

Foynes Railway Station and Line

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Limerick and Foynes Railway Company was incorporated by Act of Parliament in 1853 to build a railway between Limerick and Foynes. It was the opinion of a number of locals and those living in Ireland and Britain that Foynes could develop as a port for transatlantic steamers. Lord Monteagle, the landlord of Foynes, had spent £4,500 developing the port along with money from other sources including government grants. By 12^th July 1856 the railway reached Rathcale (Rathkeale), more generally known as Ballingrane having passed through Fort Etna Road, Patrick’s Well (later written as Patrickswell) and Adare with a station at each location.[1] By 27^th April 1858 the line reached Foynes having an intermediate station at Askeaton.[2] Later a halt was opened at Kildobbin between Patrickswell and Adare. From the beginning the operation of the Foynes railway was given to the Waterford and Limerick Railway Company who had contributed £5,000 to the construction. They provided three trains a day in summer and two trains a day in winter with a journey time of about an hour and a quarter.[3] Over time the Waterford and Limerick Railway subscribed £17,500 to the Limerick and Foynes Railway and in 1867 received £3,700 for working the Foynes line. In 1868 the W&LR sought permission of Parliament to purchase £5,850 preference shares in the L&FR.[4]

Foynes Railway Station

The Limerick and Foynes Railway had an authorised share capital of £175,000 and borrowing powers of £43,300 but the Company didn’t used all these limits. In June 1867 the Company had £97,037 in issued ordinary shares, £28,488 in preference shares and £17,500 in debentures issues along with £25,773 in borrowings from the Loan Commission. It’s liabilities over assets was £29,249 in June 1867.[5] A major shareholder in the Foynes Company, with one third of the share capital, was William Dargan, the railway engineer, who not only constructed the Foynes railway but many others in Ireland. William Dargan saw the railway as opening Foynes as a river port with a steamer service on the Shannon Estuary between Limerick and Foynes where passengers could travel one way by water and return by train.[6] William Dargan used his own steamer, the Kelpie, for this circular service and in August 1860 generated £88 of income within the total receipts of the Limerick and Foynes Railway of £216. Of this income passenger income was three times that generated from freight traffic.[7]

But after 1860 William Dargan lost interest in the Foynes railway and sold his shares to William Malcomson, who only a short time before was elected chairman of the Waterford and Limerick Railway.[8] This sale of shares may have had something to do with the unsuccessful attempt in 1861 to change the working partner of the Foynes line from the W&LR to the Great Southern and Western Railway (GS&WR). The GS&WR had invested in the L&FR back in 1856. The Foynes Company were also unsuccessfully at getting a licence to operate its own steamers on the Shannon.[9] At about the same time the GS&WR attempted an unsuccessful to take over the W&LR.[10]

Another director and major shareholder was the Earl of Dunraven with his seat at Adare. Dunraven hoped that the Foynes railway would allow the port there to become a transatlantic port for steam ships. This didn’t happen but in the early twentieth century Foynes did become the location for transatlantic flying boats. Sometime after 1860 the Earl of Dunraven followed Dargan and sold his shares to William Malcomson.[11] As for Foynes port, it developed only as a summer port for traffic on the Shannon Estuary.[12]

It would seem that many of the Foynes Company directors had little interest in the line. At two meetings in 1864, the legal quorum of 10 shareholders with £10,000 share capital was not reach even with 15 directors supposedly on the board. The fabric of the line was also questionable at that time lack of ballast in a number of places, 174 rotten sleepers in every mile and the little used halt at Fort Etna avoided closure by the W&LR because the L&FR paid the W&LR 10s per week to keep it open.[13]  

Train services and control in the 1860s

In 1867 the train services to Foynes were altered to the detriment of people wishing to go direct to Foynes from Limerick with the opening on 1^st January 1967 of the line between Ballingrane and Newcastle West. The Waterford and Limerick Railway became operators of the Rathkeale and Newcastle Junction Railway. Under new arrangements the W&L desired to serve both places with just one locomotive and train. Thus the passenger train would leave Limerick and stop at Ballingrane Junction where the Foynes passengers would get off. The train would then go on to Newcastle West and drop its passengers there before reversing back to Ballingrane and pick up the waiting passengers for Foynes. People going for Newcastle West to Limerick would also have to wait at Ballingrane Junction for the train to go up to Foynes and collect Limerick bound passengers there.[14] When you consider that the Limerick and Foynes Railway had invested £2,500 in the R&NWJR the Foynes customers were not getting much value in return.[15] In 1880 the railway was extended from Newcastle West to Tralee and the reversing service ended but Foynes passengers still had some waiting time at Ballingrane.[16]

In 1864 the Waterford & Limerick Railway tried to get an Act of Parliament to absorb the Limerick & Foynes Railway but some Foynes shareholders objected and the effort failed.[17] In March 1872 the Foynes Company was able to pay a 2% dividend despite a heavy expenditure of track work. But the summer receipts were poor and thus no dividend was paid in September. By this time William Malcomson was chairman of the Limerick and Foynes Railway and attempted to extract compensation from his own company for loss of dividend payments on shares that he purchased back in 1862 from William Dargan. The W&LR, of which Malcomson was also chairman, tried to get 2s 6d per mile for working the L&FR or actual costs but the L&FR directors turned down both offers.[18] In 1873, a year after Malcomson retired as chairman of the W&LR, the Waterford and Limerick Railway completely bought out the Foynes Company.[19]

Foynes traffic, 1860s-70s

The hopes of making Foynes a popular river port or a transatlantic port came to nothing. In the 1860s traffic was declining rather than increasing and the W&LR reduced services to two a day in winter while leaving three a day in summer.[20] Yet the net revenue of the Limerick and Foynes Railway showed an increase over the three years from 1864 to 1867 (£2,413, £3,161 and £4,026) with an average of £3,207 per year.[21] The total income for the line, out of which the Waterford and Limerick Railway got paid its running expenses, was £6,157 in 1864 (passengers £4,045 and goods £2,112); in 1865 £6,783 (pass £4,219 & goods £2,564) and in 1866 £7,658 (pass £5,013 and goods £2,645).[22]

In 1865 the steamer, the Rosa, provided a service over to Kilrush from Foynes four days a week depending on the tide. This service of rail and steamer had to compete with a direct steamer service between Limerick and Kilrush.[23] Yet still the line had its good times such as in April and December 1866 when warships such as the Black Prince and Frederick William anchored near Foynes. Sightseers travelled by rail to Foynes and the Rosa steamer to see and get on board. The captain of the Frederick William was displeased to learn that no telegraph system was installed along the Foynes line.[24] In 1868 the W&LR was receiving £5,700 per year from the Foynes Company to provide two trains each way. In the summer of 1868 the Vandeleur, owned by William Malcomson (chairman of the Foynes Company), replaced the Rosa to provide a steamer service out of Foynes.[25]

On 31^st January 1869 the stations at Foynes and Askeaton were flooded and services were suspended. By the summer of 1869 the Foynes line got a new look with Askeaton station getting a long sought paint job and new refreshment rooms at Foynes station. In 1869 the Vandeleur provided a steamer service for eight months between Foynes and Kilrush from which the Limerick and Foynes Railway Company got a quarter of the receipts.[26] In February 1872 Sir Daniel Gooch, chairman of the Great Western Railway, visited Foynes to decide on its suitability as a cross channel port. His party found that silt was increasing at the port and vessels could only enter at high water. Since 1871 the GWR had commercial agreements with the W&LR over many of the lines that the latter worked.[27]

In January 1870 the L&DR asked the W&LR to increase services but refused to pay the £500 per year extra sought in return. In October the Foynes Company offered £4,000 per year to the W&LR to provide direct services between Foynes and Limerick with no delay trains at Ballingrane Junction. The service of one direct train in winter and two in summer was accepted.[28] Thus passengers no longer had to wait at Ballingrane for the Newcastle West train to return and continue their journey. From 1^st May to 31^st October 1870 William Malcomson made available his own steamer, the Vandeleur, to provide a boat service between Foynes and Kilrush.[29]

The railway station in Foynes had ongoing fresh water problems in the days of steam. In 1870 the station had no fresh water to wash out the locomotives for five months and the engine had to go to Limerick every week.[30] In August 1872 the station ran out of fresh water and the branch loco had to go to Limerick for the regular wash out.[31]

Foynes station water tower

1895 services

In 1895 one goods train a day left Ballingrane Junction at 2.05pm for Foynes arriving at 2.30pm. This train collected any wagons at the Junction that were dropped off by the 7am ex Limerick to Tralee goods train. At 10.50am a passenger and mail train left Limerick for Tralee with a stop at Ballingrane where a local mixed train left at 11.35am to arrive at 12 noon in Foynes. At 5.40pm a passenger train left Limerick for Tralee with passengers changing at Ballingrane to depart for Foynes at 6.27pm and arrive at 6.55pm.[32] There was no direct service between Foynes and Limerick.

Each weekday a passenger train left Foynes at 9am to meet the Tralee train at Ballingrane and arrived in Limerick at 10.15am. At 1.25pm the passenger and mail train left to meet the Tralee train at Ballingrane and reach Limerick at 2.50pm. At 5.30pm a mixed train departed Foynes to arrive in Limerick at 10.40pm following a four hour wait at Ballingrane Junction for the Tralee train. There were no train services in or out of Foynes on Sundays.[33]

For connection trains, passengers wishing to go from Foynes to Tralee had a two hour and ten minutes wait at Ballingrane Junction for the midday service and a half hour wait at Ballingrane for the evening service. For passengers travelling from Tralee to Foynes there was a two hour and ten minute wait at Ballingrane for the morning service and over four and a half hour wait at Ballingrane on the evening service.[34] Clearly the Waterford and Limerick Railway, who operated both the Foynes line and the Tralee line out of Limerick, didn’t think much of Foynes in terms of goods traffic and passenger service.

Back in 1870-1 there was an attempt to turn Foynes from a terminus station into a connecting station which could have improved services. In that year the Foynes, Listowel and Tralee Tramway Company was formed to make the connection between Limerick and Tralee along the shores of the Shannon Estuary. This route would avoid the steep climb up and over the Barnagh Gap between Newcastle West and Abbeyfeale. Among the promoters were Lord Monteagle and the Knight of Glin, two substantial landowners along the potential route. The W&LR was asked to grant traffic rebates on the tramway but they reserved an answer until the tramway was built.[35] The tramway had a capital of £50,000 with J. Cartwright and W. Fitzgerald as engineers. The narrow-gauge tramway was to be worked by horses as allowed by the Tramway Act.[36] Nothing much in the way of construction appears to have occurred.

Foynes signal cabin

Foynes railway workers 1901 census

In the 1901 a number of railway employees were in Foynes town for the census night. These  people were: Edward Scales (46yrs, station master, married with six children), Edward Scales junior (16yrs, railway clerk, son of station master), Francis Scales (13yrs, railway clerk, son of station master), Robert Sheedy (21yrs, railway porter, unmarried, living with his mother), Michael Shanahan (28yrs, railway guard, unmarried, living with his mother), William Miller (45yrs, fireman, married with four children), John Miller (20yrs, engine cleaner, son of William Miller), John McCormick (34yrs, engine driver, married, family living outside Foynes as John was in a boarding house), Patrick O’Sullivan (66yrs, engine driver, married with two children), and Pat Walsh (57yrs, milesman, married with six children).[37]

Foynes railway workers 1911 census

In the 1911 census the following people were railway employees living, or staying, in Foynes town on census night: Edward Scales (56yrs, station master, married 30yrs with six children living), Edward Scales junior (26yrs, railway clerk, unmarried, born in Foynes), Robert Sheedy (spelt Sheeley, railway porter, married 6yrs with two children), Edward Scales (38yrs, train driver, married 11yrs with four children), Michael Shanahan (37yrs, railway guard, unmarried, living with his mother), and James O’Connor (26yrs, railway porter, unmarried, boarder in Foynes). Other people with a mention are James Shanahan (44yrs, engine driver, married 22yrs with ten children living), and Patrick Shanahan (17yrs, engine cleaner, unmarried, son of James Shanahan). It is not clear if these people work on a railway engine or some other type of engine in Foynes.[38]

GS&WR days at Foynes, 1901-1924

On the 1^st January 1901 the Waterford and Limerick Railway, renamed as the Waterford, Limerick and Western Railway, was absorbed into the Great Southern and Western Railway (GS&WR). Train services between Limerick and Foynes improved under the new management with journey times reduced to between 73 and 80 minutes.[39] It is difficult to known what locomotives operated on the Foynes lines. One of the few known locos was a 2-2-2 Type XV built by Kitson circa 1864 and used on the Foynes line for passenger trains with a four wheel tender. In 1902 the locomotive was withdrawn.[40]

During the Irish railways munitions strike of 1920 the Limerick to Foynes line was shut down with no passenger or goods traffic. The North Kerry line from Rathkeale to Tralee was also closed as was the Patrickswell to Charleville Junction.[41] By 1922 train services between Limerick and Foynes had much improved in terms of travelling time.[42] But by the summer of 1922 the trains would cease to run with the outbreak of the Irish Civil War following the granting of dominion status to Ireland to form the Irish Free State. A sizeable number of people wouldn’t accept dominion status and desired a republic and if they couldn’t get that they would just go on a destruction rampage. The railway network was a particularly favourite target for the Anti Treaty forces. Rail services in much of Limerick and Kerry were totally stopped by the destruction of the permanent way in a number of places. On 21^st March 1923 a group of persons unknown completely burnt out the 18:50 Ballingrane to Foynes train at Foynes station. On 23^rd April 1923 an armoured train was sent out of Limerick to Foynes as an escort for a breakdown gang sent to conduct repairs at Foynes and recover a locomotive that thought it was a boat.[43]

Foynes signal cabin & ship awaiting the train

GSR days at Foynes, 1925-1945

On 1^st January 1925 most of the railway companies in the Irish Free State were merged to form the Great Southern Railways Company. The government hoped that the merger would eliminate duplication and make the whole railway network more effective and profitable. Although the new company was aware of the rise of road transport that competition didn’t really start impacting on railway receipts until the 1930s. Although the end of the Great War saw a surplus of army lorries becoming available for road hauliers, the condition of the vast majority of the roads in Ireland was no better than medieval times. In the 1920s the government engaged with a major programme of road improvement which gave road transport the means to push ahead in the 1930s. The decline in freight movements after the 1929 depression and the economic war with Britain meant that freight was increasingly by small volumes and thus more suitable for road transport.[44]

One of the people who didn’t benefit from this government spending was Edward Coonan, an employee of the Great Southern Railways at Foynes. Along with Thomas Scully of Foynes, and a number of others in County Limerick, he was due back pay as an ex soldier in the National army in 1922. The Minister for Defence told Deputy Nolan that two of the people had receive payments but that no army records exist for Scully and Edward Coonan didn’t yet return his application form. The Minister said he would make further enquires the result of which we don’t have to hand.[45] 

In the second half of the 1920s freight traffic out of Foynes received a temporary increase. This was in connection with the importation of heavy equipment and materials into Foynes to help build the new dam across the Shannon at Ardnacrusha for electricity generation.[46] It is hoped that those using Foynes port in the 1920s were able to find the railway as Dr. Gogarty stated in the Seanad in 1929 during a discussion on the 1927 Cork Harbour bill that the ports of Blacksod, Galway and Foynes had no railway connections.[47] In 1931 Foynes, Belfast and Dublin were reported to be the principal ports for the importation of oil.[48] It is hoped that they used the railway to distribute this oil as was done at Foynes in later decades.

A common solution for unprofitable branch lines was to introduce self-propelled railcars to carry passengers without the need for a locomotive and tender to pull half empty passengers cars. In the mid-1920s GSR purchased ten Sentinel and Clayton steam railcars. Many of these railcars ended up operating out of Limerick and in 1939 No 356 was still operating on the Limerick to Foynes railway. It is possibly a sign of how downgraded the Foynes line was in 1939 as six of the other railcars were withdrawn by 1931 and the others were in permanent retirement.[49] By the end of the 1930s the henceforth service of three trains a day into and out of Foynes was reduced to two a day.[50] In October 1938 the Ballingrane to Foynes branch line was one of three branch lines earmarked for closure by GSR.[51] This was only a short time after the flying boat services began at Foynes in July 1937 and continued until 1946. Even with the opening of Rineanna airport (now Shannon airport) in 1942 on the north bank of the Shannon Estuary, Foynes was regarded as the biggest civilian airport in Europe. This didn’t impress the bard of GSR who continued to campaign for closure. On 21^st December 1939 the GSR board approved the termination of passenger services on the Foynes line. But strong local protest and lobbing by government officials forced the company to change and on 31^st December the GSR announced that services would remain.[52]

Foynes signal cabin and water tower, 2023

CIE days at Foynes, 1945-1987

On 1^st January 1945 the Great Southern Railway was merged with the Dublin United Transport Company to form a new company called Córas Iompair Éireann. The new company was 80% owned by the state and became fully state owned on 1^st June 1950.[53] Yet the railway network was still challenged by the continued rise in the number of road lorries which offered very effective and far more flexible competition to the railways for freight traffic. In 1946 train services were also curtailed because of a shortage of coal to keep the trains moving. Only one passenger train ran each way between Limerick and Tralee. This provided one morning connection from Foynes to Limerick and an evening service via the 17:00 ex Limerick.[54]

In 1957 the Irish economy for at its lowest ebb with high unemployment and total economic collapse saved by high emigration. The General Manager of C.I.E., Frank Lemass, saw a major reduction in the railway network as the only means of saving the whole railway system. Thus, the 1957 Beddy Report on Irish railways recommended the complete closure of the Limerick to Foynes railway along with the Rathkeale to Tralee railway via Newcastle, Abbeyfeale and Listowel along with the elimination of many other lines. The 1958 Transport Bill lifted the company’s obligation as a ‘common carrier’ and allowed it to close any lines it considered uneconomic without the need to provide a replacement service.[55] Yet on 1^st October 1957 the Foynes line got a potential customer with the opening on a branch line off the Limerick to Ballingrane line to the Limerick cement factory at Castlemungret. At the same time a customer in Foynes was using the road out of the port rather than the railway to transport oil from Foynes around to Shannon airport.[56]

In the 1960s it seemed that Foynes would become one of the many lines closed in that decade. In 1963 the line was closed to passenger services.[57] In September 1971 when the Irish Railway Record Society visited Foynes, using railcar No. 2509, the overall roof was still intact but the former passenger platform had no track running alongside.[58] But the Foynes line was saved in 1966 by that most profitable of railway freight, mineral traffic. In December 1966 a short 1¾ mile branch line was constructed off the Limerick-Ballybrophy line to the zinc mines at Silvermines. Two loop round tracks, a long siding and a headshunt were some of the facilities at the Silvermines loading point.[59] A total of sixty-nine new vacuum braked wagons were built, each with a capacity of twenty tons, to transport barites and zinc to Foynes where it was processed and exported by ship. The usual zinc train was about 15 to 20 wagons as was the barites train.[60] The zinc wagons were 9 tonnes empty and were produced in two batches of 42 (Nos. 26528-26569) and 13 wagons (Nos. 26653-26665) with a 12foot wheelbase.[61] By the early 1970s this trade was bringing 170,000 tons of barites and 200,000 tons of zinc into Foynes every year.[62] By 1979 the barites traffic has risen to 280,000 tons.[63] At Foynes the trains were broken into two or three sections and a digger pushed the barite onto a conveyer belt to be loaded onto a ship.[64] The zinc was unloaded at Foynes using a ‘Rotaside’ tipper by Strachan & Henshaw of Bristol.[65]

Also in the 1970s, a separate return railway traffic came out of Foynes with nearly 100,000 tons of oil for the cement works at Limerick.[66] These large volumes of traffic could move freely because back in late 1966 a second single line was laid between the Cement Factory Junction and Carey’s Road yard to reduce delays for goods trains between Limerick and Patrickswell.[67]

Sometimes the Foynes line would handle traffic going further than Limerick and north Tipperary. During the sugar beet season of 1972-3 oil trains left Foynes for the Tuam sugar beet factory.[68] Foynes also used to send about 15 oil wagons in a train to Drogheda.[69] In 1971 the train timings between Silvermines and Foynes were changed to response to changes in the passenger services between Limerick and Ballybrophy.[70] In the same year the quay at Foynes was reconstructed to better facilitate the ore traffic.[71] In 1975 the Foynes line was closed to wagon traffic with the exception of special freight traffics. The line was by then one of the biggest handlers of mineral traffic and that was a far more profitable traffic.[72] In 1982 the Mogul zinc mine at Silvermines came to an end. The Magcobar barite mine continued at Silvermines until 1992. In 1988 the signal box at Ballingrane Junction was closed as the branch line to Foynes had outlived the main line to Tralee.[73]

Iarnród Éireann, 1987 to present

In 1987 Córas Iompair Éireann formed a number of subsidiary companies to manage the different areas of transport it was responsible for. The railways came under the new company called Iarnród Éireann or Irish Rail. The company uses both names in its operations. In 1991 the Limerick to Foynes line was seen in the revised railway freight system as catering for fertiliser and bulk ores.[74] In 1990 locomotive No. 039 was on the Foynes baryte trains while in 1991 loco No. 025 was on the traffic and in 1993 No. 048 was photographed at Ballybrophy with an empty baryte train.[75] In 1995 the Foynes line was sending trains of molasses to places such as Drogheda (started 1993), Longford, Boyle, Enfield and Mullingar. Foynes also sent grain traffic to Portlaoise and a weekly coal special to Ballina.[76] In November 1997 the oil and coal trains from Foynes to Killala ceased.[77] In 1990 and 1991 Joe St Leger took video film of the various freight trains in and out of Foynes.[78]

In 2000 the Foynes railway still did some business but at a low rate. Between the 1^st January and early April six fertiliser trains ran out of Foynes heading to Farranfore, Ballina and Athenry. On 27^th March 2000 loco 165 left Foynes with ten bogie fertiliser wagons for Athenry via Portarlington. On 5^th April loco 183 departed Foynes with another ten fertiliser wagons for Farranfore in County Kerry.[79] Farranfore station is still in use today, lying as it does between Killarney and Tralee. The station was built in 1859 with the completion of the line from Mallow to Tralee.[80] Before 1960 trains for Killorglin, Cahirciveen and Valencia branched off at Farranfore. Previous to 1975 a freight train leaving Foynes for Farranfore could have reached the latter via the North Kerry railway through Newcastle, Abbeyfeale and Listowel into Tralee and then turn south east for Farranfore. In 2000 the Foynes fertiliser train for Farranfore had first to go to Limerick and then onto Mallow via Limerick Junction as the Patrickswell to Charleville Junction railway was closed in March 1967.[81] At Mallow the train was split with the first half the train running to Tralee via Killarney. At Farranfore the train dropped off the loaded wagons before heading on to Tralee to pick up some empty wagons. On the 6^th April 2000 loco 183 left Farranfore for Mallow with eleven empty wagons for the return journey to Foynes.[82]

Renewing the trackway facing Foynes

Closure of the Foynes railway, 2001

Despite this business in November 2000 all freight trains ceased to travel on the Foynes line. In October 2001 Irish Rail announced that it was terminating any freight traffic that was uneconomic. This was in light of calculations that the freight division of the Company was at a loss of €8.5m on revenue receipts of €56m. The Company would reduce its carriage of bagged cement, bagged fertiliser and general containers while ceasing to carry scrap metal, gypsum, molasses and tar. The effects on the Limerick to Foynes line was that it had no freight left to transport. In December 2001 the line was declared closed to all traffic except for the occasional engineer’s train. The second half of 2001 only saw the weed spraying train in the summer and an inspector train in November with a loco collecting scrap bagged cement wagons along the line. The Electric Train Staff was also withdrawn.[83] On 7^th May 2002 the 141 Class No. 154 hauled the last weed spray train over the Foynes line after which no other traffic travelled the line.[84] At its closure the Foynes line was still worked by mechanical semaphore.[85]

