Waterford history

Mocollop at the turn of the Twentieth century

Mocollop at the turn of the Twentieth century

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The townland of Mocollop is situated on the north bank of the River Blackwater in the civil parish of Lismore and Mocollop. The townland contains the ruins of a medieval castle, a nineteenth century Church of Ireland church (in ruins since 1960s) and Mocollop house, long the residence of the Drew family for near 200 years. In 1901 there were five inhabited houses in the townland, one uninhabited house and a school house.[1] In 1911 there were still five inhabited houses, one empty, a school house and the church was mentioned.[2] All the dwelling houses were owned by Henry William Drew.

DSC05253

 

view over Mocollop 

Mocollop House (house number one in 1901 & 1911)

In 1901 and 1911 Mocollop House was the residence of the Drew family, the local landlords for over 200 years. The family descended from an officer in the Irish army of Queen Elizabeth at the close of the sixteenth century. At the turn of the twentieth century Henry William Drew was the head of the family. Henry William Drew was born on 14th March 1848 at the height of the Great Famine. He was the only son of Henry Drew of Wynberg, South Africa, and his wife, Gertrude, daughter of a Mr. Albertyn and widow of a Mr. Williams.[3]

Henry Drew of Wynberg was the youngest and sixth son of Henry Drew of Mocollop and Amy, daughter of Higatt Boyd of Rosslare, Co. Wexford.[4] The eldest son of Henry and Amy Drew was called Francis (a popular name in the Drew family) and he succeeded to Mocollop Castle on the death of his father. Francis Drew married Anna Maria Ross and had a son and a daughter. The son, Francis, died unmarried in 1839 and thus his sister, Olivia Maria succeeded to Mocollop. Olivia Maria Drew married twice; first in 1841 to James Barry and following his death in 1881 she married George Edward Hillier. When Olivia Maria Drew died in 1884 she left no children by her two husbands.[5]

The succession to the Mocollop estate then reverted to the second son of Henry and Amy Drew, Tankerville Chamberlain Drew. Tankerville Drew had died on 15th June 1843, aged 48 years.[6] By his wife Jane, daughter of John Elmore, Tankerville Drew left two children; Francis and Helen.[7] The life of Francis Drew is not recorded and we don’t know when he died.

After the death of Francis and Helen the succession to Mocollop reverted to the third son of Henry and Amy Drew, John Drew and then to the fourth son, Samuel Drew and then to the fifth son, James Drew. By 1895 all these heirs had died without children and the succession passed to the sixth son, Henry Drew of Wynberg. But Henry Drew had died long before then in 1866 and thus Mocollop passed to his son, Henry William Drew.[8]

Henry William Drew was born in the Cape Colony according to the 1901 census. After some education in South Africa, Henry William Drew went to England where he qualified as a medical doctor in England. Henry William Drew then went to India where he served with the Indian Army. On 15th April 1873 he married Cherry Geraldine (also born in the Cape Colony), only daughter of Bolton S. Honeylorne. When the 1904 edition of Burke’s Landed Gentry was published the couple had six children.

These children were: Henry William Drew junior (born 26th January 1874), Francis Charles Drew (born 1st April 1875), Cecil Bolton Drew (born 12th September 1879), Desmond Drew (born 16th August 1886), Kathleen Maud Drew and Violet Mary Drew.[9] The 1911 census said that Henry William Drew and Cherry Geraldine had ten children of which five were still living. Elsewhere we learn that Cecil Bolton Drew died on 4th February 1905 at Beaufort West, South Africa. Cecil Drew must have returned to South Africa after his father inherited Mocollop. The other four deceased children possibly died early in South Africa. In the 1901 and 1911 census returns only the two daughters (Kathleen and Violet, both born in Cape Colony) of Henry William Drew and Cherry Geraldine were living with their parents at Mocollop.[10]

Servants at Mocollop House

When Henry William Drew came from South Africa in 1895 he brought with him three Zulu servants. In the 1901 census only two such servants are listed as living at Mocollop. These were Autie Drew, a female servant aged 15 and born in the Cape Colony, and Beu Bonoyd, a male servant aged 15 and born in Maleteland. Both servants were members of the Church of Ireland as were all members of the Drew family. In 1901 census also tells us that both servants could read and write. By the 1911 census this had changed and Autie Drew was listed as couldn’t read. Beu Bonoyd was not living at Mocollop in 1911 and his fate is as yet unknown.[11]

Two other servants were living in Mocollop House in 1901; Hannah Parsley and Mary Ann Sullivan, both Roman Catholics. Hannah Parsley was the cook and was aged 45 years. She was born in County Cork and could both read and write along with being able to speak Irish and English (the only member of the household to speak two languages). Hannah Parsley was also previously married but by 1901 was a widow. In 1911 Hannah Parsley was no longer at Mocollop and her job as cook was then performed by Autie Drew.

The other Irish servant of 1901 was Mary Ann Sullivan, a native of County Waterford and not married. Mary Ann Sullivan was listed as a general servant who could read and write. By 1911 Mary Ann Sullivan had left Mocollop.

In 1911 there were five servants living in Mocollop House. These were; Autie Drew, Bridget Flynn (domestic servant), Mary Latty (dairywoman), William Brown (domestic servant and house boy) and Patrick Healy (coachman).[12] In 1901 John O’Connor was the coachman but he had retired by 1911.

 

Mocollop_Castle__House__Ballyduff_Upper

Mocollop House c.1900

Structure of Mocollop House 1901 & 1911

In 1901 Mocollop House had five windows at the front of the house with twenty-four rooms within. Outside there were sixteen outbuildings.[13] By 1911 Mocollop House had fourteen windows at the front of the house and fourteen rooms within with fifteen outbuildings.[14] The 1901 return giving the purpose of each outbuilding has not survived but in 1911 these outbuildings were two stables, one coach house (inside the round tower of the medieval castle), one harness house, one dairy, two fowl houses, one boiling house and two barns along with one turf house, one laundry and three sheds.[15]

House number two in 1901 and 1911

In the 1901 and 1911 census returns there were four other dwelling houses in the townland of Mocollop. House number two in 1901 was occupied by the Bourke family with Johanna Bourke as head of the household. Johanna Bourke was aged 60 years and was a widow. She couldn’t read. Johanna Bourke listed her occupation as a housekeeper, possibly for her own house and also at Mocollop House. In 1901 she had not only to care for her own family but entertained two boarders.

These boarders were John Smith (married and aged 52) and John Davidson (unmarried and aged 27). Both were from Scotland and were temporary employed on the Mocollop estate was rabbit trappers.

The 1901 census records two sons and one daughter as living with Johanna Bourke, all three were unmarried. These children were George Bourke (aged 24), Johanna Bourke (aged 22) and Thomas Bourke (aged 20). Johanna Bourke had at least another daughter as the 1901 census records Johanna Daly, granddaughter, as in the house on census night.

In 1901 the Bourke house was described as having one window in the front elevation and three rooms within. By 1911 this had changed to two windows in front and only two rooms within. The number of outbuildings remained unchanged at two in both census returns.

House number three in 1901 and house number five in 1911

In 1901 and 1911 this house (with 2 windows in front and 3 rooms within) was occupied by John O’Connor with no outbuildings. In 1901, John O’Connor (aged 57, born Co. Cork) was the coachman for Mocollop House. He was married to Mary (aged 56, born Co. Waterford), a domestic servant. With them in the house in 1901 was their daughter Johanna (aged 24, born Co. Waterford).[16] Sadly in just over two years Johanna died (14th August 1903) and was buried in the nearby Mocollop graveyard. By 1911 John O’Connor was 74 years old and a retired coachman. Also by 1911 John was a widower and was living alone.[17] The big increase in his age was experience by many people between 1901 and 1911 as they tried to be old enough to qualify for the Old Age pension which was introduced in 1910.

House number four in 1901 and house number three in 1911

In 1901 this house (with 2 windows in front and 2 rooms within) was occupied by Patrick Enright. The Enright family had four outbuildings in 1901 and six outbuildings in 1911. These 1911 outbuildings were one each of a stable, piggery, fowl house, potato house, shed and the all-important forge.[18] In 1850 Patrick Keane operated a forge on the site and there was possibly a forge there for many decades before that.[19]

In 1901 Patrick Enright (aged 55, born Co. Cork) worked as a blacksmith along with his son, James Enright (aged 32, born Co. Cork) who was also a blacksmith. The third person in the 1901 household was Patrick’s wife, Mary Enright (aged 65, born Co. Cork) who could not read whereas her husband and son could both read and write.[20]

By 1911 James Enright was head of the household and was married seven year to Bridget Enright (aged 31, born Co. Waterford). They had five children, Richard, Daniel, James and Ellen. There was one child missing on the census night. One person who was not missing was Patrick Enright. By 1911 he was still working as a blacksmith and now 72 years old, another person like John O’Connor who had aged rapidly in the previous decade – must be something in the Mocollop air.[21]

It is also of note that the wider Enright family had the occupation of a blacksmith or engineer in their blood. In the 1911 census for Co. Cork there was Michael and Danial Enright as blacksmiths at Ringaskiddy with Thomas Enright as a boiler maker, while another Thomas and James Enright were blacksmiths at Shanbally, with a third Thomas Enright as a railway engine fitter in Cork city. Also in County Cork were Danial and Patrick Enright who were both blacksmiths at Ardra while John Enright was a fitter in a Cork city foundary.

House number five in 1901 and house number four in 1911

In 1901 this house was occupied by William O’Brien (aged 59, born Co. Cork), land steward, with his wife, Mary (aged 49, born Co. Clare) and their daughter, Mary (aged 23, born Co. Waterford).[22] In 1901 the house had three windows on the front elevation with four rooms within and two outbuildings outside.

By 1911 William O’Brien was a widower while still working as a land steward. His daughter Mary O’Brien was still living in the house.[23] The O’Brien house in 1911 still had three windows at the front and four rooms within but now had only one outbuilding, a piggery.[24]

End of one era and beginning of another

On 16th October 1918 Cherry Geraldine Drew died. On 7th June 1925 Henry William Drew died. It is said that he was buried with his gun and his dog. By that time the world around Mocollop House was changing fast. The southern counties of Ireland had broken away from the United Kingdom to form the Irish Free State. Closer to home the ancient landed estate of the Drew family was gradually passing into the ownership of the tenant farmers.[25] Over the next few decades of the twentieth century the Drew family left Mocollop, the Enright forge closed down, the nearby church went into ruins but a new Mocollop house stands at the dawn of a new century to continue the story of a rural townland forever changing.

 

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[1] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226478/ accessed 11th November 2014

[2] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488428/ accessed on 11th November 2014

[3] Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[4] Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[5] Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[6] Grave stone inscription, Mocollop graveyard

[7] Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[8] Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, vol. 24, p. 6; Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[9] Burke’s Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159

[10] Census of Ireland, 1901 and 1911, Drew, Mocollop, Co. Waterford

[11] Census of Ireland, 1901 and 1911, Drew, Mocollop, Co. Waterford

[12] Census of Ireland 1911, Drew, Mocollop, Co. Waterford

[13] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226478/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[14] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488428/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[15] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488430/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[16] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226481/ accessed on 11th November 2014

[17] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488440/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[18] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488430/ accessed on 11th November 2014

[19] Griffith’s Valuation, Mocollop, parish of Lismore & Mocollop, Co. Waterford

[20] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226482/ accessed on 11th November 2014

[21] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488436/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[22] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226483/ accessed on 11th November 2014

[23] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488438/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[24] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003488430/ accessed on 20th August 2017

[25] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/22658/page/638873 accessed on 20th August 2017

Standard
Cork history, Waterford history

Orpin family of Marshtown, Co. Cork: a brief history

Orpin family of Marshtown, Co. Cork: a brief history

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

 

In the second half of the nineteenth century the Orpin family were the landlords of the Marston estate at Marshtown, Co. Cork. The first of the family we know of is Robert Orpin esq. who lived in Dublin in the early 1700’s. Anna–Maria Hajba in Houses of Cork, Vol. 1 says that this family of Orpin was a branch of the Kerry Orpen’s, but the listing for the Kerry Orpen’s in Burkes Landed Gentry, 1958 does not mention Robert Orpin.[1]

 

This is not to say that he was of a junior branch of that family as a good few of the early Orpen’s had Robert as a first name. John Orpen of Forleigh, Somerset, had a son Robert born 1553 who had a son Robert of Shaston, Dorset, a merchant who died of plague in 1645 and who had a son Robert Orpen of Killorglin, Co. Kerry where he lived in 1661 and had 3 sons the second of whom was another Robert Orpen, born in 1644, married in 1669 and died in 1699.[2]

 

Robert Orpin of Dublin

 

But we do know that the first Robert Orpin of the later Marshtown family was descendent through his wife with the Kerry Orpen’s. She was Johanna Mansfield, daughter of William Mansfield, and Mary-Johanna Gandrum. Mary-Johanna was the daughter of Augustus Gandrum by his wife Margaret Bowen, daughter of William Bowen and granddaughter of Robert Bowen, Robert’s wife was Margaret Orpen daughter of Robert Orpen of Killorglin above.[3]

 

Robert Orpin of Dublin had two sons by Johanna Gandrum, called Benjamin and Abel. Benjamin Orpin got married and had a son but we know little more about him. Abel Orpin got married twice and by his second wife Lucy Duant, had children. Abel Orpin became a cleric in the Church of Ireland. He was for a time curate in Drishane parish in the diocese of Ardfert and Aghadoe.

