Cork history, Maritime History, Waterford history

The Hope of Cork

The Hope of Cork

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

In 2008, I wrote in Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 that the Claggan of Barrow, purchased by David O’Keeffe of Tallow in 1912, was just the latest in a number of vessels owned by O’Keeffe over his long business career.[1] One of these other vessels owned by O’Keeffe was the Hope of Cork.

 

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The Hope was built in 1858 at Ulverston as a wooden schooner. Ulverston was then in Lnacastershire but is now in Cumbria. The Hope’s original port of registration was Lancaster and so she was called the Hope of Lancaster.[2] The vessel’s dimensions were given as 71 X 19.6 X 8.9 feet.[3] The Hope had 75 net registered tons. Her official number was 20484 and she displayed a signal hoist of NBJP.[4]

In 1860 the Hope was owned by Petty & Co. of Ulverston who operated the vessel as a coaster and J. Pernic was her master.[5] Petty & Co. was a private bank founded in Ulverston in 1804 under that name of Petty & Postlethwaite. In 1863 the bank was purchased by the Wakefield, Crewsdon & Co. bank of Kendal.[6] Petty & Co. was involved in building and owning ships since the 1810s.[7] By 1865 the Hope was still owned by Petty & Co. of Ulverston who continued to operate the vessel as a coaster while M. Wilson was her new master.[8]

Later in 1865 Matthew Wilson of Ulverston was given as the owner of the Hope.[9] As her former master he must have liked the vessel sufficiently to purchase her. But Matthew Wilson didn’t long enjoy the Hope of Lancaster as by 1867 the vessel was owned by John Bell of Ulverston[10]. In about 1876 the Hope of Lancaster was sold to James Geldart of Barrow in Lancastershire.[11]

In 1889 the Hope sailed up the Blackwater to Cappoquin, Co. Waterford, with a cargo for John Stanley. Her captain on that occasion was named Dalton. In the same year, the Hope exported three cargos of timber for David O’Keeffe of Tallow and another two cargos for John Stanley. The Hope sailed up the Bride, a tributary of the Blackwater, twice in 1890 and again in 1895 to export oats (948 barrels). The vessel sailed up the Blackwater once in 1890 and twice in 1891. Captain Allin was her master in 1891.[12]

After seeing the Hope in 1889 David O’Keeffe of Tallow liked the vessel so much that her brought her and re-registered the Hope at Cork. Although David O’Keeffe is listed as the owner and manager it is unlikely that he was the actual master of the Hope. David O’Keeffe was a large coal, timber and grain merchant in west Waterford/east Cork and would have little time to sail merchant vessels and little training. Later, during the Great War, David O’Keeffe was the owner of the Claggan of Barrow.[13]

 

David

David O’Keeffe

But owning and operating a sailing merchant vessel was a specialist activity. By 1891 David O’Keeffe decided to sell the Hope yet still use her to carry his cargoes as in 1893 the vessel exported oats for O’Keeffe from the Bride River.[14]

Between 1891 and 1897 the Hope of Cork was owned by Mrs. Emma Nance of Placetenton Place, Cardiff and Horatio Nance of Dock Chambers, Cardiff was the master.[15] Horatio Nance was born about 1849 in Cornwall and in 1881 was living in Glamorgan. His wife was Emma Nance but it is not clear if it was Emma Nance of Placetenton Place or another woman of the same name.[16] The purchase of the Hope by the Nance family must have given them hope for a better future as in October 1888 Horatio Nance and his partner William Edwin Nance (merchant, ship brokers and coal agents) were in the Cardiff bankruptcy court.[17] By 1896 Horatio Nance was the owner of a coal mine at West Llantwit, near Beddau, Pontypridd. The mine was managed by David Thomas and had 12 workers underground and 3 on the surface.[18] In 1898 and 1899 the Hope of Cork was owned and manged by Ellis Roberts of Port Dinorwic, Carnarvon.[19]

After 1899 the Hope of Cork disappeared from the records and its fate is unknown.