Calls for reopening and restoration

In 2011 the chairperson of the Shannon Foynes Port Company expressed a hope that the Limerick to Foynes line would be reopened at the earliest possible date. The company said that the absence of a rail connection was restricting the Foynes port development potential. The Port Company estimated the work to cost €7m while Irish Rail estimated it at €30m.[86]

In 2022 Iarnród Éireann (Irish Rail) announced proposals to reopen the 26 mile Limerick to Foynes railway. The project required new ballast, a renewal of track one 46meter steel bridge to replace the Robertstown viaduct, 13 public road crossings and 50 accommodation crossings with suggestions on new signalling and automated level crossings.[87] In November 2022 Iarnród Éireann officially announced the restoration of the Foynes line for freight traffic. Phrase one of the project was to take about two years and see clearing vegetation, new ballast, new rails, sleepers and bridges and other infrastructure. The second phase of the work is to include signalling and automatic level crossings with the line operational sometime in 2025.[88]

Redoning the trackway near Foynes, facing towards Limerick

=================

End of post

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[1] Fryer, C.E.J., The Waterford and Limerick Railway (Usk, 2000), p. 33

[2] British Parliamentary Papers, HC 1867-1868, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, first report, p. 147

[3] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 33

[4] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, p. 142

[5] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, p. 149

[6] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 33

[7] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1860’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 6, No. 31 (Autumn 1962), pp. 183-200, at p. 190

[8] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 33

[9] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1860’, pp. 183-200, at p. 190

[10] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1860’, pp. 183-200, at p. 197

[11] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 33

[12] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, p. 147

[13] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1864, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 7, No. 41 (October 1966), pp. 328-344, at pp. 340, 341

[14] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 41

[15] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, p. 149

[16] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 45

[17] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1864, part 2’, pp. 328-344, at p. 341

[18] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1872’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 12, No. 68 (October 1975), pp. 139-150, at p. 145

[19] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 33

[20] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1864, part 2’, pp. 328-344, at p. 341

[21] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, p. 147

[22] British Parliamentary Papers, Accounts and Works of railways in Ireland, 1868, pp. 26, 27

[23] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1865, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 8, No. 45 (February 1968), pp. 172-187, at p. 182

[24] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1866, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 7, No. 41 (October 1966), pp. 254-265, at p. 260

[25] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1868, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 9, No. 53 (October 1970), pp. 278-285, at p. 281

[26] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1869, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 10, No. 56 (October 1971), pp. 123-131, at p. 126

[27] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1872’, pp. 139-150, at pp. 142, 145

[28] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railway in 1870’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 11, No. 60 (February 1973), pp. 31-41, at p. 35

[29] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1870’, pp. 31-41, at p. 35

[30] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1870’, pp. 31-41, at p. 35

[31] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1872’, pp. 139-150, at p. 145

[32] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, pp. 144, 145

[33] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, pp. 144, 145

[34] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, pp. 144, 145

[35] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1872’, pp. 139-150, at p. 145

[36] Mahon, ‘Irish Railway in 1870’, pp. 31-41, at p. 36

[37] National Archives Ireland, 1901 census, search Foynes town, occupation railway workers

[38] National Archives Ireland, 1911 census, search Foynes town, occupation railway workers

[39] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 31

[40] Clements, Jeremy, Michael McMahon & Alan O’Rourke, Locomotives of the Great Southern and Western Railway (Collon, 2020), pp. 200, 212, 254

[41] Rigney, Peter, How Railwaymen and Dockers defied an Empire: The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920 (Dublin, 2021), p. 4

[42] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 39

[43] Share, Bernard, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish Railways, 1922-23 (Cork, 2006), pp. 122, 130

[44] O’Sullivan, Patrick, The Farranfore to Valencia Harbour Railway, Volume One: Planning, Construction and an Outline of Operation (2 vols. Usk, 2003), pp. 122, 124

[45] Dáil Éireann debate, Wednesday, 10^th March 1926, Vol. 14, No. 14, oral questions on army pay claims

[46] Seanad Éireann debate, Thursday, 18^th June 1925, Vol. 5, No. 9, Seanad in committee, Shannon Electricity Bill, 1925 – Report Stage

[47] Seanad Éireann debate, Wednesday, 23^rd October 1929, Vol. 13, No. 1, Private Business, Cork Harbour Bill, 1927 – Second Stage

[48] Dáil Éireann debate, Thursday, 14^th May 1931, Vol. 38, No. 11, In Committee on Finance, Vote 27, Haulbowline Dockyard

[49] Baker, Michael H.C., Irish Railways since 1916 (London, 1972), pp. 99, 100

[50] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 39

[51] Dáil Éireann debate, Wednesday, 26^th October 1938, Vol. 73, No. 1, oral questions on Branch Railway Lines

[52] O’Meara, J., ‘The War Years, 1939-45, part 1’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 20, No. 138 (February 1999), pp. 188-202, at p. 191

[53] O’Sullivan, The Farranfore to Valencia Harbour Railway, Volume One, pp. 128, 129

[54] Carse, Barry, ‘Córas Iompair Éireann in 1946’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 26, No. 191 (October 2016), pp. 168-178, at p. 173

[55] O’Sullivan, The Farranfore to Valencia Harbour Railway, Volume One, pp. 132, 133, 135

[56] Dáil Éireann debate, Thursday, 23^rd June 1960, Vol. 183, No. 3, Committee on Finance, Vote 32 – Local Government

[57] Fryer, The Waterford and Limerick Railway, p. 39

[58] St. Leger, Joe, ‘Title page photo of Foynes station’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 10, No. 56 (October 1971), p. 89

[59] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 8, No. 45 (February 1968), pp. 148-155, at p. 149

[60] YouTube, Irish Railway Record Society, Irish Railway Film: Limerick & Kerry by Joe St. Leger/Ciarán Cooney, 8^th July 2023

[61] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 14, No. 88 (June 1982), pp. 342-353, at p. 342

[62] Baker, Irish Railways since 1916, p. 200

[63] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the J.I.R.R.S., Vol. 14, No. 88 (June 1982), pp. 342-353, at p. 342

[64] YouTube, Irish Railway Record Society, Irish Railway Film: Limerick & Kerry by Joe St. Leger/Ciarán Cooney, 8^th July 2023

[65] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the J.I.R.R.S., Vol. 8, No. 45 (February 1968), pp. 148-155, at p. 149

[66] Baker, Irish Railways since 1916, p. 200

[67] Anon, ‘Recent Developments on Irish Railway’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 7, No. 41 (October 1966), pp. 350-354, at p. 350

[68] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 11, No. 60 (October 1973), pp. 5-15, at p. 6

[69] YouTube, Irish Railway Record Society, Irish Railway Film: Limerick & Kerry by Joe St. Leger/Ciarán Cooney, 8^th July 2023

[70] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 10, No. 56 (October 1971), pp. 90-95, at p. 91

[71] Dáil Éireann debate, Thursday, 25^th November 1971, Vol. 257, No. 3, Supplementary Estimates, 1971-2, Vote 41, Transport and Power

[72] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 12, No. 68 (October 1975), pp. 107-114, at p. 111

[73] O’Callaghan, Colm, Irish Traction Iarnród Éireann (Stroud, 2019), p. 53, photo

[74] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 17, No. 115 (June 1991), pp. 398-412, at p. 399

[75] O’Callaghan, Irish Traction Iarnród Éireann, pp. 23, 49, 53, photo

[76] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 19, No. 127 (June 1995), pp. 92-104, at p. 93

[77] O’Callaghan, Irish Traction Iarnród Éireann, p. 53, two Foynes line photos

[78] YouTube, Irish Railway Record Society, Irish Railway Film: Limerick & Kerry by Joe St. Leger/Ciarán Cooney, 8^th July 2023

[79] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 20, No. 142 (June 2000), pp. 433-459, at p. 447

[80] O’Sullivan, The Farranfore to Valencia Harbour Railway, Volume One, p. 45

[81] Baker, Irish Railways since 1916, p. 209

[82] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the J.I.R.R.S., Vol. 20, No. 142 (June 2000), pp. 433-459, at p. 447

[83] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 21, No. 147 (February 2002), pp. 226-256, at p. 244

[84] O’Callaghan, Irish Traction Iarnród Éireann, p. 54, photo

[85] Booz, Allen & Hamilton, Strategic Rail Review, February 2003 (Dublin, 2003), p. A34

[86] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 24, No. 175 (June 2011), pp. 323-352, at p. 340

[87] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 30, No. 209 (October 2022), pp. 177-189, at p. 177

[88] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 30, No. 210 (February 2023), pp. 245-255, at p. 245

Clondulane Railway Station Staff

Clondulane Railway Station Staff

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In 1860 the Great Southern and Western Railway built a branch line from Mallow to Fermoy along the north side of the River Blackwater. There were no intermediate stations as Castletownroche and Ballyhooley were not built until 1861. In 1865 there were plans to build a railway from Fermoy to Lismore and on to Dungarvan and Waterford. But there were very few subscribers and the scheme failed to get beyond the drawing room. Thus from 1860 to 1872 Fermoy was a terminus station. In 1869 the Duke of Devonshire of Lismore castle decided to fund a railway from Fermoy to Lismore called the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. In January 1871 construction began from Fermoy station with intermediate stations at Clondulane, Ballyduff and Tallow Road before reaching Lismore. On 30^th July 1872 the F&L Railway Company declared the line complete but the Board of Trade inspector was unhappy with the works.[1] After extra works were done, on Friday, 27^th September 1872 the first public trains travelled on the line with a service of three trains per day going in each direction and one service on Sundays.[2]

The first full day of traffic began on Tuesday, 1^st October 1872. In the first four days 93 people used Clondulane station. These were made up of one first class, four second class and twenty-four third class single fares along with two first class return, one second class return and twenty-nine third class return. The station income was £3 12s 10d. All the trains at the beginning of the service were passenger trains with the first goods trains running on 8^th November. On the week ending 22^nd November a small amount of coal was delivered to Clondulane station.[3] Clondulane was mainly a freight station with passenger numbers in the 1870s averaging about 35 per week generating about 12s income whereas goods traffic earned the station between £14 and £30 per week. In the three months of January to March 1874 an average of 77 tons per week entered the station with 32 tons going out.[4] Indeed when the line was been constructed in 1871 Clondulane was seen as a freight station to serve Clondulane mill with passenger trains only flagged down if needed.[5]

Clondulane station is 19½ miles from Mallow station. The sole platform was on the down side and measured 301 feet.[6] The site of the station was previously just a green field. The station was bounded immediately on the west side by a public road and a level crossing gates were operated there. Beside the level crossing was a small gatekeeper’s hut which in the circa 1900 Ordnance Survey map was called a signal cabin. It is possible that when the Cork to Rosslare line was opened in 1906 the signal box in Fermoy took over the signals at Clondulane with the point into the goods siding worked by a ground signal. On the platform was the station house with the goods shed a distance to the east on the platform. The platform ended before the water tower beyond which was the siding into the freight yard. Shortly after entering the siding a point directed you westwards around the back of the platform towards the goods shed. The freight siding continued on straight to the large grain stores behind the station, owned by the Clondulane flour mill. An overhead cable car system on pillions connected these stores with the flour mill over a mile away to the north by the banks of the River Blackwater. The water tower was possibly built in August 1876 when Francis Currey of the F&LR approached GS&WR, who operated the line on behalf of the F&LR, to allow the free carriage of materials and workmen over the line to built the water supply.[7]

In about 1910 Clondulane was classified as a class 4 station.[8] In the early twentieth century the Clondulane flour mill used the railway connection to import Manitoba wheat through Cork to mix with the local Irish wheat to produce a top quality flour. The railway also brought in coal to power the mill at times of the year when the River Blackwater had gone low. The railway transported the finished flour around the country. On the 19^th September 1932 Clondulane station was downgraded to a halt under the supervision of Fermoy station.[9] In the 1930s Clondulane briefly lost a big freight customer with the closure of the Clondulane flour mill but it also gained new customers such as supplying sugar beet to the factory in Mallow. During the sugar beet season from October to January two or three wagons a day were loaded at Clondulane depending on the harvest. These were taken to Fermoy station by the local shunting locomotive where they were collected by the special beet train coming from Dungarvan. The flour mill closed in 1931 after struggling to survive since the late 1920s. It reopened in 1934 under the firm of T. Hallinan & Sons and behind import duties on foreign wheat and flour. The Hallinan family had a lease on the mill since 1875. By the 1950s the Cork Milling Company owned the mill and in 1953 they closed it.

As early as 1949 Córas Iompair Éireann had marked the Mallow to Waterford line for closure. By the early 1960s only the halt keeper was employed at Clondulane.[10] The station at Clondulane always had very few passengers as it was built to serve the Clondulane flour mill with a railway connection. As the fortunes of the mill rose and fell between 1931 and 1953 so did the level of activity at Clondulane station. On the week ending 8^th April 1962, only one passenger got off at Clondulane.[11] On 25^th March 1967 the Mallow to Waterford railway was closed and the demolition of the line began on 11^th January 1968 east of Lismore. In late 1968 the lifting train began taking up the line west of Lismore. By 31^st March 1969 the lifting train had reached Fermoy leaving Clondulane as an abandoned station without a track.[12] The train service was replaced by a bus leaving Clondulane at 10.57am for Fermoy and returning at 3.15pm. Today (2023) the station house is still standing along with the goods shed along and the water tower, plus the station master’s residence. The platform also still stands.  

Clondulane station house with goods shed in rear and flour store with green roof behind (author photo)

Station master

The station master was in charge of all activities at Clondulane station. He lived in a part of the station house for which he paid the railway company 5s 10d per week. In the 1920s this rent was recalculated at £15 per year.[13]

Michael Sullivan, station master: on 12^th January 1874 Michael Sullivan was appointed station master at Clondulane.[14] He was possibly the station master in June 1878 when the station was broken into and a number of unspecified items were taken. Francis Currey of the F&LR complained to GS&WR of the unprotected nature of the station.[15]

Patrick Lurgan, station master: in 1880 Patrick Lurgan was station master at Clondulane according to Slater’s Postal Directory of 1881. The directory was published in 1881 based on information gathered in 1880. Thus Lurgan was replaced in April 1880 by Thomas Power but it is Lurgan who appears in the 1881 published directory.[16] Nobody by the name of Lurgan appears in the 1901 and 1911 census. The 1861 English census has a Patrick Lurgan (born 1841) from Ireland living in Islington as a theatrical actor.

Thomas Power, station master: on 1^st April 1880 Thomas Power was appointed station master. Thomas Power continued as station master until 7^th May 1904 (Shepherd incorrectly said June).[17] Thomas Power had previous to 1880 served with the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway.[18] In 1901 Thomas Power (aged 40) lived at Clondulane railway station in the townland of Clondulane South townland. He was born in County Waterford as was his wife Bridget. Three sons and three daughters were born in County Waterford, ranging in ages from 5 to 13. A further two sons were born in County Cork Thomas and Bridget could both speak Irish and English. The eldest son, Nicholas Power, served as porter at Clondulane from 1903 to 1906. The dwelling house had six rooms and was owned by the railway company. They had two outbuildings; a piggery and a fowl house.[19]

As station master at Clondulane Thomas Power received £52 per year. On 7^th May 1904 Thomas Power was dismissed as Clondulane station master for unknown reasons.[20] In the 1911 census Thomas Power was living at Magnolia Terrace in Cork city as a clerk. Three of his sons were railway porters; Nicholas (23), Thomas (18) and Richard (15). Boarding with the family in 1911 was another railway porter, Patrick Anderson from Offaly.[21] Nicholas Porter had served as railway porter at Clondulane station from 1903 to 1906. Thomas and Bridget Power were married for twenty-five years and had nine children of whom eight were alive in 1911. Five sons and two daughters were living with Thomas and Bridget. All the children except Nicholas could speak Irish and English. In contrast to the information given in 1901, the 1911 census says that all the family including Bridget were born in County Cork with only Thomas Power senior born in County Waterford.[22]

Edmund Hannon (Edward Hannan), station master: in 1867 Edmund Hannon was born.[23] On 24^th March 1891 Edmund Hannon joined the railway service.[24] In the 1901 census Edward Hannan (aged 33) was living at number 18 Old Street in Queenstown (Cobh), Co. Cork, as a head porter on the railway. He was born in County Limerick while his wife Anne (aged 31) was born in Tipperary. They had two daughters, Anne (aged 3) and Mary (aged 2), both born in County Cork. They had a female servant, Kate Higgins. The house had four rooms.[25] On 16^th May 1904 Edmund Hannon was appointed station master at Clondulane where he received 20shillings per week.[26] On 30^th November 1906 Edmund Hannon was dismissed from the railway.[27] In the 1911 census Edmond Hannan (aged 44) was a paint mixer living at Small Well lane in Queenstown. His wife Anne was aged 40 and they were married for fourteen years with eleven children born of whom seven were alive in 1911. The children in 1911 were: Mary (aged 13), Annie (aged 12), James (aged 8), Edmond (aged 6), Patrick (aged 5), John (aged 4) and Alice (aged 1).[28] It is possible that Edmond junior and Patrick were born in Clondulane. The house in Small Well was a tenement building in which the Hannan family had two rooms. There were seven other families in the building each with two rooms.[29]

Thomas Aherne, station master: on 19^th June 1855 Thomas Aherne was born in County Cork. On 15^th September 1877 he joined the railway service.[30] In the 1901 census Thomas Aherne (aged 44) was living at 15 Albert Place in Fermoy where he worked as a railway porter. With him on census night was his wife, Mary Aherne (aged 48) and their son, William (aged 12), a schoolboy. Also in the house were three boarders; John Murphy (National school teacher), Joseph Reynolds (railway porter) and John Singleton (labourer). The house had four rooms and one outbuilding (a potato house).[31]

The railway records say that Thomas Aherne was a parcel’s porter at Fermoy station, earning 15/6 per week which was raised to 20s per week. On 30^th January 1905 Thomas Aherne was transferred to Tralee station.[32] On 1^st January 1907 Thomas Aherne was appointed station master at Clondulane after the station was without a master for over a month. His salary was 20s per week.[33] Thomas Aherne’s staff number was 1716.[34] In 1911 Thomas Aherne (aged 55) lived at Clondulane railway station in the townland of Clondulane South townland. Living with Thomas was his wife, Mary Aherne (aged 57). They were married for twenty-six years and had one child. The dwelling house had six rooms and was owned by the railway company with two outbuildings (a fowl house and a turf house).[35]

In 1912 the salary of Thomas Aherne increased to 23s per week and in May 1915 they were 26/10 per week. On 1^st August 1919 his salary was given as £230 per year.[36] On 22^nd November 1926 the salary was reduced to £210 as part of a general reduction in the wages of railway staff following the formation of Great Southern Railways in 1925. Thomas Aherne was then a class 4 station master. On 31^st March 1928 Thomas Aherne retired from the railway with a pension of £143 15s per year.[37]

Michael James Killeen, station master: on 6^th August 1889 M.J. Killeen was born in County Mayo.[38] In the 1901 census Michael James Killeen (aged 11) was living at Carrowhall, Co. Mayo, near Ballyglass. Michael was living with his widowed mother, Sarah (aged 40), a farmer. Also in the house were Michael’s four brothers (Thomas, John, Patrick and Anthony) and one sister (Sarah Delia). The dwelling house had three rooms within and three outbuildings.[39] On 5^th April 1910 M.J. Killeen joined the railway service.[40] In the 1911 census Michael James Killeen was aged 20 and a railway clerk living at 20 Railway Road in Cavan town. The hotel building had four other railway clerks living there.[41] Previous to Clondulane M.J. Killeen served at station 82. On 30^th April 1928 M.J. Killeen was appointed the station master at Clondulane. Killeen was a class 5 station master. On 1^st March 1932 M.J. Killeen transferred from Clondulane to station 175.[42]

Martin McMahon, halt keeper/porter–in-charge: In the 1930s railway staff book the halt keeper at Clondulane is called Simon Mahon.[43] But in the 1920s staff book he is called Martin McMahon.[44] In the 1901 census he calls himself Martin McMahon and he lived in Abbeyfeale where he worked as a railway guard. He was 22 years old and born in Co. Limerick.[45] In the 1911 census Martin McMahon (aged 30) was living in Listowel with his wife of two years, Margaret (aged 23) and their son, Matthew. Martin said he was born in County Kerry.[46] It would appear that Clondulane had no station master from March to September 1932 when Martin McMahon was appointed halt keeper at Clondulane. Martin McMahon formerly worked at Birdhill railway station in County Limerick on the Limerick to Ballybrophy line. As of 2023 the Birdhill station is still in use. At Clondulane Martin McMahon was paid 43s 9d per week along with free rent on the station master’s house.[47] On 1^st May 1942 Martin McMahon retired from the railway and received his pension.[48]

John Cahill, porter-in-charge: on 2^nd July 1900 John Cahill was born.[49] There are about twenty people called John Cahill in the 1901 census aged one ear and less. A possible contender for our John Cahill is the son of Jeremiah Cahill, railway porter, living in Chapel Lane in Mallow. This John Cahill was eight months old on census night, 4^th April. The dwelling house had two rooms for Jeremiah (aged 40), his wife Ellen (aged 34), and their two daughters Mary (aged 7) and Elizabeth (aged 5).[50] In the 1911 census the family were living in Dealyard Lane, Mallow, in a house with two rooms. Jeremiah Cahill was now a railway shunter and the family had another daughter, Ellen (aged 7). Jeremiah Cahill said he was 55 years old and that he was married 18 years with 4 children.[51] On 25^th November 1919 John Cahill joined the railway service (staff number 2747). On 1^st May 1942 John Cahill came to Clondulane station as a porter in charge on 43s 9d per week. By November 1952 his wages had risen to 109s per week. On 14^th September 1953 he transferred to Clonmel station.[52]

Peter Egan, halt keeper: on 23^rd May 1911 Peter Egan was born. As he was born after the 1911 census we will have to wait upon the 1926 census to find his family history. On 22^nd July 1924 Peter Egan joined the railway service. After serving at other stations including station 170, on 16^th September 1953 Peter Egan was appointed halt keeper at Clondulane at 109s per week.[53]

Frank Somers, halt keeper: Frank Somers was the son of Michael Somers, halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross in the 1940s. Michael Somers came from County Kerry, possibly the Farranfore area. His wife was from County Wexford. In the 1911 census Michael Somers was a railway signalman living at Assaly in Wexford near Killinick.[54] In 1917 Frank Somers was born in County Wexford. By the early 1920s Michael Somers was halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross station. Michael Somers died suddenly in 1942 and Frank Somers succeeded him as halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross. In about 1961 Frank Somers was transferred from Carroll’s Cross station to Clondulane as halt keeper. On 25^th March 1967 Frank Somers was in charge at Clondulane to witness the last passenger train on the Mallow to Waterford railway with his young nephew, Gabriel Carton. A number of goods trains ran on the last day, and over the following few days, to collect wagons and materials rather than do any freight business.[55]