 

Rev. Abel Orpin

 

Rev. Abel had at least three sons by his second wife. Basil Orpin also became a cleric in the Church of Ireland, married, had children and died in 1842. John Orpin lived in Cork City had a wife Mary and died in 1823. The third son, another Abel Orpin, is little known other than he was mentioned in the will of his brother John Orpin.[4]

 

Rev. Basil Orpin

 

As noted above the first son, Basil Orpin became a clergyman. He was ordained on 29th September 1786 and served in various curacies in the Cloyne Diocese. He got the curates job in Clonmeen and Roskeen parish in 1786 while still a deacon. Later Basil Orpin moved to Ballyhooly, and was curare to the rector William Berkeley, a nephew of Bishop Berkeley of Cloyne. There was a population of 60 Protestants in Ballyhooly in 1785 shortly before Basil Orpin came. There was one church, no glebe house and the curate had a salary of £50.[5]

 

Ballyhooly church

Ballyhooly church by Mike Searle

This was a nice income compared to other people of that time. A land steward in Tipperary working for 300 days got £12. Ten pence was given for one days mowing of hay and three pence for threshing a barrel of oats in 1779.[6]

 

Rev. Basil Orpin served at Ballyhooly until 1804 when for the next four years he was vicar at Tullilease parish while acting and living in Aghinagh parish as curate.  But his house must have been modest as no glebe house was built until 1862.[7]

 

In 1808 Rev. Basil Orpin was made vicar of Ballyvourney, a position he held until his death on 2nd November 1842. At Ballyvourney he also held the job of Rector, the highest church position he attained. In the early year Rev. Basil Orpin had little clerical duties to perform as in 1805 there were no Protestant families in the parish. By 1830 there were 30 people of that faith while the census of 1860 also recording 30 Protestant people. Rev. Basil Orpin made improvements in 1824 by building a church to seat 200 people as the old church was long in ruins.[8]

 

On the personnel front Rev. Basil Orpin was also making improvements.  He married Ellen Newce but it is unknown if she was his first wife or second.  In the will of his brother John Orpin in 1823, Benjamin Orpin was listed as son of Basil’s first marriage while the children Richard, Mary and Joanne were by other marriage.  Rev. Basil Orpin had other children, namely; John Orpin who married a Miss Manden and had two sons and Basil Orpin who later settled at Marshtown, along with two more daughters, Isabella and Charlotte. It is not known were these children from the first or second marriage or was there the possibility of a third marriage.[9]

 

Nothing further is known of Basil’s children except of Benjamin Orpin who was sometimes referred to Abel Orpin. He lived at Passage West and had a wife Lucinda who died on 1st May 1841. Ben Orpin died on 26th March 1880.[10]

 

Meanwhile it was not just religious matters and family life concerned Rev. Basil Orpin. He was sometimes asked to act in a legal capacity for people. Pierce Power asked Rev. Basil Orpin to be one of 6 executors of his will in 1819. By the time the will was sworn in 1838 only Rev. Basil Orpin was alive to see it implemented.  Richard Foot of Millfort Co. Cork was the beneficiary and got three townlands in the Barony of Duhallow.[11]

 

Basil Orpin

 

Rev. Basil Orpin died in 1842 and was buried in Millstreet, Drishane parish. The earliest reference we have to Basil Orpin, son of Rev. Basil Orpin is from 1834. In that year he acted as solicitor to a marriage settlement with an address of Lower Mount Street in Dublin. The married couple were George and Elizabeth Crofts. They gave Matthew and John Purcell £1,384 12s 3d for certain lands in the Barony of Fermoy, and in the Barony of Duhallow at Woodpark for 500 years. Basil Orpin was trustee to this agreement in 24th January 1834.[12]

 

Later in 1854 the Crofts had gone into bankrupacy and by order of the court of Chancery their lands were to be sold. Rev. Thomas Hamblin Porter gave Basil Orpin £695 12s 10d for the Duhallow lands along with other lands in Counties Cork, Kerry and Limerick. Anne Purcell gave consent for the sale but with a right of recovery of on payment of the £695 plus 5% interest. This was because the Purcell’s owned the ground title and had only given the land to the Croft’s on a long lease.[13]

 

Basil Orpin also did other land transactions for the Purcell’s. On 22nd of August 1848 he was solicitor to an agreement where by John Purcell gave Matthias Hendley of Mount Rivers, Fermoy, lands in Counties Cork, Limerick and Tipperary in trust for money lent to John by Matthias.[14]

 

On the 14th of August 1854 Basil Orpin again was solicitor for a deed of conveyance from Edmond Boyle, 8th Earl of Cork and Orrery, to Ann Purcell, Burton Park, of Carrigacashell townland in Duhallow.[15] During the time of the last transaction Basil Orpin was also conducting legal business for the Earls cousin William Cavendish, 6th Duke of Devonshire. There is in the Lismore Castle papers housed in the National Library of Ireland where legal letters from Basil Orpin to the Duke cover the years from 1852 to 1857.[16] While in the papers in Lismore Castle there are legal letters covering from 1860 to 1882 when Basil died.[17]

 

Basil Orpin and the troubled Kerry lands

 

Meanwhile in 1850 Basil Orpin and his son John Orpin got legal papers of their own which were not nice. These papers were an ejectment notice served at their offices in Dublin, by Anthony Lynch of Dublin, acting for Sir William D. Godfrey of Kilcolman Abbey, Co. Kerry.[18] The notice was for lands at Knockagurrane parish of Kilcolman in Kerry in order that Sir William could recover the rent arrears on the land that was owed by the Orpins. Their cousin Anne Orpin of Killarney who had a share in the land also got an ejectment notice. None of the Orpins contested the notice and Sir William got back his land.

 

The story of Knockagurrane is a long one. It began on 11th June 1798 when John Orpin, son of Rev. Abel Orpin, took out a 31 year lease on the 88 acres of Knockagurrane from John Godfrey of Bushfield Co. Kerry for 17 shillings per acre.  John Orpin was living at Temple Villa Co. Cork at the time. The lease was renewed on 17th August 1804, 10th September 1817, 24th September 1822 and 9th May 1823.[19]

 

John Orpin died on 10th September 1823 and passed his interest in Knockagurrane to his niece Ann Orpin, possibly the daughter of his brother Abel Orpin.[20] Basil Orpin, the solicitor, became a partner with Ann Orpin for the property. Further deeds on 20th August 1835, 10th April 1839 and 5th November 1840 changed the interest of various parties to the property.

 

By December 1847 instructions for ejectment of Ann Orpin were prepared by Stokes and Creagh, solicitors of Dublin for Sir William Duncan Godfrey. Ann had accumulated rent arrears of two years amounting to £98 6s 8d. Stokes and Creagh didn’t proceed with ejectment (eviction in the common language of the day) but consulted George Blake Hickson of South Great George’s Street who on examining the case said it was a very peculiar case and so full of difficulties that he advised against ejectment and to recover the arrears by other means.[21]

 

Whatever the other ways of getting the money Sir William Godfrey employed, it had no positive outcome. The rent arrears had risen to £180 2s 10d by January 1st 1850 when Sir William called it a day and brought ejectment proceeds in the Court of Queens Beach against Ann Orpin and her tenants.  Basil Orpin got the ejectment notice on the 10th. It was the 13th of July when the Court gave judgement in favour of Sir William with costs.

 

But it was a short-lived victory for Sir William Godfrey. In January 1856 Sir William Godfrey lost Knockagurrane with a number of other townlands because of a petition to the Encumbered Estates Court by Charles Sugrue of Cork for debts totalling £32,471 7s 11d.[22]

 

DSC05869

Former gates into the Marston estate –

now at St. Carthage’s Cathedral, Lismore

Basil Orpin acquires Marshtown

 

About this time in the 1850s that Basil Orpin purchased the Marston Estate at Marshtown, Co. Cork from the trustees of Richard Henry Gumbleton and those lands of Georgina Gumbleton (Richard’s Sister-in-law) north of the river Blackwater. By 1870 Basil Orpin owned 406 acres in Co. Cork and 2,188 acres in Co. Waterford valued at £370 and £690 respectively.[23] But happiness was not to last long as his wife Mary Carthew died on the 11th of March 1866 and was buried at Mocollop. Basil Orpin was buried beside her after his death on 4th January 1882.[24]

 

Before his death notices of ejectment were again served but this time by Basil Orpin on a number of tenants at Mocollop.  It was decided to hold a huge protest meeting.  The local magistrates wanted to ban the meeting in the interest of public order.  Mr Redmond, the resident magistrate from Dungarvan, refused and the meeting proceeded without incident. This occurred in May 1881 during the Land War. It’s not recorded if the evictions went ahead.[25]

 

John Orpin

 

The son of Basil Orpin was John Orpin who was born in 1826 and died on 23rd March 1904 and was buried at Mocollop. Also buried there was his wife, Susan Lilias, born in 1832 and died on 26th April 1903.[26]

 

John Orpin, like his father, was a solicitor and is recorded living at Marston in 1886.[27] Also like his father, there are letters from John Orpin among the Lismore Castle papers in Lismore. These date from 1880 to 1889.[28]

 

Basil Orpin

 

John Orpin had at least two sons. The eldest, Basil Orpin, succeeded to the Marston Estate. He was born in 1860 and died on 31st July 1922 and is also buried at Mocollop.[29] Like his father and grandfather there are letters from Basil Orpin in Lismore Castle from 1900 to 1921 as the Orpin’s (of Orpen’s as Basil signed his name) were solicitors to the Castle for many decades.[30] Upon his headstone at Mocollop it says Basil Orpin of Marston also lived at 47 St. Stephen’s Green, Dublin, where he could have carried on his legal practice.

 

47-49_St_Stephens_Green_v2-min-800x533

47 St. Stephen’s Green, Dublin – the door on the right

Cecil Orpin

 

His brother Cecil Orpin succeeded to Marston, where he lived in the gate lodge as the big house had burnt down in about 1908.  He was there until at least 1932 as he is listed as an occupier in that year.[31] The estate was divided soon after.

 

Cecil Orpin was a medical doctor and lived for many years in Youghal.  In the 1901 census he lived at No. 3 Marina Terrace. There was nobody else with him in the house on the night of the census.[32] By the time of the next census in 1911 Cecil Orpin had moved to No. 1 Marina Terrace with the Christian Brothers now in No. 3. With him in the house were his wife Ethel and daughters Lilias, Ruth and Susan. There also was five servants, Mabel Marque, Mary Courtney, Hannah Sherlocke, Mary O’ Connell and Catherine Scully.[33]  In the 1960s and 1970s a member of the Orpin family served as a news announcer on RTE television. This then is a brief outline of the history of the Orpin family as is presently known from their origins as Dublin merchants to church clerics and solicitors to estate landlords and medical doctors to television presenters.