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[1] O’Brien, N., Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), p. 397

[2] Mercantile Navy List, 1889

[3] Lloyd’s List, 1865

[4] Mercantile Navy List, 1889

[5] Lloyd’s List, 1860

[6] Orbell, J., & Turton, A., British Banking: a guide to historical records (Abingdon, 2017), p. 522

[7] https://www.liverpool.ac.uk/~cmi/books/storm1826.html [accessed on 2 March 2019]

[8] Lloyd’s List, 1865

[9] Mercantile Navy List, 1865

[10] Mercantile Navy List, 1875

[11] Mercantile Navy List, 1885 & 1889

[12] Cork City & County Archives, Youghal Port Records, U138, Import & Export Returns, 1870-1912; O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007, p. 414

[13] Mercantile Navy List, 1890; O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007, pp. 268, 270, 271

[14] Cork City & County Archives, Youghal Port Records, U138, Import & Export Returns, 1870-1912;

[15] Mercantile Navy List, 1891 & 1897

[16] https://www.ancestry.co.uk/search/categories/1881uki/?name=_Nance&pg=5&count=50&name_x=_1 [accessed on 2 March 2019]

[17] South Wales Daily News, 4th October 1888 https://newspapers.library.wales/view/3669790/3669791/2/LIVERPOOL [accessed on 2 March 2019]

[18] http://projects.exeter.ac.uk/mhn/1896-59.htm [accessed 2 March 2019]

[19] Mercantile Navy List, 1898 & 1899

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Cork history, General History, Maritime History, Waterford history

Blackwater and Bride book: ten years on

Blackwater and Bride book: ten years on

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

In December 2008 (ten years ago this month) I published my history book (and to date, December 2018, my only history book) entitled Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007. The book ran to 562 pages including numerous illustrations and tables. The vast majority of historians first attend college, then write a few articles for various historical journals and then publish a book or two as the culmination of their gathered knowledge. I kind of did the sequence of stages in reverse – firstly publishing a book, then writing articles for various historical journals and then, in 2017-19, attending the University College Cork education course, entitled: Diploma in Local and Regional Studies.

As the preface of the book recounted (reprinted below) the book originally began as a project for an article in Decies: the journal of the Waterford Archaeological and Historical Society, in the summer of 2002. Having finished the article on navigation on the Rivers Blackwater and Bride, I asked Mike Hackett of Youghal was there anything else to know relating to the subject. Before I could say ‘Hop, skip and jump’, the word had travelled around the historian community of east Cork and west Waterford that I was writing a book about the two rivers. I tried repeatedly to tell them that I was just writing an article for a historical journal but eventually just gave up. In 2002 the Rivers Blackwater and Bride were just noted fishing rivers and the present of numerous quays marked on the Ordinance Survey maps was possibly just done in the hope of river traffic rather than responding to a substantial level of river traffic in former times. I was confident that the book would be 100 pages at most and, like the Great War, be finished by Christmas. It was to be six years later before the book was done – ah the foolishness of youth.

 

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The official launch of the book in the Walter Raleigh Hotel, Youghal, 9th December 2008, was a nervous affair as I was then an unknown historian. The dust jacket of the book said that I had ‘written a number of articles in various historical journals’. This was a stretch of the truth. Up until 2008 I had only published two articles – one in a historical journal and another in a school history book. But to help promote the book I wrote off two articles during 2008 for two journals – Niall O’Brien, ‘The Earl of Desmond’s Navy’, in the Journal of the Kerry Archaeological and Historical Society, Series 2, Vol. 8 (2008), pp. 87-96 and Niall O’Brien, ‘The Estate of Maurice Brown of Rathmoylan: Its Origins and Descent’, in Decies, No. 64 (2008), pp. 41-46. The choice of these two journals was that they include a biography of the author and thus I could write in these biographies that I published the Blackwater and Bride book. The article in Decies did result in a direct sale of a copy of the book but I am not sure did it do much more.