After 1967 Frank Somers was transferred to Charleville railway station where he worked in the stores and parcel office. He also looked after the signals and the points. Frank Somers like to go cycling in the countryside when not at work. He was a very witty man and his Bob Newhart style of delivery had any room in stitches of laughter. Frank Somers also liked doing impressions of famous people and could do a very good take on President Richard Nixon. Frank Somers died suddenly on 14^th May 1981 and was buried at Tagoat in County Wexford. The large crowd in attendance spoke highly of the man.[56]

Clondulane goods shed (author photo)

Railway porter

In about 1900 Clondulane station was allowed to have two porters and a lad porter at any one time. One of the porters was to receive 2shilling per week extra for night duty at the station.[57]

David Twomey, railway porter: in March 1893 David Twomey joined the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway.[58] In June 1892 the WD&LR took over operation of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway.[59] Sometime before 1899 David Twomey was appointed as a porter at Clondulane at 14s per week. On 26^th December 1899 David Twomey resigned from the railway.[60]

Thomas Arnold, railway porter: On 27^th April 1879 Thomas Arnold was born.[61] On 10^th August 1893 Thomas Arnold joined the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway (staff number 1688 and later 1950). In the late 1890s Thomas Arnold was appointed as a lad porter at Clondulane at 7s per week. In 1900 he wages increased to 12s per week; 13s on 1^st July 1901, 14s on 1^st July 1902, 14/9 on 1^st July 1903 and 15/6 on 1^st July 1904.[62] In 1901 Thomas Arnold (aged 22) lived in Clondulane South townland with his parents Thomas (aged 60), mill labourer, and Anne Arnold (aged 58). Also in the family was John Arnold (aged 30), railway labourer, and Bridget (aged 28), domestic servant. The house had two rooms and two outbuildings and was rented from William Jones.[63] In 1911 Thomas Arnold was still a railway porter at Clondulane station. He was recently married to Hannah Arnold (aged 27). Thomas’s brother, James Arnold (aged 34), a unemployed labourer, lived with the family. The house had two rooms and two outbuildings.[64] In December 1911 the wages of Thomas Arnold increased to 16s per week. On 30^th July 1918 he moved to station 131.[65]

John Sweeney, railway porter: On 1^st or 10^th January 1880 John Sweeney was born.[66] On 2^nd April 1900 John Sweeney joined the railway service (staff number 1690 and later 1952) and his first job was as a porter at Clondulane station at 14s per week.[67] In 1901 John Sweeney (aged 22) lived in Clondulane South townland as a lodger in the house of Julia Heskin, mother of Edmond Heskin, later porter at Clondulane station. John Sweeney was born in County Waterford.[68] On 1^st July 1901 John Sweeney’s salary increased to 14/6 and 15s in 1902 and 15/6 in July 1903.[69] In 1911 John Sweeney was still a railway porter at Clondulane station. By 1911 he was married to Julia Heskin, sister of Edmond Heskin, for five years and they had three children of whom two were alive in 1911; Kate (aged 2) and Mary (11 months). Julia his wife was a dressmaker.[70]

In December 1911 John Sweeney’s salary increased to 16s per week and in May 1922 became 45/6 per week in line with a general increase in all railway wages.[71] But in 1926 the new Great Southern Railways reduced the wages of the railway workers over the following years. John Sweeney went from 41s 6d in 1926 to 37s 9d by June 1927. In October 1933 he transferred to station 298.[72]

Nicholas Power, railway porter: in the 1901 census Nicholas Power gave his age as 13 so born circa 1889. Nicholas Power was the eldest son of Thomas and Bridget Power. In 1901 Thomas Power was station master at Clondulane. In the 1901 census Nicholas was born in County Waterford and in the 1911 census it said County Cork. As his father was station master at Clondulane since 1880 then County Cork is possibly the correct location.[73] On 2^nd April 1903 Nicholas Power joined the railway service (staff number 2160) and was appointed as lad porter at Clondulane. But for some unknown reason Nicholas Power refused to take up the appointment. After some discussion with management Nicholas Power agreed to start work as a lad porter at Clondulane at 7s per week. On 2^nd September 1904 his wages were increased to 9s per week and 11s per week from 7^th February 1905.[74] On 7^th February 1906 his wages were increased to 12/6 per week. On 20^th June 1906 Nicholas Power left Clondulane station.[75] In the 1911 census Nicholas Power was living at Magnolia Terrace in Cork City with his father, Thomas Power (aged 49, clerk) and his mother Bridget Power (aged 48) along with his four brothers and two sisters.[76] His father was formerly station master at Clondulane station.

Edmund Heskin, railway porter: In the railway records he is called Edward Heskin while in the census records Edmund calls himself Edmund Heskin. On 20^th April 1890 Edmund Heskin was born.[77] In 1901 Edmond Heskin was living at Clondulane South with his widowed mother, Julia Heskin. Also in the house were Edmond’s brother, John (aged 20) and his two sisters; Hannah (aged 30) and Julia (aged 16). The family had three boarders in the house including John Sweeney, railway porter. The dwelling house had two rooms with one outbuilding and was rented from George Montgomery of Careysville House.[78] On 22^nd June 1906 Edmund Heskin joined the railway service (staff number 852) and his first job was a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In June 1907 his wages increased to 9s per week and in 1908 increased to 11s per week.[79]

In 1911 Edmund Heskin (aged 20) was living in Clondulane South townland with his mother Julia and his sister Julia along with four boarders who worked in the Clondulane mill. Julia Heskin had married about 1906 to John Sweeney, railway porter, and they had three children of whom two were alive in 1911; Kate and Mary. The Heskin house in 1911 had five rooms and three outbuildings and was still rented from Montgomery of Careysville.[80] On 25^th August 1911 Edmund (Edward) Heskin moved to station 217 (Fermoy).[81] At Fermoy Edmund served as a porter on 14s per week. On 4^th December 1911 he left the railway service. But on 28^th May 1913 Edmund Heskin rejoined the railway as a signalman in Fermoy on 16s per week. On 14^th May 1915 he was dismissed for unknown reasons.[82]

Michael Barry, railway porter: on 25^th November 1896 Michael Barry was born.[83] Michael Barry was possibly the lad of that name, aged 4 in the 1901 census, and living in Clondulane South. He was the son of Stephen (aged 26) and Mary Barry (aged 25) and had a younger sister Lizzie (aged 3). Stephen Barry worked as a general labourer.[84] In the 1911 census Stephen Barry said he was 46 and his wife Mary was 40. They were married 15 years and had five children who were all alive in 1911. Stephen Barry worked as a labourer at Clondulane mill. The children were Elizea (aged 14), John (aged 10), James (aged 9) and Margaret (aged 3). The absent child was Michael Barry.[85] There was a Michael Barry, aged 16, living as a boarder in the Watercourse Road in Cork where he was training as a machine boy under Joseph O’Connell, a machine cooper.[86] It is not known if this is the same Michael Barry who later joined the railway service at Clondulane. On 9^th February 1913 Michael Barry joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In June 1914 he got 9s per week and 11s in 1915 rising to 16s in 1916. On 7^th February 1917 Michael Barry transferred to station 218 (Fermoy).[87] At Fermoy Michael Barry worked as a signalman but his stay was short as on 19^th March 1917 he left the railway service.[88]

Thomas Moloney, railway porter: on 29^th June 1901 Thomas Moloney was born.[89] In 1911 Thomas Moloney was living in Clondulane South with his father, Patrick Moloney, a railway labourer. Patrick Moloney was a widower and had been married for seven years with four children born and still alive in 1911. Living with them in the house was Eliza O’Neill (aged 37, born Co. Wexford), an unmarried sister-in-law of Patrick Moloney. The house had two rooms and one outbuilding (a fowl house) and was owned by the railway company.[90] Patrick Moloney was a milesman from 1903 until 1907 and afterwards a ganger until 1925 when he retired followed an accident.[91] On 20^th March 1917 Thomas Moloney joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 6s per week. In 1918 he got 9s per week and on 29^th June 1919 this was increased to 11s but on the same day directions were given to increase Thomas’s wages to 16s per week as a full porter. On 29^th August 1919 Thomas Moloney retired from the railway service as he was incapacitated due to an accident.[92]

David Swaine, railway porter: on 15^th March 1903 David Swaine was born.[93] In the 1911 census David Swaine (aged 8) was the son of Thomas Swaine of Careysville (aged 36), a labourer at the Clondulane flour mill. Thomas was married to Julia Swaine (aged 33) for 17 years and they had 9 children of whom 7 were alive in 1911. The children were: Jane (aged 12), John (aged 11), David (aged 8), Norah (aged 6), Charlie (aged 5 and future porter at Clondulane), and Francis (aged 1). John Swaine (aged 40) was the brother of Thomas Swaine and also worked at Clondulane mill as a labourer. John Swaine lived in his brother’s house since before 1901. John Carmody (aged 76) was the father-in-law of Thomas Swaine and was a widower since before 1901 and lived with his daughter’s family before 1901.[94] In 1911 the eldest child of Thomas and Julia, Maggie Swaine (aged 17) worked as a domestic servant in the house of Kate Rice at Strawhall just to the south of Fermoy.[95] In 1901 Thomas Swaine and John Carmody gave their occupations as general labourer.[96] On 18^th July 1919 David Swaine joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In March 1920 his wages were increased to 9s per week and in March 1921 he was made a full porter on 16s per week. On 28^th March 1921 David Swaine transferred to station 328.[97]

William Murphy, railway porter: on 29^th October 1901 William Murphy was born.[98] On 16^th January 1917 William Murphy joined the railway service. On 10^th November 1919 William Murphy came to Clondulane station as a full porter on 16s per week. In May 1922 his salary was increased to 45/6 in line with a general increase in wages for railway workers. In line with other porters at Clondulane William Murphy got an additional 2s per week for night duty. On 23^rd July 1922 William Murphy was called up for service in the new National Army as the civil war got under way. But it seems that William Murphy was not a fully pledged supporter of the new state and on 28^th February 1923 he was arrested by the military. After the civil war ended William Murphy rejoined the railway service and on 2^nd June 1924 was transferred from station 378 to station 377.

John Flannery, railway porter: on 1^st July 1902 John Flannery was born. On 16^th January 1919 he joined the railway service (staff number 3322). He served at station 328 before transferring to Clondulane. On 25^th August 1924 John Flannery was appointed porter at Clondulane station at 45/6 per week.[99] In 1926 Great Southern Railways reduced John’s wages to 41s 6d and to 37s 9d by 1927 as part of a general reduction in wages. On 16^th September 1929 John Flannery transferred to station 263.[100]

Charles Swaine, railway porter: on 27^th January 1907 Charles Swaine was born.[101] Charles Swaine was the son of Thomas and Julia Swaine of Careysville in the 1911 census and younger brother of David Swaine, Clondulane station porter noted above.[102] On 25^th July 1924 Charles Swaine joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 23s per week.[103] On 5^th March 1926 Charles Swaine resigned from the railway.[104]

Henry (Harry) Jones, railway porter: on 1^st May 1887 Henry Jones was born.[105] It is difficult to identified Henry Harry Jones in the 1901 census but there was a Harry Jones aged 12 living in Princess Street, Fermoy, in 1901, who was the son of Francis Jones, labourer.[106] In 1911 Henry Jones was living in Quarry Lane, Fermoy, with his parents with his three brothers and three sisters. Henry worked as a building labourer while his father, Frank, was a gardener. All the family were born in County Cork. With the family on census night was James Roche, brother-in-law of Frank Jones.[107] On 23^rd October 1916 Henry Jones joined the railway service. On 16^th September 1929 Henry Jones was appointed porter at Clondulane station at 37s 9d per week. On the same day Henry Jones was given the company’s cottage at Clondulane rent free on the condition that his wife operates the level crossing gates. But his stay at Clondulane was brief as on 20^th September 1929 he transferred to station 219 from station 331.[108]

James O’Donnell, railway porter: on 4^th July 1894 James O’Donnell was born.[109] There are a good number of children in the 1901 census called James O’Donnell aged about 6/7 and it is difficult to identified which one was the later railway porter at Clondulane. On 10^th May 1920 James O’Donnell joined the railway service. On 20^th September 1929 James O’Donnell came to Clondulane as a porter at 37s 9d per week. On 14^th January 1931 James O’Donnell transferred to station 446 but this was changed to station 217 where he had served before Clondulane.[110]

William Curtin, railway lad porter: on 2^nd May 1909 William Curtin was born.[111] William Curtin was the son of William Curtin, a railway porter at Glanworth station circa 1910. In the 1911 census William Curtin junior was known as Willie Curtin and lived in Glanworth with his parents and two older brothers and one sister.[112] Later William Curtin senior was the station master at Ballindangan from April 1914 to November 1918.[113] On 3^rd September 1926 William Curtin junior joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 21s per week. In 1927 he got 22s 4d. On 26^th September 1927 William Curtin got a transfer to station 477.[114]

John Sweeney, railway lad porter: John Sweeney was born in May 1912. He was possibly the son of John Sweeney, railway porter at Clondulane noted above. On 3^rd February 1925 John Sweeney joined the railway service. On 26^th September 1927 he was appointed as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 10s per week. By 1931 his wages had increased to 27s per week. On 6^th June 1932 John Sweeney was paid off and left the railway service.[115]

Clondulane water tower (author photo)

Level crossing gate keeper

You often read that one of the biggest criticisms of the Mallow to Waterford railway was that it had far too many level crossings for the seventy-four miles of track and that because of their great number, trains had to travel at a slower speed compared to other lines. But the Duke of Devonshire and the Fermoy & Lismore Railway instead spent upfront capital on building under pass and over pass bridges between Fermoy and Lismore such that there were only two level crossings on the line. One level crossing was immediately adjacent to Clondulane station on the west while the other level crossing was a short distance to the east of Clondulane up a short road leading to the Church of Ireland church and the national school. A small gate keeper’s cottage was built beside this crossing in which the Neill family lived in around 1900.

James Neill, railway gate keeper: in 1901 James Neill (aged 58) lived in Clondulane South townland. He was born in County Cork. James Neill couldn’t read or write while his wife Catherine (aged 60) could read only. Their son, James Neill (aged 24) was a railway milesman and lived in the house with his sister Margaret Neill (aged 22). Both children could read and write. The house had two rooms and was owned by the railway company. It had three outbuildings; a turf house, a piggery and a fowl house.[116] The 1911 census mentions a James O’Neill (aged 34) as a train examiner living in Morgan Street, Waterford city with his wife of eleven years, Catherine O’Neill. They had four children of whom three were alive in 1911, namely; Anastasia (aged 10), James (aged 8) and Catherine, an infant. James O’Neill was born in County Waterford while the rest of the family were born in Waterford city.[117] It is unclear if they are the same man.

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[1] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 68 (October, 1975), pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[2] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[3] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[4] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[5] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An Illustrated History (Newtownards, 2015), p. 43

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, pp. 203, 265

[7] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 44

[8] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 150

[9] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 131

[10] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, Mallow to Waterford Railway Closure File

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, Mallow to Waterford Railway Closure File

[12] Murray, D., ‘Mallow to Waterford’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 18, No. 121 (June, 1993), pp. 236-250, at p. 250

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 150

[14] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 273

[15] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 45

[16] Slater’s Commercial Directory of Ireland, 1881, Munster, p. 139

[17] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 273; Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[18] Irish Railway Record Society, GSWR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[19] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[20] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[21] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, aged 23

[22] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, aged 23

[23] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[25] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Hannan, railway employee in Cork

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[28] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Anne Hannan

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, house 1 in Small Well, Queenstown

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[31] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Thomas Aherne

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 227

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[39] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Michael James Killeen, aged about 11

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[41] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael James Killeen, railway employee

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 315

[45] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Mahon, aged about 24, railway man

[46] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Martin McMahon

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[50] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, John Cahill, one year and less

[51] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Jeremiah Cahill, railway employee, born Co. Cork

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[53] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[54] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael Somers, railway employee

[55] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, in Journal I.R.R.S., Vo. 18, No. 121 (June, 1993), pp. 236-250, at pp. 245, 247

[56] Information to the author from Gabriel Carton, nephew of Frank Somers, 5^th March 2023

[57] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[58] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[59] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 46

[60] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[61] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[62] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[63] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[64] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[65] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[66] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, pp. 129, 150

[67] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[68] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[69] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[70] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[71] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[72] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[73] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Nicholas Power, County Cork

[74] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[75] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[76] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, railway employee

[77] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[78] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Heskin, County Cork

[79] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[80] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[81] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[82] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 217

[83] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[84] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Michael Barry, aged about 4

[85] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Stephen Barry, Clondulane

[86] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael Barry, aged about 14, boarder

[87] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[88] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 218

[89] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[90] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Coole DED, railway employees

[91] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Department, p. 236

[92] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[93] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[94] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, David Swaine

[95] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Maggie Swaine

[96] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Thomas Swaine

[97] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[98] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[99] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[100] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[101] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[102] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Charles Swaine

[103] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[104] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[105] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[106] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Harry Jones, aged about 14

[107] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Henry Jones, aged about 22

[108] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[109] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[110] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[111] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[112] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Willie Curtin, aged 2

[113] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in Traffic Dept, p. 81

[114] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[115] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[116] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[117] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, James O’Neill, aged about 34

Ballindangan Railway Station Staff, 1901-1932

Ballindangan Railway Station Staff, 1901-1932

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In 1838 Mitchelstown was on the line of the proposed Dublin to Cork railway but instead of coming south from Thurles the Dublin line went south-west to Charleville and Mallow.[1] In 1860 the Great Southern & Western Railway built a line from Mallow to Fermoy. In 1872 the Fermoy and Lismore Railway Company opened the Fermoy to Lismore line while in 1878 the Waterford, Dungarvan and Lismore Railway built a line between those towns to connect with the existing line at Lismore. In 1882 there was an application to Parliament to build a railway from Fermoy to Mitchelstown. After a few years of debate in 1885 Parliament passed the Tramways (Ireland) Provisional Order (Mitchelstown & Fermoy) Confirmation Act, 1885. This Act allowed for the formation of the Fermoy and Mitchelstown Railway Company with a share capital of £60,000. In 1887 construction began on a 12 mile route via Grange Cross, Glanworth and Ballindangan to terminate at Brigown on the south side of Mitchelstown. On 23^rd March 1891 the branch line opened for traffic with about 200 people travelling on the first passenger train from Fermoy to Mitchelstown leaving the former at 7am. The Great Southern & Western Railway operated the line on behalf of the Fermoy & Mitchelstown Railway Company.[2]

Two specially constructed 23 ton locomotives were used on the line as the permanent way was only lightly laid down.[3] The first seven years saw four passenger and one goods service per day. The line was frequently used by the military travelling from Fermoy to the Kilworth Camp firing range. A halt was built across the Mitchelstown to Fermoy road (1 mile before Mitchelstown station) to allow the soldiers to alight from the train and march to the Camp instead of going all the way into Mitchelstown station.[4] The halt was known as Brigown station in the railway books and opened on 8^th May 1899. The porter in Mitchelstown station got 2s extra per week to mind Brigown station and when Kilworth camp was closed, the porter worked at Mitchelstown station.[5]

In the first year of operation, 23^rd March to 31^st December 1891 the railway carried 26,118 passengers, 7,535 of general merchandise and 4,493 of goods traffic. The Company revenue was £2,670 plus £240 from other sources. There were suggestions of a railway extension via Kildorrery and Doneraile to Buttevant but there was little local appeal. The extension to Cahir also failed to materialise. In 1900 GS&WR officially purchased the F&MR.[6] By 1910 there were five passenger trains and one freight train working each way per day. In the Great War (1914-18) period the line was well patronised by soldiers going to the Kilworth camp for training before going to France.[7]

Great Southern Railways was formed in 1925 by the amalgamation of nearly all the railway companies in the Irish Free State. Although the GSR temporary reduced the wage bill in 1926 and 1927 the advent of the Great Depression forced the Company to increase wages so all to help the railway families with the hard times. The 1920s also saw the ever increasing use of road transport by car, bus and lorry with a consequential reduction in railway patronage. In 1927 the Fermoy to Mitchelstown railway achieved its peak in terms of passenger and freight traffic.[8] In October 1931 the line experience a tragic accident when the young daughter of Mrs. Sullivan was killed at Ballykearney level crossing by an empty goods train travelling to Mitchelstown for the pig fair. The train approached too fast and Mrs Sullivan had only one gate closed before the train passed through hitting the second gate behind which was the young child who had gone out to help her mother.[9] 

In 1932 the GSR asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce on 4^th June 1932 for permission to reduce services on the Fermoy to Mitchelstown Railway as, in 1931, the line made a loss of £332.[10] A public inquiry was convened with Mitchelstown Trade Association and the parish priest of Mitchelstown as the main objectors. To help their case the GSR said that in the line lost £539 in the first six months of 1932. Even with the reduction in service the line was still left go neglected. In 1938 the chief railway engineer informed the public that no investments would be made on the line such as re-laying rails or sleepers and so the maximum speed limit on the line was reduced to 25 miles per hour.[11] By 1941 only a half mile of track was relayed.[12] Passengers recalled that they were able to pick blackberries along the side of the track as the train travelled so slowly. Yet the use of mixed trains from 1933 proved successful and in 1938 the line made a profit of £672.[13]

On 13^th July 1941 the passenger service was cancelled because of fuel shortages. On 29^th June 1942 due to the continued shortage of coal, GSR reduced the goods traffic on the Fermoy to Mitchelstown to just livestock on the monthly fair day in Mitchelstown and the beet season in the October to January period. In April 1944 the Fermoy to Mitchelstown railway was closed and did not reopen until 22^nd January 1947.[14] On 1^st January 1945 Córas Iompair Éireann took over from the GSR. On 11^th January 1945 the last beet special was run over the Fermoy and Mitchelstown railway with eight loaded wagons from Mitchelstown and four at Glanworth along with two empty pulp covered wagons from each station.[15] During the fuel shortage of 1947 all trains were cancelled.[16] In 1945 passenger services were restored but were totally cancelled in 1947.[17]

By 1952, as a result of thirty years of non-investment the track was in a very bad state and CIE applied to the minister for an order to close the line. Cork County Council opposed the closure and a public inquiry was due to be held in Cork on 23^rd October 1952 but two days before the event the Council withdrew its objections and on 1^st December 1952 the line was officially closed. CIE lost no time in removing the entire railway as the demolition train arrived in Mitchelstown just ten days later.[18] By December 1953 the track and railway fixtures had been removed.[19] Most of the fabric of the stations at Mitchelstown, Ballindangan and Glanworth has been removed including all the buildings although a raised platform does exist at Glanworth. A few railway embankments survive and in a few places the track way can be seen where it is now used for farmer access passages.