 

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[1] Hajba, A., Historical genealogical architectural notes on some houses of Cork (Whitegate, 2002), Vol. 1, North Cork, p. 259; Burkes landed Gentry, 1958, pp. 556-560

[2] Burkes Landed Gentry, 1958, p. 556

[3] Casey, A.E. & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), Vol. 6, p. 1422

[4] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol.6, p. 802

[5] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol 6, p. 801

[6] Lambe, M., A Tipperary landed estate: Castle Otway, 1750-1853 (Dublin, 1998), p. 24

[7] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 6, p. 870

[8] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 6, p. 802

[9] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 6, p. 802; Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1800-1839’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol. 21 (1988), pp. 42-101, at p. 73

[10] Records of Old Cork Newspapers

[11] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 15, p. 2303

[12] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 15, p. 2182

[13] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 15, p. 2184

[14] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol 15, p. 2182

[15] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter, Vol. 15, p. 1783

[16] Lismore Castle Paper, N.L.I., Ms. 7187

[17] Lismore Castle Papers, Lismore, file C/1/pigeon hole C and D to K and C/2/20 room 4 the tower

[18] Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1850-1858’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol. 23 (1990), pp. 46-68, at p. 48

[19] Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1840-1848’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol. 22 (1989), pp. 35-60, at pp. 40-41

[20] Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1800-1839’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol. 21 (1988), pp. 42-101, at p. 73

[21] Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1840-1848’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol. 22 (1989), pp. 35-60, at p. 53

[22] Bray, V. & Spring, J., ‘The Godfrey Papers: Abstracts of Deeds, 1850-1858’, in the Journal Kerry Archaeological and History Society, Vol, 23 (1990), pp. 46-68, at pp. 61-62

[23] Owners of land of one acre and upwards, 1870 with information extracted for Counties Cork and Waterford

[24] Headstone inscription in Mocollop church graveyard

[25] Power, P.C., History of Waterford City and County (Cork, 1990), p. 201

[26] Headstone inscriptions in Mocollop church graveyard

[27] Guys Postal directory,1886

[28] Lismore Castle papers, Lismore, file C/1/pigeon hole M-R

[29] Headstone inscription in Mocollop church graveyard

[30] Lismore Castle Papers, Lismore, file C/1/ pigeon hole (U-X)

[31] Hajba, Houses of Co. Cork, Vol. 1, p. 259

[32] Farrell, N., Youghal Family Roots: exploring family origins in Youghal (Longford, 2001), p. 8

[33] Farrell, Youghal Family Roots, p. 24.

Standard
Waterford history

Ballynadigue or Bellevue House, Co. Waterford

Ballynadigue or Bellevue House, Co. Waterford

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Ballynadigue House stands at the southern end of Monaman Lower townland in the civil parish of Lismore and Mocollop in west County Waterford. Before 1900 the house was known as Bellevue House. Ballynadigue House is situated on the road between Lismore and Cappoquin on the north bank of the River Blackwater. In 1870 Joseph Hansard described this road as ‘This neighbourhood is highly improved, and, for romantic scenery, may bear a comparison with the most celebrated places’.[1]

Origins of Bellevue House

Joseph Hansard in his book, History of Waterford, records the principle gentry of Lismore and Cappoquin in about 1820.[2] In those lists no person is mentioned for Bellevue House. By the time of the first Ordnance Survey map in 1840 the house was built and named Bellevue.

Bellevue House 1850

In about 1850 Paul Shewcraft lived at Bellevue House as Ballynadigue House was then known. The house and outbuildings were worth £19 10s. Around the house was 17 acres of land. Paul Shewcraft rented Bellevue House from the Duke of Devonshire. There were two gate lodges into the estate, both worth 15s. One of the gate lodges was vacant while the other was occupied by Denis O’Brien.[3]

In 1805 a person called Paul Shewcraft was mayor of Bombay and was in the Bombay artillery. In 1806 Paul Shewcraft was made a Lieutenant in the Bombay Volunteer Association.[4] Paul Shewcraft was in India since before 1794 and by 1816 he had left India and was living at Fitzroy Street in London. In 1816 he was a witness in the case of bigamy against Captain Harrower, late of the East India Company.[5] In April 1828, Lucinda, the wife of Paul Shewcraft, died at Fitzroy Street in London.[6]

Between 1850 and 1900

In 1881 Mrs. Hewson was living at Bellevue House, then written as Bellview.[7] In 1893 the Cotton sisters were living at Ballynadigue House which was written as Ballinadigue.[8] Richard Chearnley of Salterbridge House, just to the east of Ballynadigue House, had married Mary, daughter of Rev. Henry Cotton, archdeacon of Cashel.[9]

Ballynadigue House 1901

In 1901 Emma E. Cotton lived at Ballynadigue House with two servants. Emma Cotton was aged 50 in 1901 and was born in King’s County (Offaly). She was unmarried and a member of the Church of Ireland or the Irish Church as she called it. Emma Cotton gave her occupation as “interest in money”![10]

The two servants at Ballynadigue in 1901 were Kate Kingston and Sarah McCoy. Kate Kingston was aged 34 years and was born in Co. Cork. She worked as a cook/domestic servant. Sarah McCoy was aged 27 years and was born in Co. Wexford. She worked as housemaid/domestic servant. Both servants were unmarried and members of the Church of Ireland.[11]

In 1901 Ballynadigue house had twelve windows in front of the house and sixteen rooms within. To the north-west of the house were nine outhouses.[12] Unfortunately the form recording what function these outhouses had has not survived.

 

20768142_1599057156832388_3542799215491663800_n

The gate lodge and entrance to Ballynadigue House

Ballynadigue gate lodge 1901

As in 1850 Bellevue/Ballynadigue House had two gate lodges in 1901. The back gate lodge was vacant and the front gate lodge was occupied by John Gibson and he rented the building from Emma Cotton. The gate lodge had four windows in front of the house and five rooms within.[13] John Gibson worked for Emma Cotton as a coachman/domestic servant. He was aged 41 years, a Roman Catholic, and was born in Co. Westmeath. John Gibson lived in the gate lodge with his wife, Bridget (aged 32 years, Roman Catholic, born Co. Westmeath).[14]

By 1911 John Gibson had left Ballynadigue House and was living at Coolfin in King’s County (Offaly) where he work as a coachman for Arthur Burdett of Coolfin House. John Gibson lived in the gate lodge of Coolfin House with his wife, Bridget Gibson and records show that they were married twenty-two years (c.1889) and had no children.[15]

Ballynadigue House 1901-10

In 1909-10 Sir Joseph Cotter was a Justice of the Peace and lived at Ballynadigue House in the townland of Monaman Lower.[16] It is not possible to find him in the 1901 and 1911 census returns and he may have been out of the country at those times.

Ballynadigue House 1911

In 1911 Joseph Crowley was living at Ballynadigue House with his wife Alice and three servants. Joseph Crowley was aged 54 years and was born in Co. Cork. He gave his occupation as a retired Inspector General and retired medical practitioner. Alice Crowley, Joseph’s wife of nineteen years, was aged 50 in 1911 and was born in England. They had no children. Joseph and Alice Crowley were both Roman Catholics.[17]

The three servants at Ballynadigue in 1911 were Agnes O’Shea (aged 30 years, cook/domestic servant), Mary Power (aged 27 years, housemaid/domestic servant) and Anastasia McGrath (aged 25 years, parlour maid/domestic servant). All three servants were born in Co. Waterford and were Roman Catholics.[18]

In 1911 Ballynadigue House was described as having six windows (1901 = 12 windows) in the front of the house and nine rooms within (1901 = 16 rooms). Outside the house there were fifteen outbuildings (1901 = 9 buildings).[19] In all three counts – windows, rooms and outbuildings – great changes had occurred to Ballynadigue House in the ten years since the 1901 census. The fifteen outbuildings were described as 3 stables, 1 coach house, 1 harness house, 2 fowl houses and one each of a dairy house, cow house, calf house, piggery, boiling house, barn, potato house and store house.[20]

Ballynadigue gate lodge 1911

The front gate lodge in 1911 was occupied by William Moynihan. The house had two windows in the front and three rooms within with one outhouse.[21] William Moynihan worked as a gardener and was aged 29 years. He was born in County Waterford and was a Roman Catholic. William Moynihan was married to Mary Moynihan for just three years and they had two sons, Maurice and Edmond. Mary Moynihan was 27 years old and was born in County Waterford and was a Roman Catholic. William Moynihan could speak Irish and English but Mary could only speak English.[22]

In 1901 William Moynihan had worked as an agricultural labourer for Miss. Ellen O’Donnell at Ballygalane, the next townland to the west of Ballynadigue House.[23]

After 1911

After 1911 Ballynadigue House enters the realm of modern history and we’ll leave it for future historians to record that story.

 

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End of post

 

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[1] Joseph Hansard, History of Waterford (edited by Donal Brady, Waterford County Council), p. 246

[2] Joseph Hansard, History of Waterford (edited by Donal Brady, Waterford County Council), pp. 246, 247

[3] Griffith’s Valuation, Monaman Lower townland, Lismore and Mocollop parish, Coshmore and Coshbride barony, Co. Waterford

[4] Lawrence D. Campbell (ed.) The Asiatic Annual Register or a View of the History of Hindustan (London, 1809), pp. 95, 173

[5] http://www.hainings.net/10966.htm accessed on 6 November 2016

[6] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Volume 98, Part 1 (1828), p. 475

[7] Slater’s Commercial Directory of Ireland, 1881, Munster section, p. 107

[8] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1893, Waterford section, p. 49

[9] Burke’s Landed Gentry of Ireland, 1899, p. 68

[10] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227922/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[11] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227922/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[12] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227920/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[13] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227920/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[14] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227923/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[15] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai002640075/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[16] Thom’s Directory, 1909-10, p. 229

[17] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491449/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[18] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491449/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[19] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491445/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[20] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491447/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[21] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491445/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[22] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003491451/ accessed on 6 November 2016

[23] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001227706/ accessed on 6 November 2016

Standard
Waterford history

Ballyduff Upper R.I.C. Station, Co. Waterford

Ballyduff Upper R.I.C. Station, Co. Waterford

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Ballyduff Garda Station is noted for its unusual architecture for a police station which is enhanced by its dramatic location on a height on the south side of Ballyduff Bridge and overlooking the River Blackwater. Legend says the building was intended for India but the architect’s plans got mixed up and it was built in Ballyduff instead as a barrack for the Royal Irish Constabulary. The R.I.C. barrack at Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry, carries a similar story. They say you should never leave fact get in the way of a good story. This article may do that yet it also intends to record other items of the history of the building.

 

ballyduff_garda_station_1308998771153_large1

Front elevation of the R.I.C. barracks

In the thirty-seventh report of Board of Public Works for 1868 (year ending March 1869) it was stated that the Board had entered into a contract for the erection of a constabulary barracks at Ballyduff, Co. Waterford and another barrack at Errismore, Co. Galway.[1] In the thirty-eight report of Board of Public Works for 1869 (year ending March 1870) it was stated that the constabulary barracks at Ballyduff, Co. Waterford and Errismore, Co. Galway were built. The same report said that arrangements for a new barracks at Cahirciveen, Co. Kerry were in place.[2]

The constabulary barracks was designed by Jacob Brothers on behalf of the Board of Public Works in the Scottish Baronial style.[3] Only one year before, in 1867, the Irish Constabulary had become the Royal Irish Constabulary because of its contribution in suppressing the Fenian rebellion of 1867.[4]

R.I.C. activities 1881-1890

In 1883 Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack acquired added duties when Colonel George Edward Hillier married Olivia Maria Drew of Mocollop Castle. George Hillier was Assistant Inspector General of the R.I.C. in 1861 with the job of commanding officer of the Phoenix Park depot (now Garda headquarters). George Hillier was Deputy Inspector General of the R.I.C. from 30th July 1867 to 1st January 1877 and Inspector General of the R.I.C. from 19th September 1876 to 12th May 1882 or the most senior policeman in Ireland.[5] George Hillier had one son and two daughters from a previous marriage and died on 12th March 1895 and was buried in the Drew family vault in Mocollop graveyard.