In total 1,000 copies of the Blackwater and Bride book was produced of which 127 copies were sold at the book launch. It then took another 4 years to sell most of the books mainly through shops in Fermoy, Dungarvan and Youghal. The slow rate of sales, the end of Heritage Council funding of book publication and other distractions for my funds has meant that the Blackwater and Bride is so far my only book although the number of articles published in historical journals has increased to over sixteen.

The Blackwater and Bride book not only recorded the navigation and river trade on the two rivers and the Lismore canal but helped generate an appreciation of the two rivers among the communities along its banks. The river boating services offered by Denis Murray and Tony Gallagher acquired more customers. The Gathering 2013 festival in Knockanore used the river to boat people between Youghal and Cappoquin as an important part of its programme. A number of people have explored the idea of a restaurant river boat service on the Blackwater and the Bride. In 2016 the Villierstown community has established a boating service that includes a special boat for wheelchair people. Recently, the various communities along the Blackwater between Clashmore and Lismore have come together to develop the economy of the region with the river as a central theme. Before 2008 people along the two rivers had mostly forgotten about the river as they drove their cars to destinations away from the rivers. Since 2008 the two rivers have once again become a linkage between the communities.

On a personal level, the Blackwater and Bride book generated invitations to give history talks about the rivers and trade in Youghal, Tallow and Waterford city, which would not previously happen. The book further generated an invitation to write an article on the history of the Irish timber trade for the journal, Irish Forestry, which was nice to do and also opened my eyes to other places to publish history rather than keeping it too local.[1]

A further development by the book was the establishment of a Facebook page, entitled, Sailing Merchant Vessels, which records the history of various sailing vessels and accounts of sailing history that is today long gone.[2] The page has (December 2018) over 2,300 followers and it is hoped to continue to develop the site with more maritime history.

Hopefully someday I will get a chance to publish another book if I don’t get too distracted with articles in historical journals, or by two history blogs[3] or by two history pages on Facebook[4] as well as the fun of life, work and family. Should be good fun as the Blackwater book was even with all the work involved.

 

 

 

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Contents

 

Preface

 

Acknowledgements

 

Chapters

 

  1. Early years of travel, 8,000 B.C. – 1600                               1
  2. The Rivers 1580 – 1700                                                          17
  3. Tidal river traffic 1700 – 1800                                              37
  4. Opening the river 1700 – 1850                                             53
  5. The ferries                                                                                67
  6. Lismore canal                                                                          81
  7. Tidal river traffic 1800 – 1900                                              98
  8. Shipbuilding by the river                                                     128
  9. Passenger traffic and steamboats                                       135
  10. The Bride River 1902 – 1922                                                145
  11. Blackwater dredging and river improvements              159
  12. River quays and bridges                                                      165
  13. Rowing, coting and yachting                                               187
  14. Tidal river traffic 1936 – 1958                                             196
  15. Bride and Blackwater vessels                                              213
  16. Conclusion                                                                              272

 

Bibliography                                                                                     274

 

Appendices

 

Appendix I

Partial returns of trade on the Lismore canal                      283

Appendix II

Local corn and flour mills from Griffith’s Valuation           284

Appendix III

Personalities of the river in the nineteenth century           285

Appendix IV

Types of vessels on the river                                                   286

Appendix V

Time table of the Blackwater Steamer Company                287

Appendix VI

Coastal trade at Youghal 1866 to 1879                                  288

Appendix VII

Some mallow canal accounts for 1761                                   289

Appendix VIII

Figures by Musgrave to get £10,000 savings on river traffic 291

Appendix IX

Notes on the Youghal Harbour records                                  292

Appendix X

Notes on the Lismore Canal Lockage accounts                     293

Appendix XI

Miscellaneous trade on the two rivers 1879 to 1898           294

Appendix XII

Line drawings of a Blackwater market boat                          296

 

Index of people and places                                           200

 

Index of ships                                                                317

 

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Preface

 

 

Today when we think of travel, we mention cars, buses, trains and planes. But for an island nation we often fail to mention ships. Yet to people in the past, ships would be their first choice. The Blackwater and Bride are today noted all over the world as rivers for good fishing. For our forefathers, they were the super highways of their time. If we want to go to England, France or Australia, many hours in a car and at an airport would have to be endured. Our grandparents just had to go down to the bottom of the garden and board a ship which would take them there direct.