Ballindangan station = the platform under the earthen bank = the railway on the right along the now farm track = level crossing gate post on left with the station behind the post (author photo)

Ballindangan station

Ballindangan railway station is located on the connection road between Ballindangan Cross on the south and Ballindangan village on the north in the townland of Flemingstown. The station was on the east side of the road south of a small steam on a plot of ground measuring 0.237 acres. In 1840 there was a small cottage on the site adjacent to the road, possibly occupied by Cornelius Fenton who rented from the Earl of Kingston. The station was just over 8¼ miles from Fermoy. There was a signal post about 1,200 feet away from the station on the Mitchelstown side. About 2,400 feet on the Fermoy side was another signal post. The station had a single platform on the down side of 82 feet long.[20] The station had a ticket office and a separate toilet building on the platform. Behind the platform and beside the road was a square dwelling house with a separate rectangular building to the east of the house.[21] In 1917 it was proposed to build a goods siding on the up side but the costings were considered to be beyond any potential return. In 1946 Ballindangan consisted of a lamp room, a parcels store and a dwelling house.[22] In 1914 fifty people boarded a special train at Ballindangan on their way to a football match in Fermoy. Mitchelstown provided 609 passengers for the train and 31 people got on at Glanworth.[23]

On 1^st September 1922 Ballindangan station was reclassified as a class 6 station from a class 5 station.[24] On 14^th August 1929 Ballindangan was converted to a halt under the supervision of the station master at Mitchelstown. This was changed at a later time to have Ballindangan under the supervision of the Glanworth station master.[25] On 6^th December 1929 Ballindangan was made a halt under Mitchelstown supervision.[26]

The halt keeper was expected to keep a Halt Train Cash Book to record issued passenger tickets and excess fare receipts. The Cash Book also recorded any receipts for outward parcels. Each day, by the appointed train, the Cash Book and any money were to be sent to the supervisory agent, in this case, the station master at Mitchelstown. Inward parcels to a halt were to be recorded in a Halt Inwards Counter Book. Any outward goods at a halt were to be weight and money collected on pre-book goods. On other goods, an invoice was to be sent to the destination station. The supervisory agent was expected to visit the halt periodically and at least on the close of the month to check the books against his own records.[27]   

On 4^th November 1932 all clerical duties relating to Ballindangan station were assigned to Glanworth station and the halt keeper, Mrs. O’Mahony was made keeper of the adjacent level crossing.[28] Nothing remains of the station building today. By about 2005 it was just a green field site. In recent years somebody attempted a new building on the site but only got as far as the foundations. The track way on the south side of the station site is used as a farmer access passage. A level crossing posts is possibly the one indication that a railway once existed here. 

Station master

Thomas Hackett, station master: Thomas Hackett was born in 1849.[29] On 10^th February 1897 Thomas Hackett (staff number 1638) joined the railway service as the level crossing keeper (11s per week) at Curraheen No. 2 under Ballindangan station. On 1^st April 1901 Thomas Hackett was appointed to Ballindangan as station master. Denis Mellerick took the Curraheen LC job. Thomas Hackett’s initially salary was 15s per week which increased to 17s 6d on 6^th October 1902.[30] In the 1901 census, taken on 16^th April, Thomas Hackett was living in Ballindangan townland and gave his occupation as railway servant. Thomas Hackett was born in County Kilkenny and was 54 years old. His wife, Annie Hackett, was 51 years old and born in County Tipperary and gave her occupation as housekeeper. The couple had three daughters (Mary, aged 21; Rosanna M., aged 17; and Margaret, aged 12), and one son (Patrick J., aged 8). The eldest daughter was born in County Tipperary and all the other children were born in County Cork. The dwelling house had three rooms and two windows in the front elevation along with two outbuildings.[31]

In the 1911 census Thomas Hackett had moved house and was living in Flemingstown where he was a railway employee. Thomas and his wife Hannie (different spelling compared to 1901) were married for 34 years and had six children of whom five were alive in 1911. Living with their parents in 1911 was; Mary (aged 30), Margaret (aged 20) and Patrick John (aged 18), all unmarried. The dwelling house had two rooms and three windows in the front elevation along with two outbuildings. The house was owned by the GS&WR.[32] In 1911 no railway employee lived at the station dwelling house in Ballindangan and so it is likely that Thomas Hackett was still station master there. As Patrick Hackett was still a scholar at 18 years would suggest that the family downsized house and took on the additional job of keeper the level crossing at Flemingstown to help give Patrick the best education opportunities possibly. The two girls didn’t give an occupation and so may have helped their parents with the railway jobs. On 5^th February 1914 Thomas Hackett died.[33]

William Curtin, station master: on 25^th March 1877 William Curtin was born and on 8^th June 1896 he joined the railway service (staff number 1633).[34] In the 1901 and 1911 census William Curtin gave his age as 26 and 36, respectively, which would say that he was born in 1875 but the various railway staff books are consistent with 1877 as his birth year. In 1901 William Curtin, aged 26, was the level crossing keeper at Boherash, near Glanworth. He lived in Glanworth town with his wife Mary, aged 25, and his aunt, Jane McGrath, aged 69 years. Their house had two rooms and was rented from Denis Frazer.[35] In March 1904 William Curtin (staff number 668) became the porter at Glanworth station at 15s 6d per week.[36]

In the 1911 census William Curtin, aged 36, was living in Glanworth with his wife, Mary, aged 36, and their four children (Daniel, aged 10, Patrick, aged 8, Kathleen, aged 6 and Willie, aged 2).[37] William Curtin gave his occupation as loading porter, presumingly at the railway station but not necessarily. In the railway staff book, circa 1915, William Curtin worked as a porter at Glanworth station under Patrick Kelly, the station master, up until 14^th October 1910 when he transferred to another station.[38] On 27^th April 1914 William Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan. William’s starting salary was 18s 6d per week but this was reduced to 17/6 before increasing on 1^st May 1915 to 20s per week. In 1918 Ballindangan was a class 8 station with the master on £70 per year.[39] On 8^th November 1918 William Curtin transferred to another station.[40]

Site of the station dwelling house on visable foundations which appear to be of a later date than the closure of the railway in 1950s = station platform under the earthen bank on the left = photo facing west (author photo)

Michael Curtin, station master: on 29^th September 1875 Michael Curtin was born and on 31^st January 1905 joined the railway service of Great Southern & Western Railway (staff number 1719).[41] His first job was as a porter at Ballyhooley station.[42] On 31^st August 1905 Michael Curtin moved to station 170.[43] The 1911 census records a Michael Curtin, aged 35, as living at Killahane in Molahiffe, Co. Kerry, where he gave his occupation as road steward. He was married to Mary, aged 25, a shop keeper. They had a daughter Margaret, aged 2 and a son Patrick.[44] On 25^th November 1918 Michael Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan. His opening salary was 20s per week which was converted in August 1919 to £180 plus £1 allowance. On 25^th November 1920 this increased to £190 and on 1^st January 1922 increased again to £200. Out of his salary Michael Curtin paid 5s per week for the rent of the dwelling house beside the station. This rent was later converted to £13 per year.[45]

Michael Curtin was allowed to retain his salary of £200 as a class 5 station master on the reclassification of Ballindangan as a class 6 station. The reclassification would only apply to new appointments. On 14^th August 1929 Michael Curtin transferred to Glanworth station.[46] At Glanworth Michael Curtin was a class 5 station master but he didn’t stay long as on 26^th November 1929 he died.[47]

Mrs. Sullivan, halt keeper: on 14^th August 1929 Mrs. Sullivan was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan. She was the widow of the late agent at Buttevant. As caretaker Mrs. Sullivan was allowed to issue tickets and other railway duties. She could live in the station house for a rent of 2shillings per week. Mrs. Sullivan didn’t stay long at Ballindangan as on 5^th December 1929 her transferred was cancelled and she was reassigned to station 255. It would appear that Mrs. Sullivan wasn’t happy with this move and on 25^th June 1930 she was sent to station 261 instead.[48]

William Coughlan, porter in charge: On 24^th April 1881 William Coughlan was born and joined the railway service on 3^rd June 1896.[49] In the 1901 census, William Coughlan was a railway porter in Killarney and aged 19 years. His father, Michael Coughlan, aged 42, was also a railway porter and was his brother, Michael Coughlan, aged 18. Michael senior was born in County Cork while the two boys were born in County Limerick. Their mother Margaret, aged 40, was also a Limerick woman. William had a younger brother, Edward, aged 14, and two sisters, Hannah, aged 20, and Maggie, aged 15. The dwelling house had three rooms and located a few doors away from the railway station.[50] William Coughlan doesn’t appear in the 1911 census.

On 5^th December 1929 William Coughlan, a spare signalman at Clarecastle, was assigned to Ballindangan station as a porter in charge. He was to retain his signalman salary of 45s 3d per week and have the tenancy of the station house at 2s per week.[51] But this transfer was cancelled as it didn’t take place.[52] On 30^th June 1930 William Coughlan got a new appointment to Ballindangan with tenancy of the station house at 2s per week. On 11^th January 1932 William Coughlan was transferred to station 256.[53] This transferred was also dated 18^th January 1932.[54]

Mrs. Quirke, porter in charge: on 18^th January 1932 Mrs. Quirke (wife of Mr. Quirke, porter at Glanworth) was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan at 5s per week. The railway clerk though she was the wife of milesman Quirke but changed it to the wife of porter Quirke.[55] The Glanworth station staff, as recorded in the railway books, doesn’t mention anybody called Quirke and so milesman Quirke may be the correct identification. There was a person called Philip Quirke who worked in 1932 as a porter at Fermoy station and from 1945 was the goods porter at Fermoy and he could possibly be the husband.[56] Mrs. Quirke was to receive the station house free of rent in consideration of her duties at looking at the adjacent level crossing and other duties at Ballindangan.[57]

Mrs. O’Mahony, halt keeper: sometime before the 4^th November 1932 Mrs. O’Mahony was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan station at 5s per week. But on 4^th November 1932 her duties as halt keeper ceased and she was instead assigned the duties of gate keeper at Ballindangan level crossing beside the station. The 5s per week also ceased and instead the 2s per week rent for the dwelling house was cancelled. Glanworth station was to handle all clerical duties pertaining to Ballindangan.[58] It is not known for how long Mrs. O’Mahony continued to operate the level crossing at Ballindangan.

Porter

Patrick John Curtin, porter: on 17^th March 1903 Patrick John Curtin was born.[59] He was the son of William Curtin and Mary Curtin. In the 1911 the family were living at Glanworth where William Curtin, aged 36, was a loading porter at the local station. Mary Curtin was 36 years old. They were married for twelve years and had four children (Daniel, aged 10, Patrick, aged 8, Kathleen, aged 6 and Willie, aged 2). All the family were born in Co. Cork.[60] In 1914 William Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan.[61] On 18^th February 1921 Patrick Curtin (staff number 805) joined the GS&WR and his first job was as a lad porter at Ballindangan station. His starting salary was 9s per week but this quickly increased to 16s per week on 17^th February 1921, the same day he was transferred to another station.[62]

General area map of Ballindangan Station

Ballindangan Station plan

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End of post

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[1] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 169

[2] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[3] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 169

[4] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[5] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 232

[6] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[7] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 18

[8] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 19

[9] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 171

[10] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 19

[11] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 198

[12] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 21

[13] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 21

[14] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 177

[15] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 22

[16] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 198

[17] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 170

[18] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), pp. 198, 199

[19] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 23

[20] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 27

[21] Evidence from examining the Ordnance Survey 25 inch map of circa 1900

[22] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 27

[23] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 22

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[25] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[27] Córas Iompair Éireann, Accounts Instruction Book (Dublin, 1954), pp. 24, 25

[28] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[29] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 231

[31] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[32] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 230

[37] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 224

[39] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 28

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 223

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 86

[44] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[46] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 171

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[50] National archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[51] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[53] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[54] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[55] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[56] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[57] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[58] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[59] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[60] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[61] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[62] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

Women Staff on the Mallow to Waterford and Mitchelstown Railway

Women Staff on the Mallow to Waterford and Mitchelstown Railway

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Railways in Ireland have been historically staff overwhelmingly by male workers. Yet the number of female staff has increased in recent times. The recent 2022 gender report by Irish Rail shows that there were 474 female employees on the railway out of a total staff number of 4,231, i.e. there was 3,757 male employees.[1] In 2019 there were four female train drivers in a pool of five hundred train drivers.[2] The average take home pay for the female staff in 2022 was €52,212 compared to the male figure of €57,332 which gives the impression that men have more pay than women. Yet as the female employees work an average of 1,880 hours per hours compared to the male average of 2,195 the rate of take home pay per hour is €27.77 for women and €26.12 for men. About 15% of upper grade jobs are filled by women, 5% at lower middle grade and 9% at the lower grade.[3]

In previous years the pay gap between women and men was substantially more and weighted heavily in favour of male staff. In 1964 a female class 2 clerk in her first year got £7 per week or £364 per year as against £980 for a class 2 male clerk. In her third year the female clerk got £416 against £1,140 for the male clerk. A third year female class 1 clerk got about £787 versus a male clerk at £1,215 for his third year.[4]

Even with a lower salary female staff were expected to contribute a greater proportion of their salary to the company pension fund. In the 1951 Córas Iompair Éireann pension scheme for example a male employee aged 16 contributed 4½% of his salary while a female age 16 contributed 5%. A male aged 23 to 26 years contributed 6% while a female employee gave 7¼%. A male aged 52 to 55 years gave 7½% while a female of 49 to 50 years gave 10½%.[5] It is presumed that the higher contributions expected of female employees to the pension fund was made on the basis that generally females lived longer and so the fund needed to be big enough to pay the longer pension. In the 1951 C.I.É. pension scheme a male employee was expected retired between the ages of 60 and 65 while a female employee was to retire between 55 and 60 years old.[6]

Women staff on the Mallow to Waterford railway

The Mallow to Waterford railway and its branch line to Mitchelstown employed a few hundred workers in the varied periods of operation from 1860 to 1982. The exact number employed is difficult to calculate as many early staff records are lost. Yet it is safe to say that the number of male employees on the line were well into the 90s; 97 or 98% would not be far off the mark. Most female employees were gate keepers at various level crossings with a small number working briefly within a select few railway stations. Most railway stations, like Ballyduff, Ballyhooley, Cappoquin, Castletownroche, Kilmacthomas and Mitchelstown had no recorded female staff. One woman was a station master while a few served as halt keepers.

Hannah Fitzpatrick, Irish Rail Customer Services, photo by Nick Bradshaw

Station Master

Only one woman was a station master on the mallow to Waterford railway. Elizabeth Quinn was station master at Carroll’s Cross from 5^th September 1894 to her retirement on 30^th September 1900. Records say that she joined the railway service on the same day that she was made the station master at Carroll’s Cross. Elizabeth Quinn received 40s per week while her successor, Michael Power, got 52s per week. As well as doing her job as station master, Elizabeth also worked the adjacent level crossing gates at Carroll’s Cross.[7] Later male station master got an extra 12s per week for the level crossing but it seems that Elizabeth didn’t get any extra pay.[8] Records from the 1890s show that Carroll’s Cross was mostly a passenger station with little or no freight transactions. About 100 people per week used the station in the September/October 1895 when Elizabeth was the station master.[9] it is not clear if Elizabeth Quinn got the job at Carroll’s Cross in succession to her husband or father or if she was appointed on her own merits. In the 1901 census Elizabeth Quinn cannot be identified and the only extra information we known about her was that on 7^th February 1895 her seven month old son William died. Elizabeth Quinn informed the local registrar in Kilmacthomas, J.L. Walsh and gave her occupation as station master.[10] In 1924 when Michael Somers became station master at Carroll’s Cross his wife got 7s 2d for operating the level crossing gates.[11] In the 1950s Frank Somers was the halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross (in 1942 the station was downgraded to a halt) and his mother operated the adjacent level crossing. In the 1960s Mrs. Kelly from Cork, a widow of a railway man, was the last halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross in 1967. In the early 1970s Noelette Whelan came to Carroll’s Cross to operate the level crossing gates for the dolomite trains to Ballinacourty and remained in her position until the line closed in 1982.[12]

Women as halt keepers

From the late 1920s a number of stations on the Mallow to Waterford railway and the branch line to Mitchelstown were reduced in status from a station to a halt. Mrs. Kelly was the half keeper at Carroll’s Cross in the 1960s as mentioned above. On 14^th August 1929 Mrs. Sullivan, possibly Mrs. O’Sullivan, was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan station on the Mitchelstown branch line. The station was a class 6 station up to her appointment but was downgraded to a halt on 14^th August 1929. Mrs. O’Sullivan was the widow of a railway agent at Buttevant station. Her Christian name was not recorded. Ballindangan station is located on a country road with no houses immediately surrounding it. Mrs. O’Sullivan possibly felt lonely there as on 5^th December 1929 she transferred to another railway station.[13]

Mrs. O’Sullivan was succeeded by William Coughlan, a spare signalman at Clarecastle station, who served as porter-in-charge at Ballindangan from December 1929 to January 1932 when Mrs. Quirke became halt keeper/porter-in-charge at Ballindangan.[14] The staff clerk recorded Mrs. Quirke as the wife of milesman Quirke but then changed his mind and said she was the wife of porter Quirke at Glanworth station. Staff records mention nobody at Glanworth called Quirke but there was a Philip Quirke who worked as a porter at Fermoy station in the 1920s and 1930s.[15] William Coughlan was allowed to retain his signalman salary of 45s 6d per week when at Ballindangan but Mrs. Quirke was paid only 5s per week for her position of porter-in-charge. Mrs. Quirke was allowed to live in the station dwelling house rent free in consideration of her duties as gate keeper of the adjacent level crossing at Ballindangan. On 4^th November 1932 Mrs. Quirke was succeeded by Mrs. O’Mahony as halt keeper at Ballindangan. Mrs. O’Mahony was initially to receive the same 5s per week that Mrs. Quirke was paid but this was changed to having the dwelling house rent free (normal rent of 2s) as Glanworth station was given the job of managing the paper work and account books of Ballindangan.[16]

Female staff within railway stations

One of the earliest female employees on the Mallow to Waterford railway was recorded in 1878 when Elizabeth Cunningham was the telegraphist at Dungarvan station. In September 1902 Elizabeth Cunningham resigned her position with no new appointment. Elizabeth Cunningham was the wife of Patrick Cunningham, the station master at Dungarvan from 1878 until his death in May 1902.[17] In the 1901 census it says she was 40 years old and born in Limerick City and her husband was aged 50 and born in County Meath. In the census Elizabeth Cunningham gave her occupation as telegrapher.[18]

It would appear that most of the female employees within the line railway stations held their position because they husband, father or other family relation had a job in the same railway station. In 1903 a Miss King was appointed a clerk at Dungarvan station for an unknown salary.[19] In December 1911 she resigned her position. Richard King, the station master at Dungarvan retired at the same time and Miss King was possibly his daughter.[20] Richard King is not recorded in both the 1901 and 1911 census returns and so it is difficult to know the true family relationship. In November 1906 John Flynn, the station master at Durrow, was allowed to employ his daughter, at 8s per week, to operate the telephone in the signal cabin.[21] The record says telephone but it was possibly as telegraph as Durrow had no telephone facilities up to its closure in 1967.[22] The daughter’s position ceased when John Flynn left Durrow in August 1908.[23] The daughter’s name was not recorded. In the 1901 census John Flynn (aged 50) was a widower and station master at Durrow where he was lived with his three daughters, Mary (aged 20, house-keeper), Ellie/Ellen (aged 17, dress-maker) and Bridget (aged 15, scholar).[24] In 1911 the family lived at Fiddown, Co. Kilkenny where John was a toll collector. Living with him was his daughter Ellen, aged 26 with no occupation recorded. Also in the house was John’s daughter Mary who was married to a Mr. Halpin and had a daughter Ellen Halpin. Mary Flynn Halpin was aged 30 with no occupation recorded and was married for seven years with five children of whom four were alive in 1911.[25]

Fermoy station had two female employees between 1905 and 1938 and both were related to other male station staff. In 1905 Mrs. Swanton was appointed as ladies attendant at Fermoy railway station at 5s per week.[26] Mrs. Swanton was possibly the wife of James Swanton, porter at Fermoy.[27] In April to June 1908 James Swanton was a porter at Mitchelstown.[28] Mrs. Swanton didn’t get any job there. In 1911 James Swanton was porter at Cashel station where his wife is called Johanna Swanton and they had three daughters and one son. They were married in 1901 and lived with James’s mother Anastasia. Johanna Swanton was born in Co. Limerick.[29] Mrs. Swanton position at Fermoy was left unfilled. It is not known if Mrs. Swanton was any relation of Mary Beatrice Swanton from Co. Cork who was living in Park Drive in Rathmines (Dublin) in 1911 and gave her occupation as ‘vendor of “Votes for Women” paper’.[30] In 1938 Fermoy station employed Miss McDonagh as a typist for four months and was paid off in January 1939, a month before her father, J.P. McDonagh left his position as station master.[31]

Another female employed at a railway station appears to have got her job by some unknown family relationship with the station master. On 21^st March 1910 Elizabeth Savage joined the railway service as an office assistant at Lismore station at 10s per week. Since December 1908 John Savage was the station master at Lismore.[32] It is not clear what the relationship between Elizabeth Savage and John Savage was. On 17^th January 1911 Elizabeth was discharged when John Savage was transferred to station 245.[33] In the 1911 census John Savage appears as station master at Kildare with his wife Sarah Roche Savage and their five daughters, the eldest of whom was just sixteen. The daughters were name Emmie Victor, Mary Eleanor, Dorothy Frances, Ruth Lilian and Kathleen Jocelyn. The couple were married 17 years and had 8 children of whom 5 were alive in 1911.[34] John Savage was born in County Cork and the 1911 census records a person called Elizabeth Savage (aged 38), born in County Cork, as living in North Leinster Street, Dublin. She was unmarried and a member of the Church of Ireland like John. She didn’t give her occupation and was living with her brother, Andrew Savage.[35] The 1901 census records Elizabeth Savage as the daughter of Anne Savage (widow) and she was living on Carlingford Road, Drumcondra in Dublin. Elizabeth said she was born in Carrigaline, Co. Cork.[36] Again her relationship to John Savage the station master is unknown.

Women as level crossing keepers

In the 1890s many of the level crossings were operated by men.[37] But as the decades rolled on women increasingly came to operate the various level crossings on the Mallow to Waterford line and also on the branch line from Fermoy to Mitchelstown. In the 1901 census Kate Flynn was the gate keeper at Ballymacmague level crossing and Margaret Neill was the gate keeper near Cappagh station.[38] In the 1911 census Rose Fox was gate keeper at Shandon level crossing and Ellen Heelan was gate keeper at Ballysaggartbeg level crossing while Kate Flynn was still at Ballymacmague.[39] The 1901 census for County Cork doesn’t record any woman directly employed on the railway. Mary Curtin in Glanworth is described as a ‘railway gateman’s wife’ to her husband, William Curtin, a level crossing gate keeper. In 1901 Patrick Cahill described himself as a railway officer and living in Fermoy. He also described his wife Margaret and daughter Margaret as railway officers.[40] But none of these people appear on the staff records of Fermoy station.

In the 1920s Mrs. Mary O’Sullivan was gate keeper at Grange level crossing on the Mitchelstown branch and in the 1930s Mrs. Mary Dolan held the same position.[41] In 1952 Mrs. Anne Moylan was gate keeper at Knock level crossing with free tenancy of the dwelling house.[42] In the 1970s many women operated the level crossings for the Ballinacourty trains such as Mrs. Mini Mackey at Kildermody; Joan Bagge at Ardeenloun; Lil Donnelly at Greenan; Mrs. Jim Kirwan at Ballybrack and Mary Barry at McGrath’s Cross in Faha. Mrs. Jim Kirwan was the wife of Jim Kirwan who was employed as the signalman at Kilmacthomas station during the Ballinacourty trains and they lived at Ballybrack.[43]

A number of women became gate keepers at various level crossings as the wife or daughter of a male employee. In 1928 Robert Louden was appointed as a porter at Dungarvan station and his wife was made the gate keeper of the nearby level crossing.[44] In 1929 Harvey Jones, the porter at Clondulane station, was given the nearby railway cottage, free of rent, on the understanding that his wife would operate the level crossing gates.[45] The job of gate keeper at a level crossing was not a simple task of closing the two gates against the public road whenever the train was due.