In 1886 Serjeant John Boucher was in charge of Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack.[6] John Boucher joined the R.I.C. between October 1863 and November 1865. His police number was 30393.[7] John Boucher was born in Co. Tipperary around 1848 and by 1901 he was married to Kate Boucher and had three daughters and two sons.[8]

On 4th February 1886 a large force of R.I.C. under the command of District Inspector Wynne attended the eviction of George Hodnett.[9] Assisting with evictions was a challenging part of the constables job as the friendly relations built up with the locals in an area was put under serious pressure at evictions.

On 17th October 1889 Ballyduff G.A.A. organised a sports day with horse races. A large force of R.I.C. under Colonel Waring, R.M., and County Inspector Whelan came to maintain order. That night the crowd provoked the police by singing ‘The Peeler and the Goat’ which resulted in a baton charge and some of the crowd were injured.[10]

R.I.C. activities 1890-1900

In January 1890 two local constables attended a Ballyduff G.A.A. training event to keep an eye on proceedings.[11] The G.A.A. was a training ground for revolutionaries as much as a sports organisation.

 

Photo 22

Ballyduff R.I.C. barracks standing over the bridge across the River Blackwater

In 1893 Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack was in the Constabulary district of Cappoquin. Sergeant John Boucher was still in charge of Ballyduff barrack.[12] In April 1893 he possibly attended, with other constables, the last large faction fight in Ballyduff.[13] By 1901 John Boucher had retired from the R.I.C. and was living at Harbour View in Bantry, Co. Cork.[14]

1901 census

In the 1901 census Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack was house number 7 in the townland of Ballyduff Lower in the District Electoral Division of Castlerichard. There were 7 windows in front of the building and one outbuilding in the rear yard. James Mullany, serjeant, occupied the station with his family, using four rooms. The building was rented from Sir Richard Musgrave of Tourin, Co. Waterford.[15]

James Mullany was not in the Barrack on census night, 2nd April 1901. His wife, a daughter and four sons were in residence. Johanna Mullany was born in Co. Wexford and was aged 31 years. Her daughter, Eva, was born in Co. Waterford and was aged 4 years. The sons were Patrick (aged 10 years), Alfred (aged 7 years), Edward (aged 2 years) and James (aged 1 year). All the sons were born in Co. Waterford except Alfred who was born in Co. Wexford.[16]

James Mullany stayed away from the Barrack on census night and didn’t record his name on any other household census form. Ten Years later we find him in Clonroche, Co. Wexford. By then James Mullany had left the R.I.C. and gave his occupation as shopkeeper. In 1911 James Mullany was 53 years old, could speak Irish and English, was born in Co. Tipperary and was married for 21 years with 9 children of whom 8 were living by 1911. In the 1911 census all 8 children lived at Clonroche (5 sons, 3 daughters). Also in the house was Patrick Nolan, aged 59 years, born in Co. Wexford, farmer and uncle to James Mullany.[17]

Other R.I.C. people in 1901 census

Apart from the active R.I.C. people living in Ballyduff around 1901 there was also former R.I.C. people in residence. Danial Moylan, aged 75 years and born Co. Cork, lived at house number 6 in Ballyduff village. Danial was police pensioner and unmarried. He lived with his niece, Mary Slattery and her husband, Patrick Slattery.[18] The house was rented from James Daly and had four rooms and two outbuildings.[19]

R.I.C. activities 1901-1911

In 1905 a large force of R.I.C. attended the eviction of William Cashin at Ballinalovane.[20]

1911 census

In the 1911 census Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack was house number 8 in the townland of Ballyduff Lower in the District Electoral Division of Castlerichard. The building had six windows in the front and one outbuilding in the rear yard. The station was rented from Andrew Clancy who was the landlord. In 1911 Michael Farrell was in charge of Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack even though he didn’t give his age or occupation in the census form. Michael Farrell lived with his family in three rooms in the building.[21]

Michael Farrell gave few details about himself in the 1911 census. His wife, Mary Bridget, was born in Co. Cork and was aged 36 years. She was married for 14 years and had 9 children of whom 7 were living in 1911. The couple had four daughters and three sons living in Ballyduff R.I.C. barrack. These were Mary (born Co. Roscommon and aged 12 years), Bridget (born Waterford city and aged 11 years), Michael (born Waterford city and aged 9 years), Rebecca (born Waterford city and aged 6 years), Aileen (born Waterford city and aged 4 years), David (born Waterford city and aged 3 years) and Alan (born Waterford city and aged 1 year).[22]

In the 1901 census Michael Farrell supplied more details of himself. Michael Farrell was born in Co. Roscommon and was 31 years old in 1901. He was a Roman Catholic and was a constable in the R.I.C. In 1901 he was then living at house 10 in Johnstown Street, Waterford city with his wife, two daughters and one son.[23]

In 1911 Mary Ahearne (widow, aged 45 years, born Co. Cork) of house number 22 in Ballyduff village was employed as a servant at the R.I.C. barrack. Mary Ahearne had her daughter, also called Mary Ahearne, living with her. Mary junior was aged 21 years, born in Co. Waterford and was employed as a nursery maid, cook and domestic servant.[24]

War of Independence 1919-1921

The first fighting in the Irish War of Independence in 1919-1921 began at Soloheadbeg in Co. Tipperary when two members of the R.I.C. were shot as members of the Irish Republican Army attempted to steal explosives from a local mine. As the war escalated the R.I.C. were in the front line and many members were caught in the middle as most of them were Irish. There were even cases of divided loyalties within families such as the Richardson family where Thomas Richardson was in the R.I.C. and his son Patrick Richardson was in the I.R.A. (Irish Independent, 26th June 1943).

 

scottish-baronial-designed-royal-irish-constabulary-ric-station-ballyduff-derper

Rear elevation of Ballyduff R.I.C. barracks

In March 1921 the Cork No. 2 Brigade Active Service Unit felled a number of trees on the Ballyduff to Fermoy road at Scartacrooka in the hope of ambushing some members of the British army or Auxiliaries or any British military units that came along. Before the British military arrived a R.I.C. patrol left Ballyduff R.I.C. barracks to investigate the fallen trees. When they arrived at Scartacrooka the I.R.A. opened fire. In the ensuing gun battle Constable Joseph Duddy was killed. Constable Duddy was stationed in Ballyduff R.I.C. barracks and was a native of Co. Armagh. He was married with two children.[25]

In 1911 Joseph Duddy lived at 65 Carlisle Street, Belfast, and worked in the city as a draper’s assistant.[26]

After the formation of the Irish Free State, a new police force was established, An Garda Síochána. Timothy Ryan was the first sergeant-in-charge of Ballyduff Garda Station, note it was no longer referred to as a barrack which has army associations.[27]

The Garda station is no longer in use but the building is still maintained by the Office of Public Works.

 

Bibliography

Desmond, L., With the Constabulary in Waterford (Author, 2000)

Geary, M., A History of Ballyduff GAA (Ballyduff, 1987)

Herlihy, J., Royal Irish Constabulary (Dublin, 1997)

McCarthy, P., The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford (Dublin, 2015)

Maguire, H. (ed.), An Introduction to the Architectural Heritage of County Waterford (Government of Ireland, 2014)

 

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End of post

 

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[1] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/15340/page/398177 accessed on 8 June 2016

[2] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/15436/page/400592 accessed on 8 June 2016

[3] Maguire, H. (ed.), An Introduction to the Architectural Heritage of County Waterford (Government of Ireland, 2014), p. 52

[4] Desmond, L., With the Constabulary in Waterford (Author, 2000), p. 137

[5] Burkes Landed Gentry, 1904, p. 159; http://irishconstabulary.com/topic/2052/INSPECTOR-GENERALS-ASSISTANT-INSPECTOR-GENERALS#.WYDSV9TyvIU accessed on 1st August 2017

[6] Geary, M., A History of Ballyduff GAA (Ballyduff, 1987), p. 16

[7] Herlihy, J., Royal Irish Constabulary (Dublin, 1997), p. 24

[8] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000496917/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[9] Geary, A History of Ballyduff GAA, p. 25

[10] Geary, A History of Ballyduff GAA, pp. 30, 31

[11] Geary, A History of Ballyduff GAA, p. 32

[12] Francis Guy Postal Directory of Munster, 1893, Ballyduff

[13] Geary, A History of Ballyduff GAA, p. 37

[14] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai000496917/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[15] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001226175/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[16] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/pages/1901/Waterford/Castlerichard/Ballyduff_Lower/1756962/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[17] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003557720/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[18] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001225807/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[19] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001225800/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[20] Geary, A History of Ballyduff GAA, p. 26

[21] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003487530/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[22] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003487552/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[23] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001234006/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[24] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003487013/ accessed on 8 June 2016

[25] McCarthy, P., The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford (Dublin, 2015), p. 81

[26] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001437855/ accessed on 1st August 2017

[27] Desmond, L., With the Constabulary in Waterford (Author, 2000), p. 175

Standard
Waterford history

Devonshire Arms Hotel and Lawlor’s Hotel, Dungarvan

Devonshire Arms Hotel and Lawlor’s Hotel, Dungarvan

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Today the lower end of Bridge Street in Dungarvan is dominated by the four story high, eleven bay wide, Lawlor’s Hotel. The building has the appearance of being all of one construction phase but the façade shows the marks of older buildings with a rich heritage.

Before Lawlor’s Hotel existed

As many commentators have said before ‘Previous to 1815 this place (Dungarvan) was, perhaps, as uninviting in its aspect as it is now respectable in its general appearance. Its conveniences were few, its trade unimportant and the industrious classes languishing in inactivity.’[1] One of these inconveniences was a descent hotel. To this call for action, the proprietor of much of the town, William Cavendish, 5th Duke of Devonshire, applied himself with gusto. He commissioned the destruction of numerous cabins of the ordinary people, the construction of new streets and a market square and a bridge to link Dungarvan with Abbeyside. All these improvements had more to do with increasing the Duke’s number of voter and his political power that to see a better town but then politics can throw up unintended results.

The site of Bridge Street before improvements

Before the improvements of the early nineteenth century the area around modern Bridge Street was a jumble of small cabins with dozens of small lanes worming there way in between. The area lay outside the old medieval town of Dungarvan by the banks of the Colligan River. These cabins were part of the Duke of Devonshire’s estate in the Dungarvan area and like in the Duke’s other towns, such as Lismore and Youghal; the Duke’s property was he most ruinous in the Dungarvan area. The cabins were described as in poor condition, built of mud and covered with straw and most of great antiquity.[2]

IMG_0002

Map of Dungarvan, c.1776, by Proundfoot

showing the maze of streets by the River where the cabins were

The three major improvements in the Duke’s property around Dungarvan were the Devonshire Square-Bridge Street development, the Bridge and the forty-shilling freeholders housing at Blackpool and Boreheenatra. Plans for improvements were first discussed in 1794 before nothing could be done until the fate of the third life of the head lease was discovered. In 1806 work on development Devonshire Square could finally begin.[3]

The first houses were built on Bridge Street in 1807 and the development was aided by the premature construction of the bridge shortly after 1808. The bridge was originally due to be built in about 1810 but when news that Lord Waterford had a bridge scheme of his own did the Duke’s agent press forward he project. But work on completing the bridge was slow and not finally finished until 1816.[4]

Close to the Bridge in the northwest corner of Bridge Street a new five bay, three story hotel was built with three private dwelling houses of two bays each adjoining it on the Bridge side. The development of the hotel was helped by the purchase by the Duke of Sir Thomas Osbourne estate at the rear of the hotel. This helped provide space for stables and out houses.[5] It is assumed that the hotel was built in 1807 or the two or three years after.