The first river navigators came to do shopping and find accommodation. The Irish of the early medieval period used the rivers to export their agriculture surplus as did the later Normans while importing luxury items from across the globe.  The seventeenth century saw a great expansion in river traffic with the influence of the new English and the happy survival of more documents than the medieval period. After such activity, the first haft of the eighteenth century was one of rest until 1750 when the Mallow Canal and the growth of the corn trade brought an increase in traffic. From this time until the 1950’s, the corn trade provided varied levels of river activity, along with imports of coal and exports of timber. Such trade was carried on the river lighters and after1884 principally on the merchant schooners. Facilities such as the many river quays and warehouses were constructed while many of the fishing weirs were removed to aid navigation. The two rivers saw some of the first navigators to Ireland and had visits from some of the last merchant schooners at the end of sail.

The origin of this book was a request by Patrick Grogan that I write an article on west Waterford for the Waterford Archaeological and Historical Society journal, Decies. Navigation on the Suir had been well written about in Decies and I felt a little balance to marine affairs in Waterford would do no harm. Therefore I wrote a piece on the opening of the Blackwater River above Lismore from 1700 to 1850 (which now forms chapter four).

Having finished the proposed article in just a few months, I felt really happy with myself. This article encompassed the whole picture of Blackwater navigation, as I supposed it to be. But just to make sure that I had covered all the aspects of the subject, I wrote a letter to Mike Hackett of Youghal, asking was there anything else to be learnt on the subject. Mike had written so many books on Youghal and the Blackwater that he seemed like a good fellow to ask (he also happen to be the only marine person I knew at the time). Mike replied that Frank Mills of Knockanore was the person to ask. He wisely never let on that only the tip of the iceberg had been touched. So I rang Frank in February 2003 and five years later, this book is the bigger picture. Even Frank was amazed at the amount of information available.

But despite the bigger picture, this book does not tell the full story. People may find the use of notes to be excessive. I apologize if the notes break the flow of your reading and enjoyment. The subject of navigation on the Blackwater and Bride Rivers has never been written in book form before. Some aspects like the Mallow Canal and the passenger steam boats of the nineteenth century have appeared in articles of historical journals or in a chapter of a book, but not the full story. Therefore this book not just corrects this lacking but also forms an information source for future research and publications. Hence the excessive notes are I hope an aid to the next voyage of discovery.

I could even have spent more time on further research. We didn’t consult old newspapers. What! Didn’t consult newspapers; what scandal. Yea well some people are full of scandal. To do so would postpone publication for two or three more years. As the living memory of navigation is fast leaving us with the last vessel having left the Blackwater in 1958, it was felt that further postponement would deprive of us all of giving acknowledgement to the men (they were mostly men), who sailed the Blackwater and Bride where now only fish and ducks travel.

In such a work there have been high and low points. Meeting Frank Mills and the legendary Dick Scott was a joy and pleasure which long years will never diminish. Johnny McGrath looking into a skip full of papers in Dungarvan, from where he pulled out the bridge log books of Camphire (for 1902 to 1956), and of Youghal (from 1936 to 1958) was an invaluable piece of salvage. Some would express disappointment that he didn’t pull out more papers, but without those log books the navigation story would certainly be the poorer. Finding the log books for the Lismore Canal in Dublin and, in greater number, at Dungarvan was great. The disappointment came with only one book for before for the fifty four years before 1851 (and that book only covering three years).[5] Further sorrow arrived with the Youghal harbour books only surviving for the period after 1878, made establishing the level of trade on the two rivers extremely hard. Thankfully the harbour books after 1878 gave us wonderful information. Chapter seven and fifteen are based heavily upon these books.