It was a partially tasking job if the level crossing was on a major public road. Mrs. Mackey operated Kildermody level crossing in the 1970s where the railway crossed the main Waterford to Dungarvan road. She sometimes enquired of her work colleagues about what should she do if the train was late and an ambulance was waiting on the main road. The telephone system that was in use only connected with the next level crossing in the direction of the train and so Mrs. Mackey couldn’t ring Waterford station to ask why the train was late.[46] Thus if she opened the gates for the ambulance, the train may arrive at the same time, and cause an accident of greater proportions than just letting the ambulance wait on the road.  

Working a level crossing can also be dangerous for the woman involved or her family. In October 1931 Mrs. Sullivan was in charge of the Ballykearney level crossing on the Mitchelstown branch line. An empty goods train was travelling to Mitchelstown for the pig fair. But it is not clear if the train was late or if Mrs. Sullivan delayed too long helping her daughter with her school work. The train approached too fast and Mrs Sullivan had only one gate closed before the train passed through hitting the second gate behind which was the young child who had gone out to help her mother. The impact of the train on the gate caused the young girl to lose her life.[47]

Some women became gate keepers in succession to their husband and were in turn succeeded by their daughters. In 1913 Denis Mellerick became gate keeper at Clifford level crossing and in 1939 was succeeded by his wife Mrs. D. Mellerick. Denis was receiving 38s per week for the job and his wife got 28s but this was reduced 20s on the day of her appointment in return for getting free tenancy of the dwelling house besides the crossing. In 1942 Miss Patricia Mellerick succeeded her mother as gate keeper on 20s per week. Her salary increased over the following years to 42s per week in 1952.[48]

In November 1949 Miss Margaret Christina Lehane was appointed gate keeper of the level crossing in Cappoquin in succession to deceased father John Lehane (appointed 1936). She was paid the same 54s per week that John Lahane was paid when he died.[49] In 1937 Mrs. Moran was appointed gate keeper at Ballymacmague level crossing but was laid off in 1943 following an accident. In February 1944 Miss Kathleen Elizabeth Moran became the gate keeper and resigned in October 1946. In January 1947 Teresa Bernard Moran became the gate keeper.[50]

Mrs. B. McCarthy was the gate keeper at Boherwillin level crossing, near Cappagh station, from 1919 to 1953 when she retired.[51] Mrs. Kathleen Flanagan became gate keeper at Boherwillin in November 1953.[52] Both women were paid about 10 to 20 shillings less than their male counterparts for doing the same job.

Women associated with railway stations

Some women were also employed in the railway service but not necessarily on the railway. In 1911 Jane Ward Shiss (aged 26), was a railway clerk at Shandon, Dungarvan, where her father, Robert Shiss, was a railway agent.[53] Robert Shiss does not feature on the list of railway staff at Dungarvan station and he must have worked out of his own office in the general Shandon area.

Beyond the Mallow to Waterford railway yet connected to it we also find a few women employed. In the 1940s the Waterford station goods department had two female employees; Miss B. Donnelly the telephonist and Miss R. Caravan the typist. In the 1950s they were replaced by Miss M.E. Brazil the telephonist and Miss M. Donnelly the typist.[54]

Conclusion

This survey of women employed on the Mallow to Waterford railway is far from complete as many of the level crossing keepers are not recorded in the railway staff books. Also many of the railway staff books before 1900 do not survive while staff books in the 1950s usually just record the station master in each station without giving the names of porters or signalmen and so a number of other railway women may be found. Yet it is clear that the overall number of women employed on the railway between 1860 and 1982 were few in number. It is not known if Elizabeth Quinn became the station master at Carroll’s Cross in succession to her husband or father. Most of the other women employed by the railway appear to have got their job by way of a family relationship to a male employee and in the case of work within a railway station, the women lost their job when the male relative moved on to another station. At level crossings the exact relationship of the women employed to other male railway workers is unclear in a number of cases. Where more information is available it seems that most women became gate keepers at level crossings in succession to their husbands or fathers and that in some places daughters succeeded their mothers as gate keepers. Had the railway continued to exist to our present time it is likely that more women would be employed on the railway and that they would be so employed on their own merit rather than by association with any male employees.  

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[1] Irish Rail Gender Pay Gap Report, June 2022 as reported by Mairead Sheehy in the Irish Examiner, 21^st December 2022

[2] RTE News, 2^nd January 2019

[3] Irish Rail Gender Pay Gap Report, June 2022 as reported by Mairead Sheehy in the Irish Examiner, 21^st December 2022

[4] Transport Salaried Staffs Association, Rates of Pay and Conditions of Service of Salaried Staffs employed by Public Transport Undertakings in Ireland (Dublin, 1964), pp. 3, 4

[5] Córas Iompair Éireann, C.I.E. Superannuation Scheme, 1951: Rules of the Scheme (Dublin, 1964), pp. 14

[6] Córas Iompair Éireann, C.I.E. Superannuation Scheme, 1951: Rules of the Scheme (Dublin, 1964), pp. 15, 16

[7] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 360

[8] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 114

[9] Waterford City and County Archives, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/788

[10] Waterford County Library, Online Resources, Online Local Studies, Family History Databases, Death Registers, no. 23,020, Cert. no. 258

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 129

[12] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[14] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[15] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[16] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[17] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 363

[18] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Elizabeth Cunningham, County Waterford

[19] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 169

[20] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 201

[21] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 172

[22] Information by Paddy Joe Maher to the author, 25^th October 2022

[23] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 172

[24] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, John Flynn, County Waterford

[25] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, John Flynn, born County Waterford

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 181

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 182

[28] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 285

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, James Swanton

[30] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Swanton

[31] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff in Traffic Department, p. 165

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 257

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 310

[34] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, John Savage, station master

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Elizabeth Savage, born in County Cork

[36] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Andrew Savage, born in County Cork

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, pp. 222, 229, 360

[38] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[39] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[40] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, women in Cork via railway in occupation title

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 433

[43] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 422

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 315

[46] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[47] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 171

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 290

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 256

[50] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 423

[51] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 255

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 255

[53] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[54] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, General Manager’s Register of Staff, p. 251

Tallow Road Railway Station Staff

Tallow Road Railway Station Staff

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Tallow Road Station

On 17^th May 1860 the Great Southern and Western Railway opened a 17 mile railway to Fermoy from Mallow at a cost of £109,000 or costing £6,411 per mile.[1] In 1865 two railway companies were formed to connect Fermoy with Waterford city. The Waterford, Lismore and Fermoy Railway proposed to connect Waterford to Dungarvan and Fermoy to Lismore. The other company, the Clonmel, Lismore and Dungarvan Railway was to bridge the gap between Lismore and Dungarvan with a connecting line to Clonmel from Dungarvan. At Clonmel the line would join the Waterford and Limerick Railway for the onward journey to Waterford. None of the two companies succeeded in attracting enough investment money. Late in the 1860s the Duke of Devonshire decided to build his own railway line between Fermoy and Lismore. In June 1869 The Fermoy and Lismore Railway Act was passed. On 26^th July 1872 the Duke of Devonshire made the first private railway journey on the line from Fermoy to Lismore and it was officially opened for business on 1^st October 1872. In 1878 the Waterford, Dungarvan and Lismore Railway built the line to connect Lismore to Waterford and so establish the through line from Mallow to Waterford.

Tallow Road station was located about two miles north-east of Tallow town on the old road to Glencairn. A new road was built to make a direct connection between the station and Tallow Hill. The station building was a single story ticket and waiting room area with a two story section on the eastern side. A good shed was a short distance from the building. Although the station had distance and home signal posts, it had no signal box. The signalling was controlled from Lismore.

Early business reports for the Fermoy and Lismore Railway in the 1870s show that about 5 tons of goods were deposited at Tallow station per week while one ton was loaded onto passing trains. Some weeks could see up to 18 tons goods at the station while at other times it could be as low as a few hundred weights. The summer months usually saw about ten tons offloaded at Tallow and seven tons placed on trains. In the 1890s about 90 to 150 people used the station on a weekly basis with up to 200 on some weeks.[2] Slater’s Postal Directory in 1881 mentions the existence of Tallow Road station two miles from Tallow but didn’t record the name of the station master.[3] In the period 1910 to 1920 Tallow Road was a Class 5 station.[4] In the 1960s the station was reduced in status to just a halt site.

Sometime in the 1870s or 1880s a certain Miss Anthony from Tallow boarded a train, possibly at Tallow Road station, without purchasing a ticket. She was the daughter of a deceased Tallow merchant and from a family with old merchant money and so thought the train was her personal carriage. She lived in the grand house in Convent Street, now known as St. Patrick’s Hall. A railway guard discovered she had no ticket and ejected her from the train onto the platform where she is said to have suffered injuries. Miss Anthony took the railway company to court and a young lawyer called Edward Carson successfully defended her and by so doing made a name for himself as a formable defence lawyer. The railway company appealed the case and lost a second time to Miss Anthony.

In a report on railway rationalisation in 1950 C.I.E. proposed closing the Mallow to Waterford railway but the powers that be said no. In 1966 C.I.E. tried again to close the line and was successful. On 25^th March 1967 the last passenger train stopped at Ballyduff and the line from Mallow to Waterford was closed. Demolition of the railway began almost immediately from Cappoquin towards Dungarvan and in 1968/9 from Cappoquin westwards to Mallow. The fixture and fittings at Tallow station were removed and the station building was sold. The building was left idle for a number of years and fell into ruin. It was later rebuilt by new owners with stone faced additions on both the east side.

The single platform was 300 feet long; the shortest on the Fermoy to Lismore network with Clondulane at 301 feet, Ballyduff 320 feet, Lismore 404 feet and Fermoy 775 feet.[5] The platform was on the up side as was the facing connection for the goods shed.[6] Another siding faced the goods siding on the east and connected with the cattle pens and sugar beet loading platform in the south-east corner of the station yard.

Tallow Road Station c.1970 after closure

Station master

William Hedderman, station master = It is said that William Hedderman was appointed station master on 28^th November 1849 but this year is clearly an error.[7] In 1893 William Hedderman was the station master at Tallow Road station as quoted by Guy’s Postal Directory.[8] But the Directory was out of date as on 3^rd November 1892 William Hedderman died when station master at Tallow Road. William Hedderman was married at the time and 70 years old. Mary Hickey was present at death which occurred after just 18 hours of illness from haemorrhage apoplexy.[9] 

John O’Keeffe, station master: On 22^nd September 1879 John O’Keeffe joined the railway service.[10] John O’Keeffe was the station master at Tallow Road Station in the 1890s. His salary was £52 per year. On 18^th December 1899 he transferred to Queenstown station (page 334).[11] At Queenstown John O’Keeffe was a head porter on 22s 6d per week but he didn’t stay long as on 27^th December 1899 he was discharged.[12] The 1901 census records two people of interest called John O’Keeffe. One was a railway station master living at Manserghshill, Co. Tipperary, aged 40 and married while the other was a railway ganger, aged 43 and unmarried living at Longford, Co. Tipperary. It is unclear if any of these two men were the John O’Keeffe who was at Tallow Road.

William Ottley, station master by error: William Ottley joined the railway service on 14^th September 1877. In 1899 he was serving at station 149 when on 18^th November 1899 he was recorded as the new station master at Tallow Road station. But this was an error by the scribe as Tallow still had John O’Keeffe as the master and William Ottley was instead supposed to have transferred to station 364.[13] Station 364 was Cappagh where William Ottley was station master in 1899.[14]

Christopher Duffy, station master: on 16^th February 1875 Christopher Duffy joined the railway service. On 19^th December 1899 he transferred from station 29 to be station master at Tallow Road at £60 per year. But his time at Tallow was brief as on 4^th June 1900 he transferred to Kingsbridge station, now Heuston station (page 31).[15]

James Sheedy, station master: James Sheedy was born on 21^st August 1860.[16] On 17^th November 1885 James Sheedy joined the railway service. On 1^st July 1900 he transferred from station 310 to become station master at Tallow Road where his salary was £52 per year.[17] The railway staff book of 1900-1910 stated that James Sheedy transferred to Tallow from station 367 but station 367 was Tallow in the railway staff book relating to the 1890s.[18] Thus the scribe was simply writing into the new staff book that James Sheedy was already at Tallow Road.

In the 1901 census James Sheedy (aged 36) was described as a railway servant and lived at Ahaunboy North. James was born in County Tipperary. In the house in 1901 were his daughters, Mary (aged 10), Anne (aged 5) and two sons, William (aged 8) and James (aged 4). James was a widower by 1901. Also in the station house in 1901 were Johanne Quinn (aged 22), a visitor who worked as a milliner, and Norah McNamara (aged 60), a domestic servant and cook. Johanne Quinn (written as Johanna) was visiting Thomas Barry at nearby Glenbeg House and was recorded on the census form there. Earlier in the day, or after coming from Glenbeg, James Sheedy asked her to fill in her details on the census form, thus Johanne was counted twice in the one census. The house had five rooms and six outbuildings, a stable, a coach house, a fowl house, a store shed and two waiting rooms. The house was rented from John Wood.[19]

In the 1911 census James Sheedy described himself as the station master at Tallow Road Station and lived on the premises in Ahaunboy North townland. James Sheedy was then aged 51 and was born in County Tipperary. By the 1911 census James was a widower with three sons, William (19), James (14) and David (12). The three boys were all born in Corn City. On census night they had a visitor, Johanna Quinn from Cork city. Johanna was then aged 30 years and didn’t give her occupation and was unmarried.[20] It is not clear if Johanna Quinn was again visiting Thomas Barry at Glenbeg house. She was only counted once in the 1911 census.

Peter Carroll, station master: on 21^st June 1874 Peter Carroll was born and on 1^st October 1895 entered the railway service (staff number 1606).[21] In the 1901 census Peter Carroll was living in house number 3 in Power’s Court townland near Newbridge, County Kildare. He was unmarried and worked as a railway porter. Living with him was his brother, Denis Carroll (aged 24) who also worked as a railway porter and their uncle, Michael Carroll (aged 41), a farm labourer. Peter Carroll said he was born in county Limerick.[22] In the 1911 census Peter Carroll was the station master at Ballyduff and lived in the station house in the townland of Marshtown. Peter was 36 years old. He could read and write and was a Roman Catholic. He was married to Anastasia Carroll (aged 35) for nine years and they had two children of whom one was living in 1911, Margaret (aged 4). Anastasia was born in County Limerick while Margaret was born in County Kildare. The station house had only one room for the family to live in and three outbuildings, a piggery, a fowl house and a store.[23]

On 12^th September 1911 Peter Carroll became station master at Tallow Road at 20s per week. In 1912 his salary was increased to 23s per week and in 1915 became 26/10 per week. In 1919 his salary was £200 per year with a £5 allowance which was later cancelled. By 1924 his salary was £210 per year.[24] On 1^st March 1942 Peter Carroll retired from the railway after over thirty years as station master at Tallow Road. His grade on retirement was as a class 5 station master.[25] After retirement Peter Carroll lived in Chapel Street, Lismore. He died on 9^th November 1960 and was predeceased by his wife. He was buried in Lismore.[26]

John Joseph Callaghan, station master: on 17^th October 1898 John Callaghan was born.[27] He was possibly the son of Daniel Callaghan of 13 School Street, Wexford town in the 1901 census as John was two years old and his father was a railway guard. Daniel Callaghan, aged 36 was born in County Wexford as was his wife, Mary. They had two daughters (Maria J. and Margaret A.) and two sons (Daniel H. and John J.). The house had four rooms as did most houses on the street except that of Eliza Redmond which had fourteen rooms.[28]

In 1911 Daniel Callaghan and family were living at house 29 in Ballygillane townland as part of Ballygeary village in St. Helen’s District Electoral Division, County Wexford. Daniel was a railway checker, his son Daniel Henry was a railway clerk and the daughter, Maria Jane, was a railway telegraph clerk. John Joseph Callaghan was still at school. Daniel and Mary Callaghan were married for twenty-four years and had five children of whom four were alive in 1911. Their house in 1911 had five rooms.[29] On 24^th October 1916 he joined the railway service. Before coming to Tallow John Callaghan worked at station 221.[30] On 27^th March 1942 John Callaghan was appointed a class 5 station master at Tallow Road.[31] On 24^th July 1944 he transferred to station 278.[32]

Thomas Cooke, station master: on 16^th February 1884 Thomas Cooke was born. On 25^th June 1905 he joined the railway service. On 14^th May 1943 Thomas Cooke was working at station 100. On 24^th July 1944 Thomas Cooke was appointed as a class 5 station master at Tallow Road at £190 per year. In 1945 the salary was £200 and £210 in 1946.[33] Later Thomas Cooke was made a class 3 station master.[34] In 1947 his salary was £350 per year. On 1^st March 1949 he retired from the railway.[35]

Denis Barry, station master: on 16^th March 1892 Denis Barry was born. On 14^th November 1914 he entered the railway service. In December 1924 Denis Barry was working at station 194. In June 1927 Denis Barry was earning £210 per year. On 19^th March 1949 Denis Barry was appointed as a class 5 station master at Tallow Road.[36] This was later changed to a class 3 station master. Denis Barry died on 13^th August 1952.[37]

Later notes

By the early 1960s the station master at Tallow Road was reduced to that of a halt keeper. Of the former Fermoy and Lismore Railway only Fermoy had a station master in 1962 with the person in charge of Clondulane, Ballyduff, Tallow and Lismore reduced to halt keepers and thus could be paid a lower wages than a station master.

Ground plan of Tallow Road Station

Porter

The railway staff book of 1900 to 1910 allowed Tallow Road station to have two porters.[38] The railway staff book of 1910 to 1920 allowed the porter 5s 10d per week for extra duties.[39]

John Scanlan, porter: John Scanlan was born on 23^rd February 1873.[40] On 30^th January 1894 John Scanlan joined the railway service. It seems he started worked at Tallow Road or transferred there shortly after entering the railway service. His staff number was initially 1686 but was later changed to 1948. In 1900 John Scanlan was paid 14s per week. On 1^st July 1901 this increased to 14/6 and became 15s in July 1902 before increasing to 15/6 in July 1903.[41] On 3^rd September 1908 John Scanlan transferred to station 101.[42]

John Kearney, porter: on 21^st March 1870 John Kearney was born.[43] On 1^st March 1899 John Kearney joined the railway service with staff number 1322.[44] His first job was as a porter at Tallow Road station where he received 14s per week. On 1^st July 1901 his salary increased to 14/6, on 21^st June 1902 to 15s and on 1^st July 1903 to 15/6.[45] On 5^th March 1910 John Kearney left Tallow Road but the record doesn’t say where he went.[46] Sometime afterwards John Kearney returned to Tallow Road to resume his job as a porter. In 1920 his salary was 16s per week and this increased to 45/6 on 15^th May 1922 in line when the increase for all railway workers.[47]

John Murray, porter: John Murray was born in 1884 and on 16^th September 1907 joined the railway service (staff number 2207). On 3^rd September 1908 he was appointed porter at Tallow Road at 14s per week which salary was increased to 15/6 on 16^th September 1909. On 5^th March 1910 he transferred to station 257 and subsequently was discharged from the railway.[48]

David Spillane, porter: on 13^th March 1892 David Spillane was born. On 20^th April 1910 he joined the railway service (staff number 775) and his first job was as a porter at Tallow Road at 11s per week.[49] In 1911 his salary increased to 12/6 and to 15s in 1912, 16s in 1913 and in May 1922 to 45/6 per week.[50]

The goods shed platform and the sugar beet platform in the distance

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[1] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), page 194

[2] Information from the archive of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway in the Waterford City and County Archives at Dungarvan Library

[3] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1881, Munster, page 200

[4] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[5] Ernie Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company (Newtownards, 2015), page 265

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 203

[7] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 273

[8] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1893, County Waterford, page 55

[9] Waterford City & County Library, Online Local Studies, Family History Databases, Death Register, Record ID 5832, Certificate No. 386

[10] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 334, Queenstown Station

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[12] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 334, Queenstown Station

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[14] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 273

[15] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[16] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[17] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[18] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[19] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, Ahaunboy North, County Waterford

[20] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, Ahaunboy North, County Waterford

[21] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[22] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, Power’s Court, County Kildare

[23] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, Marstown, County Cork

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[25] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[26] Waterford City and County Library, Local History Online, Lismore Burial Register

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[28] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, 13 School Street, Wexford town

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, 13 School Street, Wexford town

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[31] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[35] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[39] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[46] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[50] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

Danesfort Catholic Church, Co. Kilkenny

Danesfort Catholic Church, Co. Kilkenny

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The parish church of Danesfort is located in the townland of Dundarark in the parish of Danesfort, barony of Shillelogher, in Co. Kilkenny and about three miles south of Kilkenny city on the west side of the Kilkenny to Waterford road. The cruciform church is built on a raised platform and orientated east-west with the altar at the east end. As the Gospel of Matthew says at 5:14 ‘A city that is set on a hill cannot be hid’ so it is with Danesfort church. The surrounding land is generally flat and thus the church stands up above the landscape on its raised platform. The raised church with its simple cruciform design invites people coming along the road to stop and come in for a visit.

Danesfort west view point

The church was built about 1812 with a two bay double height nave and a single bay double height north and south transept. Interestingly the nave is only lit by two south facing windows and the west gable window. The north wall of the nave has no windows. The north transept does have a north window but no west facing window. At the western end of the nave is a gallery lit by a west gable window and a porch extends from the western gable. The chancel area is simple, yet striking, with two doorways with pointed arches flanking each side of the tabernacle. The four corners of the crossing join each other with sloping edges. The wooden pews have lovely crossed legs. The whole character of the church is a delight and invites people to listen to the word of God and not get distracted as one could in the churches of the post Catholic Emancipation period with their great displays of architecture and colour.

In the lower ground to the west of the church is a car park with a cemetery to its west. In 2005 a new community centre and primary school were built on the low ground to the north of the church. A public road running east-west bounds the church on the south side.