The Devonshire Arms name

The new hotel was named the Devonshire Arms Hotel. Apart from the Devonshire Arms Hotel in Dungarvan, other towns partly or fully owned by the Duke of Devonshire also had hotels of the same name such as Youghal, Tallow, Lismore and Bandon.

1824

In 1824 Margaret McGrath operated the Devonshire Arms Hotel on Bridge Street in Dungarvan.[6] Margaret McGrath also operated a timber merchant business on the same street.[7] Also on Bridge Street in 1824 was Rudolphus Greene (attorney), and Arthur Quinn (physician).[8]

The Royal Mail coach stopped outside the Devonshire Arms Hotel at quarter to one each day on its way to Cork from Waterford travelling via Cappoquin, Lismore, Tallow, Youghal, Castlemartyr and Midleton. The returning coach from Cork stopped at the hotel at ten passed one before calling at Kilmacthomas on its way to Waterford.[9]

Devonshire Arms

The Devonshire Arms was the first five bays on the left and three stories high

1834

Like any hotel, the Devonshire Arms has hosted other events than just welcoming guests. It was the scene of meetings, weddings, funerals, social gatherings and dances. A hotel was also a good place to hold an auction such as on 27th January 1834 when the executors of the late William Barron, Esq. auctioned the lands of Knockinpower.[10]

The Devonshire Arms balcony

The original Devonshire Arms Hotel had a cast iron balcony over the door, the length of three bays, with the Devonshire coat of arms. Many notable politicians gave speeches from the balcony including Daniel O’Connell (in 1834), Eamon De Valera, Frank Hugh O’Donnell, (last M.P. for Dungarvan) and Henry Matthews, M.P. When Lawlors Hotel purchased the Devonshire Arms the balcony was moved to hang over the main entrance door of Lawlors Hotel where it is today.[11]

Another notable speaker from the balcony was Michael Collins but more by accident than design. On 26th March 1922 Michael Collins as head of the Provisional Government arrived in Dungarvan. At first he began his speech on top of a lorry in the Square. But during the speech some anti-Government individual, Skins Whelan, took the driver’s seat and drove the lorry down Bridge Street, over the Bridge and onto the Causeway. At that point Collins stuck a revolver in the window and forced the lorry to stop. On returning to Dungarvan Michael Collins completed his speech from the balcony of the Devonshire Arms as nobody could run away with a balcony.[12]

The Devonshire Arms Hotel was often the scene of election rallies with speeches from the balcony and meetings inside. Sometimes these gatherings generated controversy such as in 1867 when a committee of the House of Commons was called in to investigate.[13]

1850

In about 1850 Mrs. Mary McGrath operated the Devonshire Arms Hotel and rented from the Duke of Devonshire. According to Griffith’s Valuation the building was worth £45 with one root and twenty-three perches of land.

1863

George Bradshaw’s Railway guide to Ireland (1863, reprint 2015) reports two hotels in Dungarvan; the Eagle managed by Mary Power and the Devonshire Arms Hotel, managed by Mrs. McGrath. According to recent sources Richard McGrath was proprietor of the Devonshire Arms previous to 1861 when the Hotel was acquired by James Lynch but this conflicts when Bradshaw’s claim.[14]

1867

Certainly by 1867 James Lynch is named as operator of the Devonshire Arms Hotel. Most of the hotel customers came to Dungarvan along the coach routes. At that time Dungarvan was served by a coach to Clonmel at 5.30pm (fare 3s 6d), returning at 7am; a coach to Lismore via Cappoquin at 6.35pm (fare 2s 6d); a coach to Waterford at 8am and 3pm (fare 3s 6d); to Youghal at 8am in time for 11am train to Cork with the return via the 4.30pm train from Cork.[15] The hotel customers included commercial travellers, people attending the monthly fairs on the second Wednesday and sun bathers. In the summer months around 1870 Dungarvan attracted a sizeable number of sunbathers.[16] Some of these visitors stayed at the Devonshire Arms Hotel while others stayed at the other three hotels in the town operated by J. Buckley (Imperial Square), Margaret O’Callaghan and T. &. A. O’Neill (Hibernian Hotel, Blackpool).[17]

In 1867-1870 various reports describe Dungarvan as lately improved by the Duke of Devonshire and having a very neat and clean appearance even if most of the streets were narrow. The majority of the population of Dungarvan (c.8614 in total) was employed in the fisheries trade around hake, cod and herring. The principal exports from the port were grain, cattle, butter and fish.[18]

Visitors to the Devonshire Arms Hotel

Among the visitors to stay at the Devonshire Arms Hotel over the years included William Thackeray, Canon Patrick Power and Cathal Brugha.[19] Day visitor also stayed at the Hotel as in 1895 when members of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland had lunch there before travelling around to see the ancient sites.

lawlor-s-hotel-dungarvan oringal front

The three private houses beside the Devonshire Arms Hotel

occupied 2 bays each and were three stories high –

the mouldings dividing the buildings can be see on the front facade

1881

By 1881 the fishing trade had declined in Dungarvan and much of the town was dependent on the agricultural trade. The recent arrival of the railway was expected to stimulate trade but by 1881 the expectation was still unrealised. Yet by 1884 the Waterford Mail could report that the railway had caused an expansion of the fishing trade. The butter trade also benefited from the railway.[20] In 1881 there were two monthly fairs in the town to attract customers to the Devonshire Arms Hotel. Pigs were sold on the third Tuesday of every month and cattle on the third Wednesday.[21]

In 1881 James Lynch was still operating the Devonshire Arms Hotel on Bridge Street. He also operated a car company. James Lynch needed a car company in order to convey his customers to and from the hotel. The stage coaches didn’t stop outside the Devonshire Arms as in previous times. Instead the Royal Mail coach servicing Clonmel stopped at the Post office in the Square while travellers to Cork and Waterford had to go over behind the present-day Park Hotel to attend the railway station.

Other businesses on Bridge Street in 1881 included two banks (Munster Bank and the Provincial Bank of Ireland), J.W. Denroche operated as agent for the Alliance Insurance Company (he was manager of the Provincial Bank in 1893) and Benjamin S. Harris, also on Bridge Street, was agent for the Life Association of Scotland. Also on the Street was Thomas Slattery (solicitor), Michael Kennedy (agent for Lane & Co. brewers of Cork) and Robert Longan (Commissioner of Affidavits and clerk of petty sessions).[22]

In 1881 there were two other hotels in Dungarvan, the Commercial Hotel in Devonshire Square (Mary Flynn) and the Hibernian Hotel in Blackpool (Thomas O’Neill).[23]

1893

In 1893 Maurice F. Lynch operated the Devonshire Arms Hotel with competition from the Commercial Hotel (Captain Richard Curran) and the Hibernian Hotel (Mrs. Mary O’Neill).[24]

Other businesses on Bridge Street in 1893 beside the two banks (Munster & Leinster and the Provincial Bank) and the Devonshire Arms included James Holland (physician and county magistrate), Danial O’Connell (solicitor) and Edward Williams (solicitor). In O’Connell Street there was a grocer/baker called William Lawlor – not sure if he was any relation to the later hotel owners.[25]

The big change

For near ninety years the Devonshire Arms Hotel enjoyed the sole rule of the roast on Bridge Street. The stage coaches dropped customers at the front door and the balcony overhead drew a crowd when the great and the good wished to speak. Then William Lawlor came from County Kilkenny. In 1894 William Lawlor was named as proprietor of the Devonshire Arms Hotel but not for long.[26] Some disagreement occurred and William Lawlor lost his job but he was not for surrendering without a fight.

Sometime between 1894 and 1901 William Lawlor took a lease on one of the three private dwelling houses adjoining the Devonshire Arms and opened his own hotel, Lawlor’s Hotel. Shortly after, he acquired a lease on a second house from Margaret Coady. The third house, nearest the bridge, remained a private dwelling house until the third quarter of the twentieth century. In 1901 it was occupied by Susan Quinlan.[27]

lawlor-s-hotel-dungarvan oringal front

Lawlor’s Hotel in 1900 occupied first 4 bays with private house at the 2 bays on right

1901 census at the Devonshire Arms Hotel

In the 1901 census (taken on 1st April – the other houses on the street were done on 8th April) Maurice F. Lynch was named owner/operator of the Devonshire Arms Hotel. The Hotel was number five on Thomas F. Meagher Street (the new name for Bridge Street). In the building returns the Hotel had twelve windows in the front façade and there were nineteen rooms with ten outbuildings in the back.[28]

In 1901 Mary Anne Kelly, aged 24 years, unmarried and from County Leitrim, was the manager of the Devonshire Arms Hotel. She was assisted on census night by five members of staff who had little service jobs to do as there were no guests. The five staff were all born in County Waterford and unmarried. They were; Patrick Dunne (aged 18 years), William Dunne (aged 26), Bridget McGrath (aged 21), Declan Brien (aged 18) and Bridget Power (aged 21).[29]

Maurice F. Lynch was not in the hotel on census night but was living at 99 North Main Street in Youghal as a veterinary surgeon and hotel proprietor. He was 31 years old and living with his wife Belia Lynch (24 years) and their servant Ellen Crotty.[30]

1901 census at Lawlor’s Hotel

In 1901 Lawlor’s Hotel occupied two former private dwelling houses on Bridge Street, adjoining the Devonshire Arms Hotel. The corner mouldings of the buildings are still visible on the façade of Lawlor’s Hotel today. The 1901 Lawlor’s Hotel had eleven windows on the front façade and twenty-one rooms within and had six outbuildings.[31]

William Lawlor was born in County Kilkenny in about 1858 even if he initially considered writing Dungarvan as his birth place. Possibly he always had an eye on the Waterford coastal town from the days of his youth. By the ages of his children William Lawlor was living in County Waterford since about 1891. In 1901 William Lawlor described himself as a merchant and was married (c.1890) to Mary Rose Lawlor (aged 33 years and born in County Waterford). The couple had one son and two daughters. They were James Lawlor (aged 10 and born in County Waterford), May F. Lawlor (aged 9 and born in County Waterford) and Angela Lawlor (aged 4 and born in County Waterford). But William Lawlor saw the world far beyond County Waterford and employed Augustina Banquier, born in France, as governess to the children. There was only one visitor registered in Lawlor’s Hotel on census night, 1st April 1901, a Catholic priest named Patrick Power.[32]

This was no ordinary Catholic priest. He had first served as a priest in Liverpool and Australia before returning to Waterford for three years at the Cathedral until he got the curates job in Portlaw. In 1900 Rev. Patrick Power wrote his first book, A Manual of Religious Instruction, but he had previously written a few articles on history. In a short time he would go on to write many more historical articles and in 1907 published his most celebrated work, Place-Names of the Decies. Rev. Patrick Power went on to become Professor of Archaeology at U.C.C. Today he is best known to as Canon Patrick Power, one of the top five historians of County Waterford.[33]

Canon Patrick Power

Canon Patrick Power

1911 census at the Devonshire Arms Hotel

By 1911 the Lynch family had sold their interests in the Devonshire Arms Hotel to William Dunne, one of the workers at the Hotel in 1901 and he was listed as owner/operator in 1911. The Hotel also had structural changes over the previous decade with two additional windows to the front façade to make the fourteen windows that can be seen today. The number of outbuildings was reduced from ten to nine while the number of rooms increased dramatically from nineteen to thirty-seven.[34] The outbuildings consisted of six stables, one coach house, one harness house and one fowl house.[35]

In the hotel on census night were eleven people. They were; William Dunne (proprietor), Annie Dunne (aged 28 and sister of William), James Dunne (aged 39, brother), Patrick Dunne (aged 27, brother), Charles Lynch (aged 18, born Co. Longford and car driver), Patrick Burke (aged 38, born Co. Waterford, car driver), Martin Whelan (age 18, born Co. Waterford and billiard marker), John Whelan (aged 19, born Co. Waterford, porter), Mary Murphy (aged 48, born Co. Dublin, cook), Bridget O’Brien (aged 20, born Co. Waterford, waitress), Nora Riordan (aged 20, born Co. Kerry, bar maid), [36]