Dr. Johnson once wrote to Charles O’Connor on his “Dissertations on the History of Ireland” that “I hope you will continue to cultivate this kind of learning, which has too long lain neglected, and which if it be suffered to remain in oblivion for another century, may, perhaps, never be retrieved.” This book is slightly late in time to retrieve much of the living folklore, but I trust, not too late to tell this remarkable story, and keep it from oblivion.

If there any errors or omissions, I hope they are few and that if readers note any, we can correct same in a further edition. With this proviso, hopefully you will find the result of this book to be worthwhile and enjoyable, fascinating and interesting.

 

 

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[1] O’Brien, N.C.E.J., ‘Timber exports in the south east’, in Irish Forestry, Vol. 74, Nos. 1 & 2 (2017), pp. 168-190

[2] https://www.facebook.com/sailingmerchantvessels/?ref=bookmarks [accessed 30 December 2018]

[3] http://celtic2realms-medievalnews.blogspot.com/ [accessed on 30 December 2018] covering medieval history and https://niallbrn.wordpress.com/ [accessed on 30 December 2018] covering modern history.

[4] https://www.facebook.com/MallowFermoyLismoreWaterfordRailwayBranchLines/?ref=bookmarks [accessed on 30 December 2018] and https://www.facebook.com/sailingmerchantvessels/?ref=bookmarks [accessed 30 December 2018]

[5] Since the writing of the preface in 2007 the National Library of Ireland completed a new catalogue of the Lismore Papers by Stephen Ball in which additional information on the Lismore canal before 1851 was discovered. MS 43,786/1 is an Account for the Lismore Canal with Samuel Kenah & Co. (1816-9), returns of lockage received (1828-49), and return of proceeds of lockage from the Lismore Canal (1855-7), 6 items; MS 43,786/2 is entitled Lockage account book for the years 1828 to 1840, 1 item

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Cork history, Maritime History

Youghal vessels in 1860

Youghal vessels in 1860

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Introduction

The following article is just a brief biography of the vessels registered to the port of Youghal in 1860. The port of Youghal is situated at the mouth of the Munster Blackwater in east Cork in southern Ireland. Its seafaring tradition extends back to the thirteenth century and beyond. Peter de Paris, a merchant of the town, was appointed commander of the English fleet which took part in the war on Scotland around 1300.

Albion: The Albion was built in 1834 in Nova Scotia with a barque rig. She had 313 net tons. In 1840 the Albion was owned by W. Delap of New Brunswick while Mr. Carpenter was her master.[1] In 1853 she had repairs and was partially rebuilt with iron bolts. In 1855 further repairs were carried out. By 1855 the Albion was owned by Pim & Co. of Youghal with S. Hanlan as master. She was involved in the Youghal/Mediterranean trade.[2] In 1860 she was still owned by Pim and Son of Youghal while S. Hanlan was her master.[3] The Albion does not appear in the 1865 Lloyd’s Register and her fate is unknown.

Caroline: The Caroline was built in 1856 on Prince Edward Island. She was a brigantine rig vessel with 115 net tons. The Caroline was constructed using black beech and oak with iron bolts. Also used were spruce, pine and juniper with maple. In 1858 she was owned by W. Parker of Youghal and E. Sheehan was her master.[4] In 1860 she was still owned by W. Parker of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal coasting trade.[5]

The Caroline does not appear in the 1865 Lloyd’s Register. Yet in 1865 she was owned by W. Parker of Youghal with a signal hoist of SMVF and having a registration number of 39094.[6] She was still owned by W. Parker in 1870.[7] By 1872 John Evans of Youghal was the owner of the Caroline.[8] The Caroline seems to disappear from the records in 1878.