South-west view point

Danesfort modern parish 

The Roman Catholic parish of Danesfort was established in the 1620s-30s under the episcopal of Bishop David Rothe of Ossory as part of the organisation of the parish network in the diocese. The new parish was a union of a number of smaller medieval parishes with parts of other parishes. In 1837 Samuel Lewis said that Danesfort parish was the union of the former parishes of Annamult, Ennisnag, Grove, Grane Abbey, and Killahane along with parts of Ballybar, Ballyreddin, Burnchurch and Kells.[1] In 1655 there were four Catholic priests operating within the new Danesford parish.[2] The penal laws as applied after the 1690s only allowed for one registered Catholic priest in each parish with no curate.[3] Before 1714 there were thirty two mass houses or chapels in the diocese of Ossory. Many of these were between 1660 and 1690 with a few built up to 1714. Between 1714 and 1732 another eighteen chapels were built.[4] County Kilkenny retained a few strong Catholic landowners, particularly the extended Butler family, into the eighteen century while the Catholic clergy had a generally good relationship with the Protestant Church of Ireland clergy to allow a good Catholic parish structure to exist in the diocese of Ossory with priests and chapels/mass houses. In the 1760s a few chapels in the diocese had gallerys.[5]

Wemys family

The medieval parish church of Danesfort was located in the townland of Danesfort.[6] In the eighteen century the Wemys family developed Danesfort townland into a demesne for their new big house. The Wemys family were Protestants from Scotland that were settled in the Danesfort area as tenants of the Earl of Ormond in the 1630s. The family renewed its lease of the estate from the Butler family in 1711 and 1790. In the nineteenth century the family sold part of the estate at various times to cover their financial difficulties. In 1896 Danesfort House was sold which sale included the ruins of the medieval church.[7]

Old church falls and two new churches replace

In 1732 there was one church/mass house in Danesfort parish. By 1788 there was a church in Danesfort and a chapel at Cuffesgrange.[8] For much of the eighteen century that church was located in the townland of Ballyda. By 1800 the fabric of the church was in serious decline and in 1811 the building collapsed. Rather than rebuild the old church it was decided to build a new church in the townland of and a short distance west of Danesfort crossroads. But parishioners living in the district of Cottrelsrath complained that this location was too far to travel for them to attend divine service. They wanted the new church to be built at Ladyswell which would be near the holy well of Ladyswell and in the same townland of Ballyda as the ruined church. The parish priest, Fr. William Swift (P.P. of Danesfort 1790-1817) appears not to have been able to establish his authority over the issue.[9] Both sides of the parish would not give way to the other and from 1811 both proceeded to build what they considered to be the proper parish church. It is suggested that both churches were built by 1812.[10]

With both churches claiming to be the proper parish church, conflict within the parish only intensified as each church told parishioners to come to them for baptism, marriage and funerals. The conflict spread beyond the parish to Bishop Marum of Ossory but he was unable to resolve the situation. By 1820 the archbishop of Dublin was asked to help. On 31^st July 1820 the archbishop, J.T. Troy, wrote to both sides of the parish, Rath and Danesfort. He first said that the people of Cottrelsrath had the better claim and the church at Ladyswell should have been the parochial church. But the archbishop said that the people in the Danesfort area had built their church at ‘considerable expense’ and were told by many superiors that their church was the parochial church and thus their church should not be declared a chapel of ease. Instead the archbishop declared both churches to be regarded as an independent parochial church. The parish priest was obliged to celebrate baptisms, marriages and services at both in equal standing.

Church rivals

The rivalry between the churches at Danesfort and Ladyswell continued for many years afterwards. During the so-called Tithe War of 1830-1838 the chapel bells at Danesfort and Ladyswell rang at fifteen minute intervals to warn the locals that Sergeant Coburn was in the district in November 1832 to execute warrants for the payment of the tithes.[11] Both churches wished to help their parishioners but clearly one church didn’t want the other church to take the credit. In 1837 Samuel Lewis recorded Catholic churches/chapels in the parish at Danesfort, Ladyswell, Bennettsbridge, Grange and Kells-grange.[12] Rev. Kavanagh kept one book for all the people of the parish to record baptisms regardless of which church the baptism took place. This register was started in 1819.[13]

Danesfort church in 1850

In 1850 the townland of Dundaryark was held by the Court of Chancery. Therefore Rev. Edmond Kavanagh rented the site of the church and national school from the Court while also renting from the Court a house, outbuildings and 31 acres of land to the east of the church as his residence. The house and buildings were worth £6 5s for the payment of rates.[14] Most of the parish priest who succeeded Rev. Kavanagh were buried at Danesfort church rather than at Ladyswell.[15]

Decline of Ladyswell church

In 1892 when the parish lost its second curate the church at Ladyswell was closed by order of the bishop. Some parishioners were furious at this and ceased attending any mass in the parish. In the 1920s the Ladyswell church was repaired in the hope that it would be reopened but it stayed closed. In 1947 some of the pews were removed to Cuffesgrange and in 1954 the remaining pews went to a convent in Kilkenny city. In 1954 the bell was sold to a church in Nigeria. In 1955 the roof fell in and the side walls quickly fell into disrepair with the structure turned into a cattle pen.[16]   

Danesfort church in the 20^th Century

Meanwhile the parochial church at Danesfort continued to offer divine service as it does to the present time. After the Second Vatican Council the interior of the church was remodelled to reflect the new liturgy. From 1817 to his death in 1857 Rev. Edmond Kavanagh was parish priest of Danesfort.[17] He helped build a national school to the north of the entrance door of Danesfort church. He also promoted the national school in Bennettsbridge.[18]  

The present parish of Danesfort has churches at Danesfort, Cuffesgrange, Kells and Newtown with Fr. Mark Condon as the parish priest in 2023. The church at Danesfort is dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel.[19] Danesfort church is not just a treasure for the people of Danesfort but is also for the wider kilkenny community and for church architecture in Ireland.

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[1] Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (London, 1837), Danesfort

[2] Ó Fearghail, Fearghus, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, in William Nolan & Kevin Whelan (eds.), Kilkenny: History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin, 1990), pp. 197-249, at pp. 200, 201 Fig. 9.1

[3] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at p. 222

[4] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at pp. 226, 227

[5] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at p. 238

[6] Breen, Mary, ‘Religion and Conflict in Danesfort’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 5 (1996), pp. 83-89, at p. 86

[7] O’Dwyer, Michael, ‘The Estate of John Otway Wemys, Danesfort House – 1896’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 6 (1998), pp. 107-111, at pp. 107, 110

[8] Carrigan, Rev. William, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory (1905), vol. 1, pp. 147, 204

[9] Carrigan, Rev. William, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory (1905), vol. III, pp. 397, 398

[10] National Inventory of Architectural Heritage, Danesfort

[11] O’Hanrahan, Michael, ‘The Tithe War in county Kilkenny – 1830-1834’, in William Nolan & Kevin Whelan (eds.), Kilkenny: History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin, 1990), pp. 481-505, at p. 504

[12] Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (London, 1837), Danesfort

[13] National Library of Ireland, Catholic Parish Registers, Danesfort, Microfilm 05025/05

[14] Griffith’s Valuation, Danesfort parish, Shillelogher barony, Co. Kilkenny

[15] Carrigan, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, vol. III, p. 398

[16] Breen, Mary, ‘Religion and Conflict in Danesfort’, pp. 83-89, at p. 88

[17] Carrigan, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, vol. III, p. 398

[18] Doyle, Joe, ‘Education in Bennettsbridge in the 19^th Century’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 3 (1992), pp. 4-8, at pp. 4, 6

[19] Danesfort Parish Newsletter, 22^nd January 2023

First days of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway October 1872

First days of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway October 1872

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

At the beginning of 1872 Ireland had 2,006 miles of railway operated by 23 different companies across 18 lines of track. By the end of the year Ireland had 2,091 miles of railway, of which 501 miles were double track, over 21 worked lines and 22 railway companies. The new lines were the Enniscorthy to Wexford extension (14¾ miles) by the Dublin, Wicklow & Wexford Railway; the Navan & Kingscourt Railway (16 miles) and the Fermoy & Lismore Railway (15¼ miles).[1]

In 1860 the Great Southern & Western Railway had completed the Mallow to Fermoy railway line. In the autumn of 1862 the GS&WR did consider an extension from Fermoy to Lismore and surveyed a possible route.[2] But the Company considered the expected revenue to be insufficient for the project and the idea was shelved. The Duke of Devonshire saw this development yet was influenced by others in 1865 to consider linking Lismore to the railway network via a line south from Clonmel. But the Clonmel, Lismore & Dungarvan Railway went no further than having the route way marked out.[3] In 1868 F.E. Currey, agent for the Duke at Lismore approached the GS&WR to build and operate an extension from Fermoy to Lismore of their existing line but the request was declined.[4] The GS&WR would not provide capital or construction crews but would operate the line for 40% of receipts or run three trains per day for 1s 6d per mile.[5] In 1869 the Duke decided not to wait for others to act and put forward the money to build his own railway under the name of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. Thomas Brassey was awarded the construction contract in 1869 but due to ill health (he died in December 1870) no works of any consequence were commenced.[6] In April 1870 John J. Bagwell got the construction contract and in July Joseph Fishbourne was negotiating the purchase of the necessary land.[7] After the GS&WR approved of the track plan in January 1871 construction began from Fermoy station.[8]

Lismore Railway station, 2006,

photograph by Niall O’Brien

On 30^th July 1872 the line was declared complete by the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. On that day the directors of the GS&WR travelled on the line to inspect it and on their arrival in Lismore were sumptuously entertained by the Duke of Devonshire. On 24^th August Lt. Col. Hutchinson on behalf of the Board of Trade inspected the line with its 28 bridges, one level crossing and the seven-span Carrickabrick Viaduct over the River Blackwater. The 69lb rails were laid in lengths of 17 to 23 feet on Baltic cross sleepers on a stone track bed. But Lt. Col. Hutchinson didn’t consider the line to be complete and ordered further works before giving any licence to operate.[9]

These works included a second platform at Fermoy East station with loop points and signals to be interlocked. At Lismore a track crossing was ordered to be removed so that incoming and outgoing trains would use the same track and avoid any facing points which could cause an accident. On 24^th September the line was re-inspected and got authorisation to open for traffic provided the stations had clocks that were visible on the station platforms and from passing trains. At a few places track was lifted to lay down more ballast.[10] By an agreement in August 1871 the GS&WR provided locomotives and rolling stock for the new line and operated the trains for a ten year period which was renewed in February 1883. The Fermoy & Lismore Railway provided facilities such as turntables, engine sheds, cattle pens and water tanks.[11] On Friday, 27^th September 1872 the first public trains travelled on the line with a service of three trains per day going in each direction and one service on Sundays.[12]

The first few days of the train service appears to be free as the accounts department didn’t begin work on Tuesday, 1^st October. These first few days may have been more testing the system and the time table before beginning formal operations. The first day of charging money for passenger tickets occurred on 1^st October. The accounts ran until Friday, 4^th October which was the end of the first week of business. The first full week of business ran from Saturday, 5^th October to Friday, 11^th October 1872. The early trains carried passengers, parcels, a few dogs and horses loaded at Lismore. Goods traffic didn’t begin until the week ending 8^th November 1872. The first cattle movement was not until the week ending 15^th November. On the week ending 22^nd November a small amount of coal was delivered to Clondulane station. On the week ending 6^th December 1872 a delivery of ten tons of coal was received at Fermoy station.[13]

In first four days of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway 430.5 people purchased rail tickets. The half person was possibly a children’s ticket. Allowing for those who purchased return tickets the total passenger number was 534 people with an income of £29 10s 8d. The Fermoy & Lismore carried 9,751 passengers in its first four months to the end of 1872. Further income came from Excess fares, parcels, dogs and horses which brought the total income for the first four days to £33 11s 10d. The Fermoy & Lismore didn’t retain all this income as £6 13s was deducted by the railway clearance house to pay other railway companies, mainly the GS&WR. Therefore net income was £26 18s out of which running expenses had to be paid.[14] Yet still, after all the effort since 1860 and before to connect Lismore and west Waterford with the national railway network, a working railway was now in operation. The Fermoy & Lismore, started on that 1^st day of October 1872 would continue under different companies to provide a train service until 25^th March 1967 when the last passenger and freight trains graced the line, making smoke and blowing their horns.

Fermoy & Lismore Railway
Statement of Traffic
Showing the Number of Passengers Booked, and the Accounts Received for Passengers, Parcels, &c respectively at each Station
4 Days ending 4th day of October 1872
	Fermoy	Clondulane	Ballyduff	Tallow Road	Lismore	G.S. & W. Co.	Total
1st Class	9	1	3	4	25	2	44
2nd Class	11	4		2	14	4	35
3rd Class	37	24	78	13	85.5	10	247.5
1st Class Return	3	2	2	4	2	1	14
2nd Class Return	4	1		1	4	2	12
3rd Class Return	21	29	2	6	15	5	78
Officers
Soldiers
Total	85	61	85	30	145.5	24	430.5
Amount	£7-18-3	£3-11-10	£2-14-10	£1-6-5	£11-18-9	£2-0-7	£29-10-8
Excess Fares	1s 8d	1s	3d	3s 6d			£0-6-5
Parcels			2s 7d	8d	£1-6-8		£1-9-11
Excess Luggage
Horses					£2		£2
Carriages
Dogs	2s		1s		1s		£0-4-0
Goods
Coal
Cattle
Station Totals	£8-1-11	£3-12-10	£2-18-8	£1-10-7	£15-6-5	£2-0-7	£33-11-0
Total							£33-11-10
Clearing house deductions							£6-13-0
Total income							£26-18-0
			J.W. Elirior
SOURCE: IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810

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[1] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 1’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 66 (February, 1975), pp. 36-43, at p. 36

[2] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1860, part 1’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 6, No. 31 (Autumn, 1962), pp. 183-200, at pp. 184, 185

[3] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An Illustrated History (Newtownards, 2015), p. 41

[4] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, p. 216

[5] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1868, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 9, No. 53 (October, 1970), pp. 278-285, at p. 283; Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1869, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 10, No. 56 (October, 1971), pp. 121-131, at p. 129

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 42

[7] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1870, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 11, No. 60 (February, 1973), pp. 31-41, at p. 38

[8] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 42

[9] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 68 (October, 1975), pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[10] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[11] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, pp. 42, 43

[12] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[13] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[14] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

The Mallow to Waterford Railway during the Irish Civil War

The Mallow to Waterford Railway during the Irish Civil War

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Irish civil war from June 1922 to May 1923 was a very destructive time for railways in Ireland. The Mallow to Waterford railway suffered in those nearly twelve months of war with attacks on infrastructure and disruption of services. In fact the Mallow to Waterford railway and on to Rosslare via the South Wexford line was the only major rail line in the country to virtually cease to operate for most of the civil war. This was after a decade of pressure for Irish railways. The outbreak of the World War 1914-18 led the British government to introduce an Order of Control on British railways which gave financial guarantees on wage bonuses in return for railways serving the war effort. But in Ireland no such guarantee was given in return for the high level of activity which Irish railways were expected performed in the war. For example the Great Southern & Western Railway operated 170 specials between the 5^th and 21^st August 1914 to get men and supplies to France which no financial reward beyond the normal income.[1] In a local impact on the Mallow to Waterford, the Admiralty commandeered the three steamers servicing the Fishguard to Rosslare run, namely the St. Andrew, the St. Patrick and the St. David.[2]

For the first two years of the war the railway staff continued their work even with increased work. After the 1916 Rising railway workers said they would go on strike to receive better government support but it was not until August 1919 that a British based Ministry of Transport was established with H.G. Burgess appointed as Director-General of Transport for Ireland with absolute control of Irish railways. This it will be observed was after the end of the Great War on 11^th November 1918. But still railway companies were given a guaranteed income based on 1913 traffic while railway workers got a pay rise of 7s per week. The period of government control ended on 21^st August 1921 following a period of peace after the July truce ended the War of Independence. In the payout of compensation the GS&WR received £1,043,000. The end of war found the railways companies with empty bank accounts, worn out equipment, damaged infrastructure and having to deal with the new eight hour day secured by railway workers.[3]

At local level the War of Independence on the Mallow to Waterford railway saw a number of incidences. Following the imposition of a nationwide curfew order on 20^th February 1920 from midnight to 5am train crews that ended up in some rural station could not go to homes or lodging houses and had to sleep in the station house.[4] In November 1920 the British issued an order stopping passenger trains between Dungarvan and Lismore as part of their attempts to break the munitions strike by railway workers. Only goods trains were allowed in that section of the line. Passenger trains such as the Rosslare Express could only travel as far as Lismore or Dungarvan. It couldn’t go round by Limerick Junction as the entire line from Waterford to Limerick was totally closed. The strike was called off on 21^st December 1920 but it allowed road transport to establish itself beside the Mallow to Waterford line.[5] On 10^th December 1920 the British declared martial law in Counties Tipperary, Limerick, Kerry and Cork. The following night, 11^th December, train driver James Lawlor was shot in Lismore because he failed to respond to a challenge to stop.[6] In February 1921 the IRA attacks on trains began with about 25 varied attacks between then and the July 1921 truce.[7] On 3^rd March 1921 the IRA hoped to stop the 7.30am Dungarvan to Waterford train at Millarstown near the Durrow tunnel and remove the jurors on their way to the spring assizes. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) had established a road block near Ballyvoile viaduct to prevent troops from Dungarvan from coming to the rescue but they had no counted on a special military train that was accompanying the passenger train. The ensuing gun battle lasted the whole day until nightfall allowed the IRA to slip away.[8]

 In mid January 1922, only days after the formation of the Provisional Government, railway workers threaten to go on strike because of a disappointing pay compensation issued by an arbitration tribunal.  The government stepped in on 14^th January to suspend the pay award for six months and support railway companies. This support was extended until 31^st December.[9] 

The Civil War would prove to be a very challenging time for Irish railways. The disruption of train services, the destruction of trains, bridges and the permanent way gave road transport an opening which it never left go. The Great War had left a surplus of road vehicles and these were used to transport people and goods where and when the railways could not. Road transport continued to advance after the War and even today questioned the need for having any railways at all. The Baronial Guarantee, which financially supported railways in rural areas, also increased the rates bill in many counties above what it would be without the railway support. People began to ask why I have to pay higher rates to support a railway system I don’t use, or rarely use, as road transport became more convenient.

Dungarvan railway station

April 1922

On Tuesday, 4^th April 1922 heavy snowfall in the Dungarvan area disrupted train services for a time.[10] On Sunday, 9^th April 1922 a large Pro-Treaty demonstration was held in Wexford town with General Michael Collins, Chairman of the Provisional Government and Alderman Corish, TD and mayor of Wexford, as the keynote speakers. Special trains from Dublin, Gorey and Waterford were arranged to take people to Wexford town but only the Gorey train made it. The Dublin train was stopped at Woodenbridge where rails had been removed and when workers tried to repair the line their implements were thrown into the Avoca River by armed men. At Enniscorthy the train driver was kidnapped but a replacement was found with the train eventually reaching Wexford by late evening.

The two special trains from Waterford travelled via two different routes with the GS&WR train going by Campile and the D&SER train going by New Ross but it only got as far as the latter station when the driver was kidnapped causing the train to proceed no further. The goods clerk at New Ross, Mr. O’Brien, was later commended for filling the unattended boiler which prevented a possibly explosion. The GS&WR train had to stop at Bridgetown as rails between there and Killinck were torn up. The damaged was quickly repaired only for the communication wires to be cut. The train crew considered it unsafe to proceed and the train returned to Waterford. The damaged to the line was not fully repaired until Monday morning with the result that the Rosslare Express could not precede beyond Rosslare Strand Junction and passengers had to wait around at the country station until Monday evening when the Express could finally proceed to Cork.[11]

May 1922

On Sunday, 14^th May 1922 Cork were playing Dublin in the hurling All Ireland Final (Dublin 4-9 to Cork 1-3). Special trains leave Fermoy and Mallow and other places without disruption.[12]

June 1922

The General Manager of the GS&WR told the Railway Commission that the wages of railwaymen was 45s 6d per week for 48 hours work and 48s per week in urban areas. Drivers and firemen were paid the same rate for working a heavy train or a light train. Drivers and guards on branch lines were paid the same rate as those working heavy mainline passenger or goods trains. The station masters of country stations were expected to work longer than an eight hour day as they didn’t have continuous work to do.[13]

July 1922

The Anti-Treaty forces take over Cork city and declare it the headquarters of all Irregular forces in Munster. Newspapers and train stations in the city are put under pressure to only serve the Anti-Treaty cause.[14] Across Munster the Irregulars seized control of most of the towns and cities like Limerick, Waterford, Dungarvan, Fermoy, Mitchelstown, Mallow and Tralee along with occupying a number of large houses like Mitchelstown castle and Lismore castle.

Early in July 1922 the Free State army held Dublin, Kildare and central Kilkenny with a few other scattered outposts across country. General Prout was in charge of the Kilkenny garrison and had plans to head south into Tipperary and Waterford but wanted to know where the Anti-Treaty forces were garrisoned first. Thus he sent Tommy Ryan, a former member of the 3^rd Tipperary Brigade to reconnoitre the area. Ryan reached Waterford city without any difficulty and stayed in the Munster Arms Hotel which was one of the Anti-Treaty barracks in the city. Next day Ryan walked around town and observed the military situation but the Irregulars, as the Anti-Treaty forces are sometimes called, also observed him. Ryan went over the bridge to the railway station and got a ticket for the first train to leave which was a passenger train for Cork on the Mallow to Waterford line. Ryan got into one carriage while a group of four Irregulars got into another carriage further back.