1911 census at Lawlor’s Hotel

In 1911 William Lawlor still rented the premises of Lawlor’s Hotel from Margaret Cody. In the previous ten years William Lawlor decreased his number of rooms by one to eighteen and increased the number of outbuildings from six to thirteen.[37] These outbuildings consisted of seven stables, four coach houses, one harness house and one fowl house.[38]

In Lawlor’s Hotel on census night were seven people, namely; William Lawlor, his wife Mary and daughter May along with four visitors; John B. McHugh (priest from Fermanagh), Thomas Maquer (priest from Cork), Donnchadh Turner and Mary Power from County Waterford.[39]

The third house in 1911

The single dwelling house at the Bridge end of the Lawlor’s Hotel was in 1911 occupied by Patrick Dunne (aged 36, single, merchant) and two female servants.[40] The house was rented from Mrs. D. Ryan.[41]

During the Civil War

At the start of the Civil War in 1922 most of County Waterford was under the control of the Anti-Treaty forces. By early August 1922 the Free State forces had gained control on the River Suir between Waterford and Clonmel. This action placed Dungarvan on the front line. But the Free State forces didn’t make a frontal attack just yet. Instead they effective landings at Youghal and Cork Harbour which isolated the Dungarvan garrison. The Anti-Treaty forces evacuated the town, burning the chief buildings as they went. On 16th August 1922 the Free State forces moved into Dungarvan and the commander, Commandant Paddy Paul, established his headquarters in the Devonshire Arms Hotel. During their occupation, the Anti-Treaty forces stayed in hotels, like the Devonshire Arms and in private houses. They issued promises to their hosts that they would pay the fare when the Republic of Ireland was established. It is not known if they ever paid up.[42]

1929

In the 1929 Munster trade directory it was said that there were three hotels in Dungarvan. The Devonshire Arms on Bridge Street with Lawlor’s Hotel next door and the Hibernian Hotel at 70 O’Connell Street.[43]

1937

By 1937 the number of hotels in the Dungarvan area had increased although a writer in the 1940s described the Devonshire Arms Hotel as the only hotel in Dungarvan. The writer also described the service in the dinning room as ‘slow’. Back in 1937 the Devonshire Arms Hotel was still on Bridge Street with Lawlor’s Hotel next door and the young kid next door had a telephone (Dungarvan no. 22). Curran’s Commercial Hotel was now also on Bridge Street. The old Hibernian Hotel at 70 O’Connell Street was now Egan’s Hotel. On Main Street there was Phelan’s Hotel with the Strand Hotel over in Abbeyside and the Ocean View Hotel at Clonea Strand endeavouring to capture the summer tourist.[44]

1955

A photograph of the Bridge Street area in 1955 shows the Devonshire Arms Hotel with its balcony and fourteen windows in the front façade. The ground floor is of cut stone while the first and second floors were covered in plaster. Next door Lawlor’s Hotel was painted white all over and had eleven windows in the front façade. The private dwelling house towards the bridge had five windows on the front and a grey colour.[45] The whole terrace was thus three floors high.

Devonshire_Arms_Hotel__Dungarvan

L-R = Devonshire Arms (5 bays), Lawlor’s (4 bays) and private house (2 bays): Waterford Co. Museum photo

The Kelly family

For many years in the mid twentieth century the Kelly family were owners and managers of the Devonshire Arms Hotel. Michael Kelly was the chief proprietor with his brother Nicholas Kelly as part owner. Nicholas Kelly was a politician on the Dungarvan Urban Council for many years and had another brother, Joe, who operated a grocery shop in Mitchell Street.[46] Following the unexpected death of Michael Kelly in February 1972 the family decided to sell the hotel.

1972

The Dungarvan Leader of 12th December 1972 announced that the Devonshire Arms Hotel was sold by the Kelly family to Terry Creagh-Percy by private treaty. Terry Creagh-Percy had operated a hotel near Heathrow Airport for about eight years and had connections to Lismore.[47] In December 1972 Terry and Pauline Creagh-Percy announced the temporary closure of the Devonshire Arms Hotel as they were renovating the dining room and accommodation area. For thirsty workmen and visitors the bar would remain open for the Christmas season. In the same edition of the Dungarvan Leader the Presentation Convent past pupils advertised their annual dinner and social to be held in Lawlor’s Hotel on 6th January 1973.[48]

1980s

The early 1980s saw a number of hotels operating in and around the Dungarvan area. The Devonshire Arms Hotel and Lawlor’s Hotel now had competition for the summer tourist in the form of Clonea Strand Hotel. To the west of the town, Whitechurch House Hotel had opened its doors and would go on in later years to build the Park Hotel on the Dungarvan By-pass.

The expanded Lawlor’s Hotel and the Burke family

Since the 1980s the landscape has changed very much in the terrace containing the Devonshire Arms Hotel and Lawlor’s Hotel and the remaining private dwelling. In February 1984 the Devonshire Arms Hotel (a disco on Friday and Saturday) and Lawlor’s Hotel (Jimmy Crowley on Wednesday) shared the same advert space to inform the public of their entertainments.[49] They had separate adverts in later editions.

Over time Lawlor’s Hotel purchased the dwelling house, which today (2016) provides a side door into the bar of Lawlor’s Hotel. But the biggest changed was the acquisition of the Devonshire Arms Hotel by Lawlor’s Hotel in March 1984. The main door of the former Devonshire Arms is still in place but is rarely used and the balcony overhead was removed and placed over the front door of Lawlor’s Hotel. William Lawlor who started Lawlor’s Hotel after being removed as manager of the Devonshire Arms Hotel back in the 1890s would be smiling in his grave. In 1984 Michael and Mary Burke of the new Lawlor’s Hotel advertised Zetas night club in a section of the old Devonshire Arms.[50]

In the last few decades the Burke family owned the expanded Lawlor’s Hotel and still do as of 2016. As part of their contribution to the façade of the terrace a fourth floor was built along the full length of the terrace. With this construction this article concludes the tradition of hospitality begun on the then new Bridge Street, sometimes called Thomas F. Meagher Street, with the Devonshire Arms Hotel in the early nineteenth century, and continued today, over two hundred years later, with Lawlor’s Hotel.

lawlors_hotel_exterior_dungarvan_ireland

The 2016 view of Lawlor’s Hotel

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End of post

 

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[1] Patrick C. Power, A History of Dungarvan: Town and District (De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), p. 134

[2] Lindsay J. Proudfoot, Urban Patronage and Social Authority: The Management of the Duke of Devonshire’s Towns in Ireland, 1764-1891 (Catholic University Press, Washington, 1995), p. 78

[3] Lindsay J. Proudfoot, Urban Patronage and Social Authority, pp. 188, 189, 190

[4] Lindsay J. Proudfoot, Urban Patronage and Social Authority, pp. 191, 193, 194

[5] Lindsay J. Proudfoot, Urban Patronage and Social Authority, p. 197

[6] http://www.failteromhat.com/pigot/0041.pdf accessed on 30 July 2016

[7] http://www.failteromhat.com/pigot/0042.pdf accessed on 30 July 2016

[8] http://www.failteromhat.com/pigot/0041.pdf accessed on 30 July 2016

[9] http://www.failteromhat.com/pigot/0042.pdf accessed on 30 July 2016

[10] Waterford Mail, 22nd January 1834

[11] William Fraher & William Whelan, Dungarvan: Historic Guide and Town Trail (Waterford County Museum, 2012), p. 28

[12] Sean & Sile Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA 1914-24 (Comeragh Publications, Kilmacthomas, 2003), p. 130

[13] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/15202/page/182897 accessed on 5 August 2016

[14] http://www.europese-bibliotheek.nl/en/Books/Dungarvan_in_old_picture_postcards/100-134450/Article/5

[15] Henry & Coghlan, General Directory of Cork and Munster, 1867, pp. 424, 425

[16] The National Encyclopaedia (13 vols. Wm. Mackenzie, London, 1870), Vol. XIII, p. 747

[17] Henry & Coghlan, General Directory of Cork and Munster, 1867, p. 424

[18] The National Encyclopaedia (13 vols. Wm. Mackenzie, London, 1870), Vol. XIII, p. 747

[19] William Fraher & William Whelan, Dungarvan: Historic Guide and Town Trail (Waterford County Museum, 2012), p. 28; Patrick C. Power, A History of Dungarvan: Town and District (De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), p. 222

[20] Patrick C. Power, A History of Dungarvan: Town and District (De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), p. 183

[21] Slater’s Directory, 1881, p. 120

[22] Slater’s Directory, 1881, pp. 121, 122

[23] Slater’s Directory, 1881, pp. 122, 123

[24] Guy’s Directory of the Province of Munster, 1893, Waterford section, p. 19

[25] Guy’s Directory of the Province of Munster, 1893, Waterford section, pp. 24, 25

[26] http://www.lennonwylie.co.uk/1894WaterfordCountyDirectory.htm accessed on 5 August 2016

[27] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001245795/ accessed on 3 August 2016

[28] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001245795/ accessed on 3 August 2016

[29] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001245800/ accessed on 3 August 2016

[30] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/pages/1901/Cork/Youghal_Urban/North_Main_Street/1161315/

[31] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001245795/ accessed on 3 August 2016

[32] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001245801/ accessed on 3 August 2016

[33] http://waterfordireland.tripod.com/rev__patrick_power_-_historian.htm accessed on 4 August 2016

[34] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476884/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[35] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476886/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[36] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476900/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[37] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476884/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[38] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476886/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[39] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476898/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[40] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476896/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[41] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003476884/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[42] Patrick C. Power, A History of Dungarvan: Town and District (De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), p. 228, 230

[43] Patrick C. Power, A History of Dungarvan: Town and District (De Paor, Dungarvan, 2000), p. 240

[44] Cork & Munster Trade Directory, 1937; Sylvia Couturie, No Tears in Ireland: a memoir (The Free Press, New York, 2001), pp. 109, 111

[45] http://www.waterfordmuseum.ie/exhibit/web/DisplayPrintableImage/K0kEboGQcs6zQ accessed on 4 August 2016

[46] http://www.munster-express.ie/community-notes/dungarvan/dungarvan-18/ accessed on 4 August 2016

[47] Dungarvan leader, 12th December 1972

[48] Dungarvan Leader, 23rd December 1972

[49] Dungarvan Leader, 3rd February 1984

[50] Dungarvan Leader, 21st December 1984

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Pre-Historic Ireland, Waterford history

In search of a cromlech near Mocollop, Co. Waterford, part one

In search of a cromlech near Mocollop,

Co. Waterford, part one

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

In the 1830s a group of soldiers and academics travelled the length and breadth of Ireland. Their mission was not of conquest but to record the nation in a great geographical survey. They were the team from the Ordnance Survey with the soldiers mapping the landscape and the academics recording the place-names and the archaeological features within.

IMG

Map of Labbanacallee area

First notice of the Labbanacallee cromlech

One of these academics was John O’Donovan from south Kilkenny. In one of the letters he received from Co. Waterford was a reference to a cromlech in the townland of Labbanacallee in the civil parish of Lismore and Mocollop. This cromlech gave the townland its name.[1]

Unfortunately the soldiers who mapped the north-western end of the parish in which Labbanacallee is situated did not mark down on the first Ordnance Survey map of 1840 the exact location of the cromlech – they didn’t even place an X to mark a general location.