Ceres: The Ceres was an old schooner in 1860 as she was built in 1826 at Youghal by Mr. McCarthy.[9] The Ceres was 27 gross ton (16 net tons) and in 1860 was owned by M. MacCarthy.[10] The Ceres does not appear in the 1865 Lloyd’s Register. Yet in 1865 she was owned by C. McCarthy of Youghal. In that year her signal hoist was JLMH and her registration number was 5871.[11] The Ceres is last seen in the records in 1868 and disappears after that.[12]

Countess of Durham: The Countess of Durham was a barque rig vessel built in 1838 at Truro in Nova Scotia. She was 324 net tons. In 1846 she had repairs at White’s shipyard in Waterford.[13] In 1848 she had some further repairs in which she was sheathed in yellow metal. In 1850 she was owned by Barns & Co. of Waterford and was involved in the Waterford to Quebec trade. Rowlands was her master.[14] In 1849-50 the Countess of Durham earned £149 on the Quebec sailings.[15] In 1850 and again in 1855 there were some repairs done to the vessel. By 1855 the Countess of Durham was owned by T. Strangman of Waterford and W. Dalton was her master. The vessel was then involved in the Waterford to Cadiz trade.[16]

In 1858 she was owned by J. Pim of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal to America trade.[17] In 1860 she was owned by J. Pim of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal coastal trade. Her master in 1860 was W. Dalton.[18] In 1865 she was still owned by Pim.[19] In 1868 the Countess of Durham was still owned by J.W. Pim of Myrtle Grove, Youghal.[20] Myrtle Grove was given that name by Sir Lawrence Parsons after 1616. Sir Walter Raleigh is said to have lived in the house in 1588 and in 1602 it is referred to as the Warden’s house of Youghal College but the exact age of the house is unknown.[21]

In 1868 the Countess of Durham’s signal hoist was RCJQ and her registration number was 32966 and her registered tonnage was 298 tons.[22] The Countess of Durham does not appear in the 1870 Lloyd’s Register but was still owned by J.W. Pim.[23] In 1878 she was still owned by J.W. Pim but disappears from the records after that.[24]

 

Youghal

Youghal Harbour (photo by Niall O Brien)

 

Eliza O’Keeffe: The Eliza O’Keeffe was built in 1856 at Youghal by P. Kidney using iron bolts. P. Kidney was a builder of several schooners and brigantines for the Mediterranean fruit trade. The Eliza O’Keeffe was his most famous vessel.[25] The Eliza O’Keeffe was rigged as a brigantine and had 120 net tons. In 1858 she was owned by O’Keeffe of Youghal and Eastaway was her master.[26] In 1860 she was still owned by O’Keeffe of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal/Mediterranean trade with Eastaway was her master.[27]

In 1865 the dimensions of the Eliza O’Keeffe were 85.6 feet X 22.1 X 11.1 feet and she was still owned by O’Keeffe.[28] In 1870 the Eliza O’Keeffe was sold to Clifford’s and Co. of Waterford. She then was involved in the Cork/France trade. S. Clifford took over as master from J. Walsh.[29] In 1898 she was still owned by Clifford’s. Her dimensions were given as 85.6 feet X 22.1 11.1 feet. Her official number was 14647 and her signal host was LPBK.[30] In March 1900 she was wrecked in Dungarvan Bay.[31]

Ellen: The Ellen was a schooner rigged vessel built in 1842 in Sackville, New Brunswick, using iron bolts. She 109 gross tons and 81 net tons. In 1845 the Ellen was owned by O’Keeffe of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal to London trade. R. Hanlon was her master.[32] In 1855 the Ellen was restored. By 1858 the Ellen was owned by D. O’Keeffe of Youghal and E. Kennedy was her master.[33] In 1860 she was still owned by D. O’Keeffe of Youghal and was involved in the Youghal coastal trade. E. Kennedy was still the master of the Ellen.[34]