There were no connecting corridors on trains back then and so everyone had to sit and wait for developments. At Cappoquin station Tommy Ryan dashed out of the train and into the toilets from where he observed the four Irregulars on the platform looking around and into each carriage. Ryan had his gun ready but the Irregulars didn’t think to look in the toilets. As the train was pulling out Ryan made a successful dash into one of the carriages. About two miles towards Lismore Ryan pulled the emergency cord and jumped out of the stopping train. Down by the River Blackwater he found a boat and rowed across to the north bank and made his way to Mount Melleray where he got a meal and rest. With the light of a summer moon Ryan crossed the Knockmealdown Mountains to Clogheen from where he made his way back to Kilkenny.[15]

Early in July the Irregulars had damaged the Cork to Dublin railway north of Limerick Junction to prevent Free State troops from using the train to rapidly move down from Dublin into Munster. On 12^th July 1922 train services from Cork to Dublin were redirected at Limerick Junction down to Waterford and up the east coast D&SER railway to Dublin following the restoration of the line between Charleville and Mallow. This circular route was continued for more than five weeks into mid-August.[16] This information seems to be questionable as on 13^th October 1922 the Waterford News said the railway line around Carrick-on-Suir was put out of action and that no train entered or left Carrick for four months.[17] Railway crews working on repairing bridges on the Clonmel to Waterford line said that the line from Carrick to Clonmel would be opened by 20^th October and the line to Waterford by the end of October.[18]

The fact that the service between Cork and Dublin didn’t go by way of the Mallow to Waterford railway line would suggest that this line was blocked in some way. Yet train services between at least Cappoquin and Waterford appeared to be still running. On 17^th July a small force of Irregulars came to occupy Cappagh House between Dungarvan and Cappoquin. After a few days, with no sign that the Irregulars were going to leave, Emily Ussher and her husband, Beverly Ussher, decided to take a break and go to a flat they had at Milltown in Dublin. The two walked to Cappagh railway station, a short distance from the house, with two little clocks and a few valued trifles. As they passed the gate the labour union had a picket on one side and the Irregulars with a sentry post on the other side. At the station the Ussher’s were able to catch a train heading for Waterford on what would be one of the last trains over Ballyvoile viaduct.[19] As well as a civil war entertaining the country in 1922 there was also a labour strike between labourers and the farmers over pay and conditions. Most workers returned to work in July/August 1922.[20] Yet the labourer strike flared up and down over the succeeded months and didn’t finally end until December 1923 when the workers returned to work having gained very little.[21]  

On Wednesday, 19^th July 1922 a Free State force of 700 men under Colonel Prout reach Waterford city and launch an attack on the Anti-Treaty forces in the city. The Free State force shells the city with artillery fired on the cliffs above the railway station. The Suir railway bridge was locked in the open position for four days which prevented any train services on the Mallow to Waterford railway. Only the self-contained Waterford to Tramore railway is able to provide any normal service. On the 20^th the Free State artillery was moved onto the railway line to give covering fire to its forces fighting on the Quay on the south side of the Suir.[22] Among the Anti-Treaty side defending the city was Moses Roche who later retreated with his active service unit to Dungarvan and the Comeragh Mountains. Back on 3^rd March 1921 Moses Roche was a railway porter at Kilmacthomas railway station when the IRA stopped a train at Durrow taking jurors to the Waterford assizes. Moses was sent along the line from Kilmacthomas by his station master to see where the delayed jury train was. He got catch up in the gun battle between the IRA and a second military train ex Dungarvan but eventually was able to walk back to Kilmacthomas.[23] On the 21^st the Free State forces took the city and the Irregulars retreated to Butlerstown, Whitfield, Mount Congreve and Curraghmore. Both sides then halted their movements until 3^rd/4^th August.[24] On 29^th July Colonel Prout advanced his troops not in a direct assault on the east Waterford big houses but up the River Suir. On 4^th August Carrick-on-Suir fell and on the 9^th Clonmel fell to the Free State forces.[25]

During July 1922 one of the arches of the Taylorstown viaduct on the South Wexford line was blown up. Over time three further arches collapsed and the line remained closed for through traffic until 29^th December 1923 when the restored viaduct was re-opened.[26] On 24^th July the GS&WR issued a month’s notice to clerical staff that it intended to reduce their wages to three days per week because the civil war caused a reduction in services and work.[27] On 28^th July 1922 the staff at Rosslare Harbour were put on temporary leave with half pay as the port came to a standstill. A few days later the chairman of the D&SER reported that income was down £2,500 per week due to the war effecting services and the difficulty in station masters getting receipts to head-office.[28]

August 1922

On Thursday, 3^rd August, the chief engineer of the GS&WR, John Sides, told the Minister of Economic Affairs, Kevin O’Higgins that the company was running short of permanent way tools due to Irregular raids of their stores and stealing from the men out on the per way.[29] Not only were the Irregulars taking permanent way equipment but Operation Order No. 4 issued by Liam Lynch on 27^th July 1922 told his forces to remove vital parts of locomotive engines to prevent the government was quickly restoring services on repaired lines.[30]

On Friday, 4^th August 1922 the road and railway viaducts at Ballyvoile were blown up cutting train services between Dungarvan and Durrow. The noise of the two explosions in the Dalligan valley was heard for a considerable distance.[31] Mike Mansfield led the demolition party. It was planned by some that they would make a defence line on the Dalligan valley but news that the Free State had landed at Cork cause the Irregulars to continue their westward retreat.[32] The road viaduct was damaged but saved from total collapse by timber supports.[33] On 5^th August General O’Duffy, O/C Eastern Command, issued an order to his troops to fire on anybody attempting to destroy bridges or railway lines.[34]

John Bowen, the County Surveyor, afterwards told the Kilmacthomas District Council, that the destruction of the railway viaduct meant that passengers and a great amount of heavy goods had to go by road between Dungarvan and Waterford. He said people were using cars, carts, heavy lorries and motors but more seriously were driving at excessive speeds on unfit roads.[35] The loss of Ballyvoile viaduct meant that people were left to find any means of transport, be it walking, cycling, hiring a car or sit in the back of a lorry to get between Waterford and Dungarvan. In early August Beverly Ussher tried to get back to Cappagh house, occupied by the Irregulars. He got a lift to Waterford from a travelling salesman and got to Dungarvan in the back of Moloney’s meal lorry. In Dungarvan he was told thirty men had previously taken mattresses to Cappagh house with the possible idea of burning it. By the 14^th August Beverly finally got home to find the house still standing and the Irregulars had disappeared.[36] 

On 5^th August Ernie O’Malley, Assistant Chief-of-Staff of the Anti-Treaty forces issued a letter to the railway workers that they would all be shot for collaborating with the Provisional Government. Two days later E.P. Hart of the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers Union denounced the letter at the annual conference of the Irish Labour Party.[37]

On Tuesday, 8^th August the Anti-Treaty garrison in Dungarvan decided to evacuate the town on the approach of Free State troops. The Cork No. 1 Brigade, under Mick Murphy, commandeered two trains standing at Dungarvan station to make good their escape. At Cappoquin they were joined by other Anti-Treaty forces for the great escape to the west. After crossing over the River Blackwater they blew up the road bridge and railway viaduct to prevent the Free State troops from giving them pursuit.[38] Mick Mansfield said it was the local Cappoquin Anti-Treaty force that blew the railway viaduct to stop the Cork No. 1 Brigade from coming back as they didn’t think much of the Cork men as fighting soldiers and only interested in gathering loot.[39] The viaduct did collapse but the road bridge only suffered cratering in the roadway.[40] The Free State army had successfully landed a strong military force in Cork Harbour the day before and landed at Youghal on 8^th August with 200 men from the Helga.[41]

On Wednesday, 9^th August, the Anti-Treaty forces at Mallow blew up the ten arched Mallow railway viaduct over the River Blackwater.[42] It was known locally as ‘Ten Arch Bridge’.[43] Three arches were initially destroyed but the rest of the viaduct subsequently collapsed into the river.[44] The Irregulars tried to blow the road bridge at Mallow but the parish priest and the rector stood on the bridge and said they would have to blow them with the bridge. The Anti-Treaty forces backed down.[45] After the Free State troops had captured Mallow a temporary railway station was constructed south of the river from where people walked through the town to the regular Mallow railway station north of the river.[46]

On 12^th August Eamon de Valera arrived in Mitchelstown to inspect his troops of the mid-Limerick Brigade. There were only about ninety in the castle and the town with no transport or communication. Several bridges were blow in the area while telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed.[47] Yet the idea of no transport is suspect as other sources say that streams of ‘motor lorries and cars’ went to and fro from Mitchelstown over the previous week emptying the castle of all its contents. On the night of the 12^th/13^th August the Anti-Treaty forces left Mitchelstown by the light of the burning castle after having looted its contents.[48] Apparently stealing art was more important than trying to win a war.

On Tuesday, 15^th August, General Liam Tobin led a force of Free State troops from Cork into Fermoy. The Irregulars had held the town since the start of the civil war and although most of the Irregulars had left the town a few still stayed around the neighbourhood. On 12^th August the Irregulars had burnt the two large former British military barracks in Fermoy along with the military hospital. It would appear the railway station was not harmed and the Irregulars left the town using every means except by train. But a few days later the Irregulars returned to attack the Free State troops in the town. Another group attacked Carrigabrick viaduct bringing mines with them with the intention of blowing up the viaduct. Free State troops guarding the bridge returned fire. One Irregular was killed and another wounded. In their retreat the Irregulars threw their bombs into the river. A military guard house was placed at each end of the viaduct which the soldiers called the ‘Viaduct Hotel’.[49]     

On Thursday, 17^th August, the remaining arches of the Ballyvoile railway viaduct collapsed into the Dalligan River.[50] That same day Free State forces arrived in Mitchelstown from the Tipperary direction.[51] Meanwhile General Liam Tobin led a force of Free State troops from Fermoy to take Tallow and Lismore. It was said that the Irregulars evacuated Lismore castle by the back door as the Free State troops entered by the front. The castle had been covered with straw and oil with the intention to burn it but didn’t have time. Afterwards the Irregulars returned to attack the castle from time to time such as in early February 1923.[52] 

Free State troops arrived in Kilmacthomas on 23^rd August and took over the local workhouse. Most of the Irregulars had left but a few remained and shooting filled the streets for a day or two.[53] It is said that on 22^nd August the Free State army entered Dungarvan under Paddy Paul.[54] Others said it was the 16^th August.[55] Yet the address of welcome by the chairman of the Urban Council to Paul spoke of the ‘lamented death’ of General Michael Collins and thus putting the date after 22^nd August at least.[56] The Irregulars had burnt the military buildings in Dungarvan castle and the coast guard station at Ballinacourty but it seems most of the town was spared along with the railway station.[57]

On 24^th August Ernie O’Malley of the Anti-Treaty army told Liam Lynch that we will have to destroy the railways and put the railway staff out of work if they don’t stop carrying Free State troops. O’Malley said it will be their own fault if they are out of work.[58] On 25^th August the Coal Channel Bridge at Drinagh, south of Wexford town was blown up and so cutting off Rosslare Harbour from the rest of the country and stopping the Rosslare Express.[59]

On Friday, 25^th August, a body of Anti-Treaty forces seized a permanent way train at Mitchelstown with all its tools and equipment.[60] The train was driven south towards Fermoy from the terminus station at Mitchelstown but the group were not planning to repair the permanent way but to destroy parts of it and stop or slow down the pursuit of the Free State forces.

On Wednesday 30^th August the government began a fast boat service between Cork and Dublin with two to three sailings per day for passenger and goods, including livestock, until direct rail services were restored.[61] On the same 30^th August Ernie O’Malley of the Anti-Treaty forces asked Liam Pilkington, Officer Commanding of the 3^rd Western Division, if he knew of any train drivers or guards who would take messages between headquarters in Dublin and the troops out in the countryside.[62] On 31^st August Liam Lynch, chief-of-staff of the Anti-Treaty side, told all divisional and independent brigade commanders how unnecessary it was to emphasise the importance to continue destroying all railway lines used by the enemy as well as cutting railway telegraph lines.[63]

Ballyvoile road bridge & railway viaduct

September 1922

On 3^rd September 1922 Ernie O’Malley told Liam Lynch, chief-of-staff of the Anti-Treaty side, otherwise known as the Irregulars, that he knows certain people in the transport trade union to put pressure on rail workers not to carry Free State troops or handle military stores. Otherwise he will tell the unions that not to obey will mean the ‘destruction of railways’, cause unemployment and be of general inconvenience to the public. O’Malley asked will it be sufficient to our cause if railway workers obey and don’t cooperate with the Provisional Government or are we going to destroy the railways for economic reasons and force the ‘people to beg for peace’.[64] On 12^th September Liam Lynch replied that destroying the railways to make the people beg for peace was one of the main reason for destruction but there were also other, unspecified reasons, for the ‘complete destruction of Rail Communications’. Lynch to O’Malley to keep destroying the railway network and leave the trade unions to their own ideas.[65]

On 4^th September a Helvick motor trawler, under Mr. Meehan, transported students from Waterford to the Irish College at Ring. Although the passage took six hours, the Waterford News newspaper considered that others would increasing use the sea route to connect Waterford city and wet Waterford until railway services were fully restored.[66] Two Dungarvan merchants, Moloney & Co. and Williams & Co. hired two steamers, the Lady Belle and the Cargan to bring food and supplies into Dungarvan.[67]

On 9^th September with the Ballyvoile viaduct destroyed and little hope of rebuilding it in the immediate term, GS&WR laid off the linesmen that previous worked on the section of line between Dungarvan station and Ballyvoile. These workers remained unemployed until June 1924 when the viaduct was rebuilt.[68] On Tuesday, 12^th September, law and order in Waterford city was considered to be fully restored such that the curfew regulations, imposed upon the city, were lifted. Even with the freeing up of travel it appears that few people availed of the railway services in and out of the city.[69]

In mid September Anti-Treaty forces were instructed to burn any and all railways stations within their area of operations.[70] At the same time Sean Lemass of the Anti-Treaty forces (Taoiseach 1959-66) was hoping to use the railways to send small quantities of arms, ammunition, explosives and supplies around the country.[71] Ernie O’Malley was hoping that friendly railway staff could pass on information about Free State garrisons at terminal and intermediate stations or give information on communication codes and copies of the Free State army newspaper, An t-Óglach,[72]

On 20^th September the first train to run between Thurles and Limerick Junction was able to complete the journey after the line was closed for nearly thirteen weeks. But on the same day a passenger train is seized at Bansha station where the passengers are told to walk to Cahir or go back to Tipperary. The Irregulars had planned to seize a goods train coming up from Cahir and bring both trains into a head-on collision but the goods train never came. Instead the Irregulars burnt the train while the damaged engine was able to make good its escape back to Tipperary.[73]

On 28^th September it was reported that the South Wexford line between Waterford and Rosslare was still closed to traffic.[74] The Anti-Treaty forces particularly liked targeting the South Wexford line as it ran through mostly rural countryside far from the centres of Free State forces. Between July and December 1922 virtually all the signal cabins on the line were destroyed.[75] On the same 28^th September Liam Lynch asked Ernie O’Malley has he any ideas on how to stop the train drivers who are assisting the Free State with moving troops and supplies.[76] On about 28^th September 1922 Con Moloney said that although the Irregulars were pushed out of most of the towns in Munster, he felt that they could retake Mallow and Fermoy. He said the Fermoy garrison was only 40 soldiers and the officers in both places were inexperienced.[77]

October 1922

On 2^nd October Sean Lemass reported that he had an effective communications system through the train services operating between Belfast and Mallow and west to Athlone, Longford and Sligo.[78] On Thursday, 5^th October, it was announced that the line between Clonmel and Waterford was reopened for traffic.[79] It is not clear for how long the line was previously closed. Liam Lynch in September 1922 was also unsure which railway line was working or not. He was giving out to the communications department for not publicising the destruction of the railways and that road and railways were being restored without comment.[80] 

On 6^th October train drivers in Cork petitioned the GS&WR to allow them to borrow from the Engineman’s Fund as many of the drivers were in financial difficulties owing to the fact that many railway lines in and out of the city were out of action. On the same day the construction company of Sir William Arrol & Co. said it could rebuild the Mallow viaduct in stone for £18,125 if agreed. A few days later the contract is given to Armstrong Whitworth of Newcastle-upon-Tyne who submitted a plan for a steel viaduct.[81] In early October train services between Cork and Buttevant were all but stopped with passengers travelling between the two places by motor bus and goods by motor lorry.[82]

On 16^th October traffic staff in the Dublin area go on strike for more money to recover their take home pay as their hours of work were reduced due to the reduction in train services caused by wartime disruption of the railway network. The strike continued for a number of weeks with the suspension of all train services even though train drivers and fireman continued to report for duty. On 30^th October the Inchicore Works closed with 1,500 workers laid off due to the strike. Many railwaymen in the south of Ireland had no pay at all because train services had totally stopped. Some of these men did get employment later in the month to repair the permanent way.[83]

On 17^th October the restored Coal Channel Bridge at Drinagh in Wexford was again attacked with Rosslare and the Rosslare Express again cut off from the rest of the country.[84] This, and other, attacks on the railway system by the Anti-Treaty soldiers were sometimes in contradiction with the war strategy of its leaders. On 21^st October Ernie O’Malley told Sean Lemass that it was important to develop road, rail and sea transport links for the Anti-Treaty war effort.[85]

On 30^th October 1922 Mallow railway station was attacked by Irregular troops with the main station building completely burnt along with the stationmaster’s house.[86] On the same day the 3^rd Anti-Treaty Brigade around Athlone told Ernie O’Malley that they were making suitable mines to blow up bridges and had a scheme drawn up to destroy railway and road communications so as to make it impossible for the Free State to move around troops.[87]

November 1922

On Saturday, 4^th November, Anti-Treaty forces place mines on the South Wexford line at milepost 78 and 79 with posted notices announcing death to any who attempt to remove the mines. Later in the day the obstacles were removed without any shots fired and train services were resumed by the end of the day.[88]

On 5^th November the signal cabin at Grace Dieu Junction on the Mallow to Waterford railway was burnt.[89] The junction separated traffic on the line, sending occasionally goods trains south into the old terminus of the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway at Bilberry, while sending the majority of goods and all passenger traffic eastwards towards the Suir railway bridge and into the Waterford North station.  The cabin was never restored and the cabin at Kilmeaden station was given the release controls for the Suir Bridge.[90] From July to December 1922 five signal cabins between Grace Dieu Junction and Ballyduff were destroyed.[91]

On 10^th November 1922 the Fishguard and Rosslare Railways and Harbours Company was told that train services on the South Wexford line had completed ceased due to continued war activity in the area. The GS&WR said that the D&SER had agreed to allow FRRHC services to travel between Rosslare Harbour and Waterford via New Ross. After consideration the FRRHC board declined the offer.[92] The rejection was possibly a good idea as over the following few weeks the D&SER around Macmine Junction and New Ross faced a series of attacks which destroyed track, engines, trains and permanent way facilities.[93]

On 21^st November the Irregulars attacked Durrow & Stradbally station and destroyed the signal cabin by fire.[94]  On 24^th November a railway bridge between Cahir and Clonmel was blown up by a large force of Anti-Treaty troops. They afterwards captured the passenger train from Limerick, and having evicted the passengers, drove the train at speed towards the damaged bridge; further destroying the bridge and wrecking the train and burning the coaches.[95]

24^th November 1922 a meeting at the Railway Clearing House in Kildare Street, Dublin, of many of the railway companies in ‘Southern Ireland’ under the chair of Sir William Goulding, chairman of the GS&WR. It is resolved to create a unified railway company within a short time with a report on the process of amalgamation to be presented by June 1923. Six companies reserved their position on the one company idea including the Waterford & Tramore Company.[96]

On the 24^th November the D&SER train arrived in Waterford at 10.50pm from Dublin. the Waterford News reported that the same train arrived at various times in the previous week from 1am to even 5am.[97] On 24^th November 1922 the impressive 64 level signal cabin at Waterford North station, located on a gantry over the platform track, was completely destroyed by fire.[98] On 25^th November linesmen along the Mallow to Waterford line were paid off and made redundant due to ‘malicious damaged to the line’. This included milesmen operating within four and eight miles out from Mallow and within six miles of Waterford. Many of the employees were out of work until the 26^th August 1923.[99]

 On Tuesday, 28^th November Sir William Goulding met Gordon Campbell, acting for the sick Minister of Industry & Commerce, Joseph McGrath, on railway amalgamation. The government hoped the companies could work out their own scheme as the government didn’t have the experts to formulate a scheme. On the same day President Cosgrave spoke in the Dáil about the railway estimates and noted that some lines were expensive to operate. He said the Dublin & Blessington line had varied gradients with many twists and turns which make the line expensive to maintain.[100] Without saying it the President was taking about line closures at the very start of the independent new country.

December 1922

On 2^nd December 1922 the Anti-Treaty forces issued Operation Order No. 13 on the destruction of railway communications. It told its forces to first issue a warning to station masters and railway employees that trains will be fired upon unless a guarantee was undertaken that trains wouldn’t carry government troops, intelligence officers, supplies or communications. But these warnings didn’t mean the railways would be spared destruction. Army companies were told destroy 40 yards of wires, remove the wires and cut down the poles to stop communication. They were then to destroy 50 yards of rails and seize the railway repairing tools so it couldn’t be restored. Locomotives and rolling stock were to be wrecked to destroy enemy communications.[101]

Many Anti-Treaty members used the railways in their normal work or were railway employees and it needed to be explained to them why this destruction was required. One reason was the attacks would delay troop reinforcements and supplies. It would force the enemy/government to use the roads more than the railways. The government would have to deploy some of their troops to guard the railways and so allowing fewer troops to be available to fight the Anti-Treaty forces. The attacks would prevent intelligence officers and government spies for travelling as well as holding up the general administration of the country.[102]

On 3^rd December 1922 the FRRHC decided to accept the D&SER offer to run the Rosslare Express through Wexford and New Ross to Waterford by way of Macmine Junction.[103] Loco numbers 143, 158, and 174 operated the Cork to Rosslare train between Waterford and Wexford through Macmine Junction until December 1923 when the Taylorstown viaduct was restored.[104]

On 4^th December the GS&WR informed the government that they were not prepared to continue operating the South Wexford line between Waterford and Rosslare until proper armed protection is given to the crew working the Barrow Bridge.[105] On 6^th December 1922 the Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann, officially came into existence and issues its first postage stamp. The next day the government told the railway companies that they had six months to formulate a merger or the government will do it.[106] On 14^th January 1923 the railway companies favour two big railway companies with the Galway to Dublin line as the divide.[107] On 7^th December the 17.05 out of Waterford was derailed at milepost 55 but was shortly after put back on the rails.[108]

On Sunday, 10^th December the GS&WR goods shed along with the D&SER goods stores at Waterford railway station were attacked and severely damaged. A small Free State force was operating in the Ferrybank area searching for Irregulars when the fire was reported. Two quick thinking and able soldiers got the only loco in the engine shed under steam and managed to pull out five full length trains from the burning GS&WR goods shed. Yet still some 22 freight wagons, two passenger coaches, one horse box and five ballast wagons were destroyed in the GS&WR building. Meanwhile the soldiers drove the engine through the D&SER store to try a retrieve some wagons but the building and the wagons within were burning too fiercely to retrieve any. The city fire brigade didn’t arrive until an hour and a half after they were told and very few railway staff came to help. A number of railway workers were arrested as active Irregulars. District Superintendent Purdon and Inspector Scott were one of the few railway staff to help put out the fires.[109]

The rural railway junction of Macmine Junction on the Waterford to Wexford line where it joins the Dublin line is the location of numerous attacks to trains over the previous six months. On 8^th December the 21.15 Wexford to Waterford passenger train was held up and the engine, no. 32, was detached at Killurin where it was driven into the river to join no. 18 loco which was ditched from a previous attack. On 20^th January 1923 the 6.30 goods train from Waterford was seized along with the 9.45 passenger train going to Waterford. The Irregulars drove both trains into a head-on collision which destroyed both engines (no. 61 & no. 68) beyond repair.[110]

On Friday, 15^th December 1922 the 18.15 ex Durrow station passenger train was fired upon as it left Kilmeaden station for Waterford. The driver was forced to stop the train which was driven back into Kilmeaden where the passengers were taken off. As they left the station, a Free State soldier was relieved of his overcoat and let walk to Waterford city with the other passengers. The Irregulars then set the train on fire and sent it burning towards Waterford. Further up the line a few rails had been removed which caused the burning train to derail where nothing was left but its burnt skeleton frames.[111]

On Sunday night of 17^th December armed men called to the residence of the Durrow station master, located some distance from the station, at about 1am. They ask for the keys to the station and tell the station master to go back to bed. The next morning, after a possible restless night, the master went to the station to find the entire building burnt out. The raiders had burnt the booking office, waiting room, and lamp rooms along with the goods store.[112] The signal cabin was damaged on a previous attack.

Even with the virtually destruction of Durrow station the railway staff did great work in a short time to restore some form of facilities to served passengers and freight that came and went from the station. With the destruction of the Ballyvoile viaduct Durrow became the terminus station between there and Waterford. On the other side Dungarvan became a terminus station for the line heading west but it is unclear if there were any trains on this section of the line as the Cappoquin viaduct was destroyed and the line beyond to Mallow was also damaged at a few locations like the damaged Carrig viaduct.