Canon Patrick Power said that Labbanacallee, written in Irish as Leaba na Caillige, means “The Hag’s Bed” and that the Hag alluded to at Labbanacallee and similar places was the legendary “Caille Beara”. Canon Power also noted that the cromlech was not marked down on any old Ordnance Survey map.[2]

The Labbanacallee of Mocollop civil parish is not the only place of that name in the region of east Cork and west Waterford north of the River Blackwater. The most noted place of that name is Labbacallee (spelt with no ‘na’) south of Glanworth where there is a wedge tomb of Neolithic times. The Labbacallee wedge tomb is one of the largest of its type in the country. Excavations in 1934 found a number of inhumation burials with fragments of late Neolithic pottery and a few fragments of bone and stone.[3]

Another “Caille Beara” site in County Waterford is at Ballynamona Lower in the area of Old Parish/Ardmore. This Caille Beara was described by Canon Patrick Power as a dolmen and by archaeologists as a court tomb.[4]

The most common megalithic tomb type in the east Cork/west Waterford area is the wedge tomb. The cromlech at Labbanacallee could be a wedge tomb but Ballynamona Lower is the only court tomb example within 100kms and so the cromlech could be any other the four main types of megalithic tomb.[5]

Labbanacallee townland

The townland of Labbanacallee sits on the high ridge which divides the Araglen river valley to the north and the Blackwater river valley to the south. The ridge line runs along the height marks of 969, 1026 and 1066 feet in an east/west orientation. The land of Labbanacallee on the north side of the ridge falls steeply away down into the Araglen valley.

DSC03478

 

View north down into the Araglen valley

The land of Labbanacallee on the south side of the ridge falls gently down the hill side.

DSC03529

Looking south from the earth bank which divides

Labbanacallee from Barranafaddock

The chief stone type on Labbanacallee is old red sandstone but there is also a scattering of quartz which is sometimes mixed in with the old red sandstone.

DSC03512

 

Labbanacallee 1850-1911

In 1850 the townland of Labbanacallee was owned by Captain James Barry of Mocollop castle. Of the 273 acres in the townland 158 acres was described as mountain land. Daniel Guinevan rented 48 acres of farm land and had a house and outbuildings. Francis Brien rented 51 acres of farm land with a house and outbuildings. David Condon rented 14 acres of farm land without any buildings. In 1850 there were two vacant houses in Labbanacallee.[6] In 1901 there were three inhabited dwelling houses with a population of 19 people. Ten years later, in 1911, there were just two inhabited dwelling houses and a population of 9 people. In 2016 there is just one dwelling house in Labbanacallee townland.

Search for the cromlech 2013

In the spring of 2013 I first went up to the townland of Labbanacallee on the road between Mocollop and Araglen in search of this mystery cromlech. On the way up to the townland I met a local resident on the road and told him of my mission. He had heard rumours of the cromlech but didn’t know where it was supposed to be. The same man also reported that it was suggested by unknown people that the cromlech was not in the townland of Labbanacallee at all but was further down the road, heading south, and on the right hand side of the road, somewhere in the townlands of Black, Lyrenaglogh or Knocknalooricaun – plenty of options there.

DSC03508

The wind tower blade rests on distant hill, alternative site for cromlech

With this variable knowledge I went on my way to Labbanacallee townland and to the north-west corner where the townland boundary meets the public road. From that point a farmer’s roadway travels eastwards along the northern boundary of Labbanacallee. I followed the roadway to its end and then proceeded onto the mountain land of stones, bog and gorse. The going was difficult as the ground was wet. On the top of the ridge from height point 1026 to 1066 the going was doubly difficult with the wet bog and thick gorse. After a few hours rambling through the wet ground I gave up the search without any sign of a cromlech or any other early human structure apart from the stone and earth bank which forms the boundary between Labbanacallee and Barranafaddock.

On the way home I met another local resident who said there was no cromlech in Labbanacallee and that the idea of a cromlech was one of confusion with the more famous place near Glanworth. After such a fruitless search the local man may have some merit in his comment.

Not the only cromlech to disappear

The mystery cromlech at Labbanacallee is not the only one to seemingly disappear. In about 1840 John O’Donovan was told of another cromlech in the townland of Rath in the Barony of Upperthird. This was described as having a large flat stone supported on three upright stones with another broken upright stone to one side. Canon Patrick Power suggested that this cromlech existed in 1907 but by 1989 all trace of it has since disappeared.[7] Could the cromlech at Labbanacallee have been removed since 1840?

There is another possibly that the cromlech at Labbanacallee was removed before 1840. The Rath cromlech is marked on the first edition of the Ordnance Survey map but the Labbanacallee cromlech is not so marked on the map. The Ordnance Survey soldiers went up to Labbanacallee and marked a height point at 969 to use as a triangle elevation measuring point. The surveyors marked houses and roads that existed in later times and still can be seen today. But they marked no cromlech. This absence may be because the cromlech was removed before 1840 yet the memory of it remained to give the townland its name.

Barranafaddock wind farm

Since 2013 a wind farm was constructed in the townland of Labbanacallee and Barranafaddock and other adjunct townlands on the west side of the public road. Twelve wind towers were built with a number of access roadways. A team of archaeologists were present during construction but they found only an undated house site and an undated cooking site. In June 2016 a local resident told me that when digging the foundations for wind tower number 32, they engineers had to go down nearly 20 feet through the bog before they found solid rock. Could the Labbanacallee cromlech be buried under the bog like the Neolithic stone walls of the Céide Fields in north Co. Mayo?

IMG_0003

2013 and June 2016 survey areas

Search for the cromlech 2016

In June 2016 I returned to Labbanacallee for another search. In this search I returned to the mountain land area of the townland. The going was good on this visit with the dry weather of the previous few weeks making the bog hard under foot. The gorse was not as extensive as in the previous visit and good travelling was possible. Unfortunately after surveying a larger area in June 2016 as in 2013 not sign of a cromlech of any type, be it wedge-tomb, portal-tomb or court-tomb.

DSC03514

Quarry feature under furze looking south towards tower 21

Two possible sites for further investigation were found. A small quarry type feature was found along the south side of the high ridge on top of the mountain land part of Labbanacallee as marked on the accompanying map. This quarry type feature is not common elsewhere on the hilltop.

The other feature found were two small mounds about five foot high and five foot in circumference. They are located just to the west of the earthen bank which runs north-south and separates Labbanacallee from Barranafaddock.

DSC03528

The two mounds – umbrella and coat – earth bank to right

These two features do not suggest cromlech site but they are usual features in the landscape.

IMG_0004

Sketch map of the two features – quarry and red dots 

Future survey areas

There are presently (2016) two areas of forestry in Labbanacallee townland which are worth investigating. Unfortunately both forests have young trees and a person needs to bend down to get through them. In a few years’ time the trees will have grown up to allow a person to walk between the trees and see if any features exist. The southern forestry area has had previous crops of trees and any archaeological features within may have been removed to make way for the first crop of trees on the site. The farm land area needs surveying and the 18 acres of marsh land in the south-east corner of Labbanacallee. After that the area down the road to the south is worth investigating as suggested by the local resident. Much more work to be done.

DSC03576

Farm land and two areas of forestry at Labbanacallee

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[1] John O’Donovan (edited by M. O’Flanagan), Letters containing information relative to the antiquities of the County of Waterford collected during the progress of the Ordnance Survey in 1841 (Bray, 1929), pp. 70, 71, no. 147

[2] Canon Patrick Power, Place names of Decies (Cork University Press, 1952), p. 50

[3] Peter Harbison, Guide to National and Historic Monuments of Ireland (Gill & Macmillan, Dublin, 1992), pp. 81, 82

[4] Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological Inventory of County Waterford (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1999), p. 4, no. 18; http://www.ardmorewaterford.com/placenames-of-ardmore-waterford/ accessed 7 June 2016;

[5] Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological Inventory of County Waterford, p. 1

[6] Griffith’s Valuation, Labbanacallee, Lismore and Mocollop parish, Coshmore and Coshbride barony

[7] Michael Moore (ed.), Archaeological Inventory of County Waterford, p. 4, no. 18

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Waterford history

Observations on Villierstown in 1841 and 1851

Observations on Villierstown in 1841 and 1851

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

The village of Villierstown was established as a new town in the 1750s as a place to house the linen workers brought in from Ulster to work the newly established linen industry on the Dromana estate. For more on this early period see the article = https://niallbrn.wordpress.com/2015/03/09/villierstown-and-the-linen-industry/

This article examines the village of Villierstown as recorded in the census returns for 1841 and 1851, i.e. before and after the Great Famine, the big watershed in nineteenth century Irish history. In the census returns for 1841 and 1851 there were twenty two townlands listed in the civil parish of Aglish along with two islands on the River Blackwater. The total area of the parish was 6,856 acres and 33 perches. The Poor Law valuation of the parish in 1851 was £5,199 16s. Within the parish were two villages, Aglish and Villierstown.[1]

Aglish parish in 1841

The total population of Aglish parish in 1841 was 3,783 while in 1851 this had fallen to 2,769.[2] In 1841 Aglish was the bigger village with 458 people living in an area of 47 acres (9.7 people per acre). In 1841 Villierstown had 328 people living within an area of 16 acres (20.5 people per acre).[3] Although Villierstown had a smaller population and land area it was more densely populated than Aglish. The present day image of Villierstown with its tree-lined main street and spaced out housing gives the feel of space for its inhabitants. In 1841 Villierstown had the feel of a crowded place. This will be further seen when we see the housing stock in the village later in this article.

The 1841 census gives a further breakdown of these figures. Of the 328 people in Villierstown there were 157 males made up by 137 heads of families and their male children, 17 male visitors and 3 male servants. The breakdown in the numbers for the 171 females was 133 heads of families and their female children, 33 female visitors and 5 female servants. It is difficult to know if these 50 visitors were residents within Villierstown or if they came in from outside and were just there for census night.[4]

Houses in 1841 Villierstown

The number of inhabited houses at Aglish was 73 which gave an occupancy rate of 6.27 people per house. At Villierstown there were 51 inhabited houses and one uninhabited house which gave occupancy of 6.43 people per house. The average number of people per house in Aglish parish was 6.76.[5] Once again Villierstown had the feel of a more crowded place than Aglish although its occupancy rate was lower than the parish average.

In the 1841 census there was four different types of houses called 1st class, 2nd class, 3rd class and 4th class. A 4th class house was a mud walled cabin with only one room. A 3rd class house was still a mud walled cabin but with two to four rooms with windows. A 2nd class house had from five to nine rooms with windows and of stone walled construction. A 1st class was superior to that of second class.[6] Villierstown had one 1st class house and 27 houses in 2nd class along with 13 houses in 3rd class and 10 houses in 4th class. The planned development of Villierstown in the 1750s ensured that the village would have a bigger number of 2nd class houses compared to other towns in rural parts of the county. Aglish village had no 1st class, just ten 2nd class houses with most being 3rd class.

Although most families in Villierstown lived in a 2nd class house type there were more families in Villierstown than houses, i.e. 63 families for 51 inhabited houses. The breakdown was 36 families in the 27 second class houses, 15 families in the 13 third class houses and 11 families in the 10 fourth class houses. The one 1st class house was occupied by one family. Clearly some houses in Villierstown had two occupying families. This was not necessarily a picture of poverty in Villierstown. Most other towns had more families than occupied houses.

Occupations in 1841 Villierstown

Villierstown was originally founded to house linen workers who had come from Ulster to work the newly established linen industry on the Dromana estate. By 1841 the linen industry was long gone out of business. In 1841 twenty-six families worked in the manufacturing and trade occupations while most (32 families) were involved in agriculture and 5 families were involved in other occupations.

When the census return classifies people over fifteen years old according to their occupation we see that 43 men and 28 women were involved in the food business. Eight men and sixteen women were involved in the clothing business while 24 men were involved in causal labour. In total 83 men were employed and 54 women while 8 men and 52 women were in unspecified occupations. These figures tell us that there were 197 people living in Villierstown over the age of fifteen.

Literacy skills in 1841 Villierstown

In the early nineteenth century Edward Wakefield described the Irish as ‘anxious, nay eagerly anxious for the education of their children’.[7] The people in the parish of Aglish and the village of Villierstown were not found wanting in this quest for education. In 1835 there were seven schools operating within Aglish parish. The exact location of these schools could possibly be determined but the author has insufficient resources for such research at this time. Joseph Machesy operated a day school for 57 boys and 20 girls which was established in 1833. The school taught reading, writing, arithmetic and bookkeeping. Patrick Dower’s school was also established in 1833 and had greater numbers attending. In 1835 there were 75 boys and 30 girls. He taught reading, writing and arithmetic.