The Ellen does not appear in the 1870 Lloyd’s Register yet she was still owned by David O’Keeffe of Youghal. In 1870 her registration number was 19031 and her signal hoist was MQGR and she had 87 registered tons.[35] In 1872 the Ellen was owned by Thomas Leonard Barber Edgecome of 24 Brunswick’s Square in London.[36] By 1874 the Ellen was back in Youghal ownership in the hands of John McCarthy and he still owned her in 1887 but the vessel disappeared from the records after that.[37]

Industry: The Industry was a schooner rigged vessel built in 1848 in Sackville, New Brunswick, using iron bolts like the Ellen. In 1850 the Industry was owned by John & Co. of Milford and was involved in the Milford coastal trade. She had 76 net tons and J. John was her master.[38] In 1855 she was still owned by John & Co.[39] By 1858 the Industry was owned by Walsh & Co. of Youghal and was involved in the Cork coastal trade.[40] In 1859 the Industry had some repairs. In 1860 she was owned by Walsh & Co. of Youghal and D. Llewellyn was her master. She had 69 net tons.[41] In 1865 she was still owned by Walsh & Co. and her dimensions were given as 68.4 feet X 17.1 X 9 feet.[42] In 1870 the Industry was owned by Thomas Curtin, junior, of Youghal. Her registration number was 11462 and her signal hoist was KSRC with 70 registered tons.[43] The Industry does not appear on the 1872 Lloyd’s Register. In 1874 Thomas Curtin still owned the Industry but the vessel disappeared from the records after that time.[44]

Jersey Tar: The Jersey Tar was built in 1837 in Jersey using some iron bolts. She had a Brigantine rig. The vessel was noted for its figurehead of a sailor with a naval cap and collar.[45] In 1845 the Jersey Tar was owned by J. du Caen of Jersey. She was involved in the Liverpool to Cadiz trade. J. de Caen was her master and she had 143 gross tons and 135 net tons.[46] The Jersey Tar does not appear in the 1850 Lloyd’s Register.

In 1853 and again in 1856 the Jersey Tar had some repairs. In 1858 the Jersey Tar had a new bottom installed.[47] In 1855 she was owned by McCarthy and J. McCarthy was her master. The port of registration was not given.[48] By 1858 she was owned by Walsh & Co. of Youghal with J. Sheppard as her master.[49] In 1860 the Jersey Tar was still owned by Walsh & Co. of Youghal while Donovan was her master. In 1860 she had 118 net tons.[50]

In 1865 the Jersey Tar was still owned by Walsh & Co. while Donovan was still her master. Her dimensions were given as 72.5 feet X 18.5 X 12.6 feet.[51] In 1872 the Jersey Tar was owned by J. Curtin of Youghal with Donovan as her master. She was then involved with the coastal trade.[52] In 1883 the vessel was owned by John McGrath of Youghal with Donovan as her master. She was involved in the coastal trade.[53] In 1885 the Jersey tar was still owned by John McGrath. Her registration number was 26767 and her signal hoist was PMLJ and she had 118 tons.[54] She disappeared in the records by 1887.

The Jersey Tar does not appear on the 1889 Lloyd’s register. It was possibly about that year that the Jersey Tar collided in fog with another vessel while on a passage from Cardiff to Youghal with coal. The Jersey Tar lost her job-boom and her bow was smashed to pieces but she managed to make it to Youghal. There the vessel was judged to be uneconomic to repair and local boat-builder, Dan Ahern, brought the spars and canvas. The Jersey Tar was towed to the ship’s graveyard by Green’s Quay.