Before Christmas 1922 about 25 to 30 people used the train from Durrow to Waterford. A fleet of cars carried these people between Durrow and Dungarvan. Daniel Crotty who had a garage in Dungarvan employed cars everyday to go between the stations. Crotty also collected the mails from the train. On 23^rd December Daniel Crotty sent three cars to Durrow to meet the train and a fourth car belonging to another person was there. The least full car had two ladies and five gentlemen as well as the driver crowded in. this was the last train before Christmas and so about 27 passengers came on the Waterford train. Edward Walsh from Tallow was one of these passengers returning home for Christmas. He worked as a bank clerk at the National Land Bank in Waterford. Because the car was full Edward Walsh had one leg in the car and other outside. On the Dungarvan side of Ballinvade school house the car was met by a runaway horse and trap. The car tried to avoid the horse but the shaft of the trap hit Edward Walsh in the stomach and he was seriously injured but not really appreciated by the people there. He was first brought to Lawlor’s Hotel to recover but complained of pains and was taken to Dungarvan hospital but internal injuries had taken there hold and died on the night of 28^th December.[113]

On Christmas Eve 1922 railway workers in Dublin and Cork, attached to different railway companies, reject a proposal for a flat rate of pay of 3s 6d per week with many suffering a reduction in pay.[114]  On Sunday, 31^st December 1922 the 17.05 train between Waterford and Durrow was derailed.[115] Other sources say this derailment happened at milepost 52 on 29^th December.[116] Because of this and the other incidents during December the GS&WR decided to close the line until further notice.[117]

January 1923

On 3^rd January 1923 the Minister of Industry & Commerce told the Dáil that the government favours one unified railway company for the while country and will introduce legislation to make this happen if the existing railway companies didn’t ‘voluntarily’ united.[118] Motor lorries were used to bring freight between Waterford and Dungarvan to replace the disrupted rail service. But coastal sailing schooners were also employed to bridge the gap. On 12^th January the Golden was recorded bring flour from Waterford to Dungarvan.[119] On 16^th January the signal cabin at Castletownroche station was destroyed by fire. This cabin was located near the level crossing on the Fermoy end of the platform. The replacement cabin was built on the platform between the station master’s house and the station building.[120] Other sources say not only was the signal cabin burnt but the goods shed and station house was also damaged by fire.[121]

On 22^nd January 1923 Liam Lynch said the best protection for the Anti-Treaty was the destruction, and to permanently destroyed, of the road and railway system to hamper government troop concentrations and rapid troop movements.[122] On 27^th January five trains are wrecked in a multiple pile up around Killurin and Macmine Junction as the Irregulars seized a number of trains causing collisions and derailments.[123] Two months before the civil war began, Joe Griffin, Intelligence Chief at the GHQ of the Anti-Treaty forces asked each divisional intelligence officer to gather a list of people who will spy for them in the new government departments of the Provisional Government, in the new Civic Guard, the Post Office, ports, docks, newspapers and on the railways.[124] On many occasions, like at Killurin, the people who captured these trains in the name of the Anti-Treaty forces seem to be great knowledge on how the trains work and how to rig the signals to get trains to stop. A nice number of these people had to be active train drivers or recently retired to know how to start a runaway train. Near the start of the war Liam Lynch told his forces to locate locomotive engineers or others who knew how to operate locomotives to effectively carry out the dismantling operations.[125]

Despite the decision of the GS&WR on 31^st December to close the Durrow to Waterford railway until further notice, it appears that in early January the line was re-opened but train services were not without incident. At some time a train derailed beyond Durrow, between the Durrow tunnel and the destroyed Ballyvoile viaduct, and caused some wreckage. On Wednesday, 31^st January a breakdown train was at the crash site engaged at removing the wreckage.[126] Other sources say it was 2^nd February that the breakdown train was on site.[127] Still again others say it was 21^st January. The Dungarvan photographer Thomas Keohan dated his photo of the derailment as 31^st January which is likely the correct date.[128]

At about 16.20 as the breakdown train was preparing to return to Waterford as the dark of the January evening was falling, it was surrounded by a group of armed men. The twenty GS&WR employees along with District Superintendent Purdon and Loco Superintendent Capsey were ordered off the train.[129] The Anti-Treaty men reversed the train back up the line and through the Durrow tunnel. On the north side of the tunnel the Anti-Treaty men built up steam on the loco, no. 189, before sending it off through the tunnel and on towards the destroyed Ballyvoile viaduct where the engine and tender fell over the edge. As the tender fell into the Dalligan valley, 200 feet below, the coupling to the first wagon broke which left the first wagon hanging over the edge of the destroyed pier and the rest of the train standing on the track.[130] A photo of the hanging wagon was taken by local photographer Thomas Keohan and he said that sales of the photo help pay for his wedding.[131] Over the following few days’ armed men came to the homes of drivers and firemen attached to the armoured train along the line and threaten them not to go to work.[132]  

It was initially considered that the engine was unrecoverable but still the insurance company insisted that the engine be recovered from the bottom of the valley. A temporary track was built down the east side of the viaduct and the wrecked no. 189 was pulled back up the valley side. After this incident the GS&WR closed the Durrow-Waterford line.

Train hanging over Ballyvoile viaduct

February 1923

On 2^nd February 1923 the GS&WR proposed to build a temporary cattle yard at Mallow station.[133] On the same day it was reported that the GS&WR was using about 1,500 to 2,000 tons per week of coal which was principally source from the Ebbw Vale Company in Wales at 27s 6d per ton.[134]

In County Waterford the guerrilla war continued. On 5^th February unknown Irregulars burnt the co-op store at Cappagh, across the road from the railway station.[135] On 6^th February the members of the Waterford branch of the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers & Firemen threatened to go on strike because of having to live on half pay while risking their lives every day they went to work.[136]

On 9^th February 1923 the Government hoped that the South Wexford line would be re-opened soon but the GS&WR said the line was too seriously damaged to be re-opened.[137] Later in the month the Anti-Treaty forces attacked the Barrow Bridge as trains could still run east as far as Ballycullane. Instead of blowing up the bridge Peader Sinnott rowed out to the bridge in a cot and climbed the central span while it was open. Unobserved by a detachment of Free State troops Peader managed to remove the crown-pinion wheel from the opening mechanism and threw it into the river so that the bridge remained permanently open. Having completed his mission Peader went off into the night and the South Wexford line was closed to railway traffic.[138]

On 23^rd February the Minister for Industry & Commerce enquired of the GS&WR as to when the Waterford to Durrow line will be re-opened. The Company said they had no plans to re-open the line until the Ballyvoile viaduct was rebuilt.[139] On the same day Liam Lynch was telling his divisional and brigade commanders to forward form number 13 on the 10^th of each month. Form 13 was for reporting on the destruction of railway communications in each area. This was only one of at least 23 monthly reports to be sent to general headquarters in Dublin along with a number of weekly reports.[140] It seems that both sides wanted to know information. Yet in war, having information is one thing; knowing what to do with it is another.

At the Annual General Meeting of the GS&WR held on 28^th February 1923 at Kingsbridge Terminus (now Heuston Station) shareholders were told that in the period from 28^th June to 31^st December 1922 there were 200 raids on stations with goods stolen, 375 instances of damage to the permanent way, 48 over-bridges destroyed, 207 under-bridges destroyed, 71 signal cabins completely destroyed with 12 partially damaged, 13 buildings destroyed by fire, along with 47 instances of trains destroyed, derailed or damaged in some form.[141]

In that period from June to December 1922 the Mallow to Waterford railway suffered many of these attacks. Two under-pass bridges were damaged between Mallow and Castletownroche; an over-bridge was damaged between Fermoy and Clondulane; an under-bridge between Clondulane and Ballyduff along with two separate attacks on the permanent way. Ballyduff signal cabin was damaged and an under-bridge destroyed along with damage to the permanent way between there and Tallow Road. There were six locations between Kilmacthomas and Kilmeaden where the permanent way was damaged. Kilmeaden signal cabin was damaged along with four under-bridges between there and Waterford. the Fermoy to Mitchelstown branch line had two attacks on the permanent way, buildings burnt at Ballindangan and the signal box at Glanworth along with three damaged under-bridges.[142]

March 1923

While the horrors of war still continued on Sunday, 4^th March 1923, special trains left Munster for Dublin to be there for the postponed 1921 All-Ireland Hurling Final where Limerick defeated Dublin 8-5 to 4-2 and thus becoming the first holders of the McCarthy Cup.[143]

On 12^th March 1923 Tom Derring, Anti-Treaty adjutant-general told commanders of divisions and independent brigades to blow up a big railway bridge and two small bridges on each side. This was to prevent railway companies from running a train up to the one damaged bridge and transferring passengers and goods to another train waiting on the opposite side of the damaged bridge. Derring also wanted active mining operations against the Free State armoured patrol trains.[144] The Free State used armoured trains and armoured cars with track wheels to patrol the different railways and try to keep communications open. It is not known if these vehicles were used on the Mallow to Waterford railway. The absence of any reports of Anti-Treaty people attacking these vehicles on the line would suggest they were little used. As the line itself was closed nearly as many times as it was open it again suggests they were very infrequently used. Having said that, the GS&WR were maintaining the line out of Waterford to at least the 63^rd milepost by February and March 1923 with milesmen being re-employed.[145]

On 23^rd March President Cosgrave told the Dáil that progress on the Mallow viaduct was halted due to the GS&WR been unable to take debris out of the River Blackwater as the river was in flood and parts of the new bridge were held up in Cork due to a dockers strike.[146] On the same day in reply to a question by Michael O hAonghusa, TD, President Cosgrave said tenders for repairing Carrig viaduct between Mallow and Castletownroche were received and that a contract is due shortly, even at once. The President was aware how communities along the line were suffering because of no train service and the government was doing what it can to secure an early resumption of services.[147]

On 26^th March it was reported that the various railway companies had failed to agree on a plan of merger.[148]

April 1923

On 6^th April 1923 the GS&WR received £2,500 from the British government through the Disposal & Liquidation Commission in London in full payment of all rents due to the company for the use of the Waterford South Bilberry railway station as a shell factory during the Great War.[149]

In all this time the Mallow to Dungarvan line also remained closed.[150] For the railway staff on the line and on the Durrow to Waterford section these were hard times as they were mostly made unemployed. On 25^th April it was said that the Dungarvan to Castletownroche line was closed since July 1922 along with the Fermoy to Mitchelstown line.[151] On 27^th April the government told GS&WR that a contract to repair Carrig viaduct was signed.[152]

Bridge no. 457 on the South Wexford line was destroyed in early July 1922 and was not repaired until the end of 1923. Thus at the end of the civil war the Cork-Rosslare trains had to go round by Macmine Junction.[153] On 25^th April J.B. Whelehan, speaking for the Minister for Industry & Commerce that a design for the new Ballyvoile viaduct was received from the Consulting Engineer with tenders to be issue shortly and replies expected within a week.[154] As for repairing road bridges the GS&WWR said that was a matter for county councils while other railways rebuilt such bridges on a 50-50 basis with councils.[155] On 30^th April the Anti-Treaty side issued a ceasefire order but occasional fighting continued for another month.[156]

May 1923

The TD for Wexford Domhnall O Ceallachan asked the Assistant Minister for Industry & Commerce about reopening the South Wexford line and if Great Western Railway were going to resume ferry services. The Minister said it was unlikely that services would be resumed until the many damaged viaducts and bridges were repaired and rebuilt.[157]

On Thursday, 24^th May 1923, the most bloody and destructive civil war was declared at an end.[158] Frank Aiken, the new Anti-Treaty chief-on-staff since the death of Liam Lynch on 10^th April, issued an order to dump arms on that day.[159]

June 1923

In June 1923 the GS&WR began to re-employ linesmen and other staff between Durrow and Waterford as it increased train services.[160]

July 1923

On 6^th July Ernest Blythe, on behalf of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, told the Dáil in reply to a Dáil question on the reopening of the Mallow to Waterford line, that the rebuilding of Ballyvoile viaduct was delayed by a need for alteration in the plans to keep as much of the reconstruction work in the country. Between Mallow and Dungarvan all damage sections had been repaired except the viaducts at Carrig and Cappoquin. The government were repairing Carrig viaduct and had completed the timber frame contract and were in the process of concluding the masonry contract with a hope for the viaduct to be finished by 22^nd August. The GS&WR were repairing the Cappoquin viaduct and hoped to have it finished about the same time if no further dock strikes halt progress.[161]

August 1923

The month of August 1923 saw the reopening of the road viaduct at Ballyvoile with Thomas Beatty been first to cross the new road bridge with a load of goods from Durrow railway station. With peace restored work could begin without fear of guns or bombs at rebuilding Ballyvoile viaduct. Yet still soldiers guarded the work and slept in railway carriages near the works. The one remaining arch was blown up by the construction crew to make way for the new viaduct. The construction company was McAlpine of England.[162] The stone arch viaduct was replaced by a steel lattice structure on concrete piers.

On 20^th August 1923 the GS&WR re-employed the linesmen between Mallow and Fermoy that had been out of work since November 1922 when the company closed the line due to all the damage to the various bridges and track.[163] Train services as far as Fermoy resumed but traffic to Lismore didn’t resume fully until the end of the year.

September 1923

On 17^th September the GWR restarted the ferry steamers between Fishguard and Rosslare which were suspended since July 1922.[164] The re-opening was in different times. Passenger figures were not like what they had been before the Great War and although peace had come to southern Ireland the boat train to Fishguard passed by Aldershot to take on troop movements if required.[165]

October 1923

On 4^th October 1923 loco 4-6-0 no. 405 drew the first train over the new Mallow viaduct carrying W.T. Cosgrave, President of the Executive Council., with the GS&WR chairman Sir William Goulding.[166] The Cork Examiner reported the re-opening on its 16^th October edition which indicated the re-opening happened on 15^th October but most people remember it as the 16^th which suggests the Examiner ran a special edition. The new viaduct was built by Armstrong Whitworth of Newcastle-on-Tyne and cost £30,000. The dock strike in Cork meant that the steel came by rail from Fenit in Kerry and the nine month construction project started from the south bank with T.J. Moran of Cork getting the job of taking away the remains of the old viaduct.[167]

November 1923

In November 1923 the GS&WR announced that they had repaired all the under-bridges, either temporarily or permanently with the exception of the viaducts at Taylorstown and Ballyvoile.[168] The railway service between Dungarvan and Mallow was now fully restored but a full train service was not available.[169] Linesmen between Cappoquin and Dungarvan were re-employed from 5^th November 1923. But linesmen between Fermoy and Lismore were only hired on temporary basis which suggest that some restoration work was still needed for a full service.[170]

December 1923

At the beginning of December 1923 the Taylorstown viaduct was re-opened.[171]

June 1924

On 8^th June 1924 a test train was sent over and back long the new Ballyvoile viaduct.[172] On 19^th June 1924 the Ballyvoile railway viaduct was officially opened following its reconstruction in steel.[173] On the 18^th June the Cork to Waterford crossed over the Ballyvoile viaduct for the first time in two years. The opening was a low key affair but an important one to link the social and economic connections of East and West Waterford.[174] On the 24^th June normal pre-war train services could once again cross the viaduct. A photo was taken of a 0-6-0 engine with a three axle tender pulling a passenger coach with double axle bogie wheels followed by a six wheel coach followed at the end by a six wheel mail coach.[175]

Train over restored Ballyvoile viaduct 1924

July 1924

On 23^rd July 1924 the Railways Act of 1924 was passed in the Dáil which prescribed the amalgamation of all railway companies operating wholly within the Free State jurisdiction thus leading to the formation of Great Southern Railways on the 1^st January 1925.[176]

June 1925

On 25^th June 1925 Ernest Blythe, Minister for Finance, told the Dáil in reply to questions that a consulting engineer firm in London were paid £8,150 for various plans and works relating to the rebuilding of 358 railway bridges/viaducts, 123 signal cabins and 197 railway stations damaged or destroyed in the civil war. The total reconstruction cost was £834,186 and the consultant got 3½% fee on erecting railway bridges. The bridges included the viaducts at Mallow, Ballyvolie, Carrig, Taylorstown, Monard, Douglas and Belvelly.[177]

August 1925

On 18^th August 1925 the Great Western Railway ran an excursion train from various stations in South Wales to Killarney which was reached at 10.37am and returned at 6.15pm. Two weeks later an excursion train left Paddington at 7.50pm for the Fishguard boat train and onwards to Killarney with a return to London by 9.10am the following morning. About 500 passengers availed of this excursion for just 24s. The Killarney Urban District Council voted a unanimous vote of thanks to Sir Felix Pole, the General Manager of the GWR, for restarting the boat train.[178]

Conclusion

Any civil war is not good at the best of times. Old comrades, who once gave everything to help their fellow soldiers defeat a common enemy, could now see nothing but the righteous of their cause and the betrayal of the other side. The railways as one of the main channels of communication was heavily targeted by the Anti-treaty side in the belief of people like Liam Lynch that it would forced the people to beg for peace and then what. The Mallow to Waterford Railway and onto Rosslare via the South Wexford line passed through a part of the country where many leaders of the IRA believe the Anglo-Irish Treaty to be a betrayal of their idea of a republic. What kind of republic they were fighting for was as varied as the people who were out fighting. Some wanted a communist republic, others a socialist republic while others wanted a conservative republic while others, particularly the women of Cumann na mBan, wanted a republic where women would be equal with men.

During the War of Independence the railways were targets for attack by the IRA but not for destruction. The Civil War fighters particularly targeted the railways for destruction aided in some cases by some railway workers. Train services on the Mallow to Waterford railway seem to have suffered more than most with the line closed more times than it was open. After the line was fully restored in June 1924 it continued in operation until March 1967 as a passenger and freight line. After then it was solely an ore freight line between Waterford and Ballinacourty magnesite factory only with the line west of there, through Abbeyside and beyond, being closed, dismantled and in some areas totally removed from the landscape as to be unknown to all but a few that a railway ever existed. The civil war destruction of the railways gave an opportunity for rood transport to gain a foothold in the transport sector which it never left go and in time contributed to the closure of the Mallow to Waterford line. But fortunately the magnesite factory at Ballinacourty kept the line to Waterford open long enough even after the last train in 1982 to reach a time when people appreciated its communication and economic benefits and today (2022) the line is now a very successful greenway that has been extended westwards into Abbeyside and Dungarvan. The section of line between Kilmeaden and Waterford is served by the Waterford and Suir Valley Railway, a narrow gauge railway that is well worth a visit for all the family.     

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[1] Share, Bernard, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23 (Wilton, 2006), p. 9

[2] MacDermot, E.T., History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Two, 1863-1921 (London, 1967), pp. 228, 238

[3] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 9

[4] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 10

[5] Rigney, Peter, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920: How Railwaymen and Dockers defied an Empire (Dublin, 2021), p. 38

[6] Rigney, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920, p. 38

[7] Rigney, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920, p. 41

[8] McCarthy, Pat, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford (Dublin, 2015), pp. 79, 80

[9] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 10

[10] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 17

[11] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 19, 20, 27

[12] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 27

[13] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 32

[14] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 34, 35

[15] Murphy, Seán & Síle Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24 (Kilmacthomas, 2003), pp. 135, 137

[16] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 39, 50

[17] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 67

[18] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 67

[19] Fraher, William, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period (Dungarvan, 2021), p. 86

[20] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 55

[21] Power, Patrick C., A history of Dungarvan Town and District (Dungarvan, 2000), p. 235

[22] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 42

[23] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, pp. 72, 73, 140

[24] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, pp. 94, 95

[25] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[26] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company (Newtownards, 2015), p. 145

[27] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 45

[28] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 45, 46

[29] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 47

[30] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 522, Operation Order No. 4, 27^th July 1922

[31] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 47

[32] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[33] Flaherty, Cian, William Fraher, Julian Walton & Willie Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway: a history of Dungarvan, Abbeyside, Stradbally, Kilmacthomas, Portlaw & Waterford City (Dungarvan, 2018), p. 252

[34] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 48

[35] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 145

[36] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 86

[37] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 48

[38] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[39] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 143

[40] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[41] Hopkinson, Michael, ‘The Guerrilla Phase and the End of the Civil War’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 703-15, at p. 704

[42] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[43] Power, Bill, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922 (Mitchelstown, 2022), p. 183

[44] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[45] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 183

[46] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[47] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 184

[48] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, pp. 178, 186

[49] Power, Bill, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), pp. 326, 327, 328, 329

[50] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 52

[51] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 190

[52] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 166

[53] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 147

[54] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 111

[55] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 228

[56] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 148

[57] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 111

[58] O’Malley, Cormac & Anne Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: The civil war papers of Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924 (Dublin, 2007), p. 118, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Lynch, 24^th August 1922

[59] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[60] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 54

[61] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 55

[62] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 131, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Pilkington, 30^th August 1922

[63] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 541, Liam Lynch to all divisional and independent brigade commanders, 31^st August 1922

[64] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Lynch, 3^rd September 1922

[65] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 12^th September 1922

[66] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 57

[67] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 230

[68] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 681

[69] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 58

[70] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 58

[71] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 225, Sean Lemass to Ernie O’Malley, 25^th September 1922

[72] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 230, Ernie O’Malley to Sean Lemass, 27^th September 1922

[73] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 59

[74] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 61

[75] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[76] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 232, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 28^th September 1922

[77] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 235, Con Moloney memorandum on the general military situation, c.28^th September 1922

[78] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 253, Sean Lemass to Ernie O’Malley, 2^nd October 1922

[79] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 64

[80] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 233, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 28^th September 1922

[81] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 65

[82] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 66

[83] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 67-69, 72

[84] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[85] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 289, Ernie O’Malley to Sean Lemass, 21^st October 1922

[86] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 72

[87] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 311, O/C 3^rd Brigade, 1^st Eastern Division to Ernie O’Malley, 30^th October 1922

[88] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 75

[89] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 76

[90] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 198

[91] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[92] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 78, 79

[93] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 79, 80

[94] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 200

[95] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 81

[96] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 81, 82

[97] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 82

[98] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 82

[99] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 644, 645, 684

[100] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 83

[101] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 530, Operation Order No. 13, 2^nd December 1922

[102] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 530, Operation Order No. 13, 2^nd December 1922

[103] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[104] Pryce, I., & McAllister, L., Steaming in Three Centuries: The Story of the 101 Class locomotives of the Great Southern and Western Railway (London, 2006), p. 67

[105] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 85

[106] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 85

[107] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89

[108] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[109] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 87, 88

[110] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 86, 87, 104, photo 36

[111] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89; Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[112] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89

[113] Waterford News, 29^th December 1922, p. 5

[114] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 91

[115] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 92

[116] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[117] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 92

[118] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 93

[119] Waterford News, 12^th January 1923, p. 2

[120] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 204

[121] Anon, ‘Railways Campaign of Destruction’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 688-90, at p. 689

[122] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 532, Liam Lynch to O/C of all divisions, 22^nd January 1923

[123] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 106, 107

[124] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 21, Joe Griffin to the Intelligence Officer in each division, c.9^th April 1922

[125] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 522, Operation Order No. 4, 27^th July 1922

[126] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 107

[127] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 118

[128] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, pp. 146, 147

[129] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 105

[130] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 107, 108

[131] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 105

[132] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 107, 108

[133] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 109

[134] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 110

[135] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 137

[136] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 16

[137] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 111

[138] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[139] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 115

[140] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Liam Lynch to all O/Cs commands, divisional and independent brigades, 23^rd February 1923

[141] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 117

[142] Anon, ‘Railways Campaign of Destruction’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 688-90, at p. 690

[143] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 119

[144] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 548, Tom Derring to all O/C’s of commands, divisions and independent brigades, 12^th March 1923

[145] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 683

[146] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 122

[147] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 2, No. 44, Friday 23^rd March 1923, Questions on railway bridges destroyed

[148] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 123

[149] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 124

[150] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, photo 66

[151] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 131

[152] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 134

[153] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 133

[154] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 133

[155] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 134

[156] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 168

[157] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 136, 137

[158] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 139

[159] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 168

[160] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 682

[161] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 4, No. 4, Friday 6^th July 1923, question by Michael O hAonghusa on reopening the Mallow to Waterford railway line

[162] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, pp. 103, 105, 252

[163] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 650, 651

[164] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 147

[165] Nock, O.S., History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Three, 1923-1948 (London, 1967), p. 6

[166] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 144

[167] Myers, Kevin, ‘Railway Notes’, in the Mallow Field Club Journal, No. 19 (2001), pp. 108-116, at pp. 110, 111

[168] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[169] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 230

[170] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 675, 677

[171] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[172] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 253

[173] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[174] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 127

[175] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 253

[176] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[177] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 12, No. 14, Thursday 25^th June 1925, Committee on Finance, Estimates vote

[178] Nock, History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Three, 1923-1948, p. 43