The schools operated by Walter Hallahan, Martha Finn and Patrick Connell had smaller numbers attending. Walter Hallahan had 35 boys and 17 girls; Martha Finn had 15 boys and 22 girls and Patrick Connell had 30 pupils I summer and 20 in winter. The school operated by Maurice Wilson was closed in winter and taught reading, writing and arithmetic to 60 boys and 10 girls in summer.

The school within Villierstown village was operated by Martin Norris. This school, located beside the chapel, was funded by Villiers Stuart family of Dromana, the local landlords, with £30 per year. There was in addition to the school a dwelling house along with one and a half acres of land. In 1835 the school taught reading, writing and arithmetic along with needlework for the girls. Rev. Philip Homan, the chaplain at Villierstown chapel, supplied the school books. There were 88 boys and 65 girls.[8] By 1851 Rose Anne Norris was in charge of the school.[9] In 1857 a boys national school was opened in Villierstown as part of the national primary school system. In 1860 a girl’s school opened.[10]

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The schoolhouse operated by the Norris family in Villierstown

Of the 328 people living in Villierstown in 1841 there were 284 people over the age of five and 44 children under five which meant there were 87 people between five and fifteen years. Among these 284 people 54 men and 40 women could both read and write (33%); 11 men and 12 women could only read (8%) while 67 men and 100 women (58%) could not read or write. When compared to Aglish village the literacy skills of Villierstown looks good. At Aglish only 36 men and 20 women could both read and write or 13% of the people over five years old. Yet other towns, such as Clashmore, had a better literacy rate where 47% of those over five years could read and write.[11]

Villierstown on the eve of the Great Famine

The village of Villierstown in 1841 stood brightly in the summer sun when compared to the other urban settlement in Aglish parish, namely, Aglish village. It had a better housing stock and literacy level yet there were fewer people living within each house in Aglish. Villierstown had the feel of an overcrowded place. A few years later this planned estate village would experience an unplanned Great Famine along with the rest of the country. The feel of the village would change as would its future performance.

The published histories of the Great Famine in County Waterford seem to overlook Villierstown as a place impacted by the famine. Maybe the famine indeed passed it by as the village was so close to, and associated clearly with, the core of the Villiers Stuart estate at Dromana and thus within earshot of assistance if any was required. Yet the 1851 census shows a big fall of one thousand people in the population of Aglish parish, from 3,783 in 1841 to 2,769 in 1851. This decline is consistent with other parishes across Ireland and reflects the big impact of death and emigration that resulted from the Great Famine.

Aglish parish in 1851

In 1851 the population of Aglish village had fallen to 257 (458) people or 56% of the 1841 figure while that of Villierstown had fallen further to 159 (328) people or 48% of the 1841 figure. The number of inhabited houses in Aglish was 43 which gave an occupancy rate of 5.98 people per house. At Villierstown there were 34 inhabited houses and one uninhabited house.[12] In Griffith’s Valuation (produced in March 1851) there were 32 houses listed for the village of Villierstown along with the caretaker’s house with an additional 29 houses in the surrounding townland of Villierstown. According to Griffith’s Valuation, the only uninhabited house was outside the village but within the townland of Villierstown.[13] The seemingly different method of recording data can make comparisons difficult yet the difference in this case is not that great as to cause a problem.

If we exclude the uninhabited house the occupancy rate within Villierstown in 1851 was 4.68 people per house. This was a big fall from the occupancy rate in 1841. Across the whole of Aglish parish in 1851 there were 2,769 people living in 489 houses or 5.66 people per house.[14] In population density Aglish had 5.5 people per acre while Villierstown had 9.9 people per acre. Although the population density was greater in Villierstown the occupancy rate per house was lower than at Aglish and the number of houses was fewer giving a feeling of space.

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Main street in Villierstown in 2015

Housing stock in 1851

The number of inhabited houses according to the 1851 census was 34. The types of houses was broken down into four 1st class houses (up 3 since 1841), twenty 2nd class houses (down 7 since 1841), nine 3rd class houses (down 4 since 1841) and one 4th class house (down 9 since 1841). The decline in the poorer population as shown in the type of houses in the village is reflected in other data from the 1851 census. Yet for those remaining in the village the atmosphere had improved. Whereas in 1841 there was more than one family living in some houses, by 1851 there was only one family living in each house.

As previously noted, in March 1851 Griffith’s Valuation listed 32 houses within Villierstown. These houses and their plots were divided into 7 different types. There were 8 houses without any land worth between 5s and £1 10s. There were 7 houses with out-buildings known as offices and a garden. The building value of these 7 houses varied from £1 17s to £4 8s. There were 5 houses with a small garden worth between 18s and £1 10s. There were 8 houses with offices and a small garden worth between £1 5s and £4 5s. There were 2 houses that had a garden and these were worth between 18s and £1 10s. Finally there was one house with offices, an orchard and some land worth £2 10s and one house with offices, and a yard where the buildings were worth £3.[15]

The named people of Villierstown in 1851

The individual census returns for 1841 and 1851 no longer exist. We therefore do not have that lovely information we today find in the census returns for 1901 and 1911 telling us the names of individual people, their age, occupation and literacy skills. Some compensation for this loss is provided by Griffith’s Valuation. In this source we get the named occupier of each house in Villierstown in 1851.

The people who held a house included Margaret Curtin, Margaret Brien, Thomas Morrison, Patrick Browne, Margaret Bransfield, Ellen Keon, and Johanna Roe.

The people who held a house and small garden included Jeremiah Whelan, Matthew Corcoran, Margaret Foley, James Roche, Mary Mernin, John Kennedy, James Bransfield and John McCarthy.

The people who held a house and garden included James Collins and Mary Burke.

The people who held a house, office and small garden included William Ryan, Thomas Browning, Thomas Taylor, Margaret Harragon and Honoris Mahony.

The people who held a house, office and garden included William Knight, Maurice Mahony, Roger Mahony, Patrick Connery, Lowther Horne and Daniel Stokes.

The person who held a house, office and yard was Michael Barry while John King held a house, office, orchard and land in 1851 Villierstown.

The people in the 1851 census

Earlier we saw how the total population of Villierstown declined from 328 in 1841 to 159 in 1851. Overall in the parish of Aglish the population fell by nearly one thousand, from 3,783 to 2,769. Yet this decline hides individual increases in population as the townlands of Ballingowan West, Ballynacourty, Ballynaparka, Monagally East and Villierstown recorded an increase between 1841 and 1851. Many of these townlands surround Villierstown village. Could it be that the reduction in the population of Villierstown between 1841 and 1851 corresponded to an increase in the surrounding townlands? Or was this increase in the five townlands caused by people coming in from further out in the Dromana estate? The 1851 census does not give a breakdown of the different types of housing stock to determine if the poor people who left Villierstown before 1851 moved to the surrounding townlands. Only a detailed examination of the Villiers Stuart papers at University College Cork can hope to answer these questions.

It would seem that many men left Villierstown before 1851 as the census records only 67 men as head of the household (137 in 1841) compared to 75 females as head of the household (133 in 1841). Did they leave to seek work elsewhere or did death take more men than women in the Great Famine?

Clearly the Great Famine was not all about death and emigration overseas. People moved around and built new houses as the townlands surrounding Villierstown show. Yet decline was the order of the day and urban centres were not immune from this.

Literacy in 1851

There were 150 people over the age of five in 1851 Villierstown. Of these 47 men and 37 women could both read and write (71%). Only 3 women and no man could read only and 22 men and 41 women could neither read nor write. This would suggest that many of those who left Villierstown between 1841 and 1851 were among the uneducated population. A study by Cormac O Grada on literacy in Ireland before the Great Famine showed that educated people tended to stay while the uneducated emigrated to foreign countries.[16]

Employment in 1851

The decline in the population of Villierstown since 1841 is shown in the reduced numbers of those employed in various trades. The dramatic decline in the number employed in agriculture (from 32 to 7) is a further reflection of the disappearing poorer classes who would have worked as agricultural labourers on the surrounding farms. Other enterprises also suffered decline as the number of those employed in manufacture and trade fell from 26 to 18. Yet alternative employment increased from 5 families in 1841 to 9 families in 1851. In times when the main sources of employment in an area are in decline, some enterprising people will seek out new forms of employment and this is seen in Villierstown after the Great Famine.

Villierstown after 1851

The census data for Villierstown after 1851 gives a mixed picture of this West Waterford village. In the 1861 census the population of Villierstown increased from 159 to 201 whereas Aglish village continued to decline, falling from 257 to 200. This result made Villierstown the largest urban centre in Aglish parish. A further sign of growth is that the only house under construction in the whole of Aglish parish in 1861 was in Villierstown.[17] Yet the increase in population reduced the literacy levels in Villierstown with 60% of the population over fifteen able to read and write, down from 71% in 1851.[18]

By 1871 Aglish village had stopped its decline and increased its population to 206 but Villierstown moved ahead again to 231 from 201. Yet by the time of the census of 1881 Aglish had gone into decline again having 175 people while Villierstown held its ground with 232 people. There were, in 1881, a total of 52 inhabited houses in Villierstown and two unoccupied houses or 4.46 people per house which was less than the 4.68 people per house in 1851.[19]

After 1881 the fortunes of Villierstown went into decline with the population falling to 214 in 1891 to 180 in 1901 and to 155 people in 1911 with seven uninhabited houses in the village in 1911. The surviving individual returns of each household in the census returns for 1901 and 1911 allows for a detailed examination of Villierstown between those years – a project for another day.

Conclusion

The village of Villierstown between 1841 and 1851 showed a complex village on the eve and aftermath of the Great Famine. A crowded village with many simple mud walled cottages surrounding the grander stone built and slate covered houses of the village core. Yet the population had access to education and to the wider world with the adjacent river Blackwater. The Great Famine caused population decline but the surrounding townlands increased their population. After this decline Villierstown increased its population until the 1880s when changes in agriculture (from tillage to pasture farming) forced many to leave the land and seek employment in the larger urban centres or overseas. In July 2015 Villierstown took part in the celebrations of Dromana 800 yet the history of the village since 1750 is a complex one as seen in this short study of the years 1841 to 1851.

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Dromana 800 crest

This article is part of the Dromana 800 celebrations, 2nd to 5th July 2015 = for more information is www.dromana800.com

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[1] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1851 (vol. XCI, 1853), p. 349

[2] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1851 (vol. XCI, 1853), p. 349

[3] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1841

[4] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1841

[5] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1851 (vol. XCI, 1853), p. 349

[6] Peter Connell, The Land and People of County Meath, 1750-1850 (Four Courts Press, Dublin, 2004), p. 170

[7] Cormac O Grada, ‘School attendance and literacy in Ireland before the Great Famine’, in Irish Primary Education in the Early Nineteenth Century by Garret Fitzgerald (Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, 2013), p. 113

[8] British Parliamentary Papers, HC 1835 (47) 34 1 = State of religious and other instruction now existing in Ireland: second report, 1835

[9] Griffith’s Valuation, County Waterford, Barony of Decies within Drum, Parish of Aglish, Villierstown

[10] Various, At School by the River Bend (Cappoquin Heritage Group, 2007), p. 150

[11] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1841

[12] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1851 (vol. XCI, 1853), p. 349

[13] Griffith’s Valuation, County Waterford, Barony of Decies within Drum, Parish of Aglish, Villierstown

[14] British Parliamentary Papers, Census for the year 1851 (vol. XCI, 1853), p. 349

[15] Griffith’s Valuation, County Waterford, Barony of Decies within Drum, Parish of Aglish, Villierstown

[16] Cormac O Grada, ‘School attendance and literacy in Ireland before the Great Famine’, in Irish Primary Education in the Early Nineteenth Century by Garret Fitzgerald, p. 114

[17] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland 1861: Part 1, p. 349

[18] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland 1861: Part 1, pp. 588, 589

[19] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland 1881: Part 2, p. 878

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