A few years later the hulk of the Jersey Tar was towed out again into the harbour. The Blackwater Tourist Board operated a steamer service on the River Blackwater between Cappoquin and Youghal. But the Board had trouble berthing the steamer at Youghal at low tide. The Board had the idea of using the hulk of the Jersey Tar as a pontoon between the steamer and the quay wall but it was found unsuitable. To recover the cost of buying the Jersey Tar, the Board sold the hulk for scrap metal to Paddy Dunne, captain of the steamer. Paddy Dunne had expected to recover firewood and scrap-iron but instead got copper and brass all over. The holding bolts between the keel and the keelson were nearly three feet solid brass by one-and-a-half inch thick. Paddy Dunne made a small fortune and soon had his own fishing fleet and became a member of the Urban District Council.[55]

Later years: Youghal merchants, seamen and locals didn’t stop owning sailing vessels after 1860 but the records are more difficult to extract as Youghal lost its independent port of registration and came under the port of Cork instead. Later vessels owned by Youghal people include the B.I., Dart, Emily, Express, Nellie Fleming, and the Kathleen & May among a host of other vessels.

 

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End of post

 

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[1] Lloyd’s Register, 1840, page 20

[2] Lloyd’s Register, 1855, page 21

[3] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 12

[4] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 75

[5] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 81

[6] Mercantile Navy List, 1865, p. 58

[7] Mercantile Navy List, 1870, p. 61

[8] Mercantile Navy List, 1872, p. 147

[9] O’Brien, N., Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), p. 232

[10] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 86

[11] Mercantile Navy List, 1865, p. 63

[12] Mercantile Navy List, 1868, p. 67

[13] Irish, B., Shipbuilding in Waterford 1820-1882: A historical, technical and pictorial study (Bray, 2001), p. 102

[14] Lloyd’s Register, 1850, page 98

[15] Irish, Shipbuilding in Waterford 1820-1882: A historical, technical and pictorial study, p. 57

[16] Lloyd’s Register, 1855, page 105

[17] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 100

[18] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 108

[19] Lloyd’s Register, 1865, page 128

[20] Mercantile Navy List, 1868, p. 85

[21] Hayman, Rev. S., The hand-book of Youghal (Youghal, 1896, reprint Youghal, 1973), pp. xiv, xv

[22] Mercantile Navy List, 1868, p. 85

[23] Mercantile Navy List, 1870, p. 84

[24] Mercantile Navy List, 1878, p. 209

[25] O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007, p. 233

[26] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 131

[27] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 142

[28] Lloyd’s Register, 1865, page 161

[29] Lloyd’s Register, 1870, page 162

[30] Lloyd’s Register, 1898, page 129

[31] O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007, p. 233

[32] Lloyd’s Register, 1845, page 139

[33] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 138

[34] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 149

[35] Mercantile Navy List, 1870, p. 117

[36] Mercantile Navy List, 1872, p. 199

[37] Mercantile Navy List, 1874, p. 210; Mercantile Navy List, 1887, p. 307

[38] Lloyd’s Register, 1850, page 204

[39] Lloyd’s Register, 1855, page 215

[40] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 207

[41] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 220

[42] Lloyd’s Register, 1865, page 243

[43] Mercantile Navy List, 1870, p. 186

[44] Mercantile Navy List, 1874, p. 278

[45] Hackett, M., Sailors and Characters of Youghal (Youghal, 1996), p. 12

[46] Lloyd’s Register, 1845, page 224

[47] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 239

[48] Lloyd’s Register, 1855, page 234

[49] Lloyd’s Register, 1858, page 224

[50] Lloyd’s Register, 1860, page 239

[51] Lloyd’s Register, 1865, page 263

[52] Lloyd’s Register, 1872, page 269

[53] Lloyd’s Register, 1883, page 438

[54] Mercantile Navy List, 1885, p. 389

[55] Hackett, Sailors and Characters of Youghal, pp. 12, 13

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Biography, Monaghan History, Poems

Irish Writers: the 1911 neighbours of Patrick Kavanagh

Irish Writers: the 1911 neighbours of Patrick Kavanagh

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Introduction

This article recounts some of the boyhood neighbours of the Irish poet, Patrick Kavanagh, as they appeared in the 1911 census. In the 1911 census the future poet, Patrick Kavanagh was recorded in the house of his father in the townland of Mucker, in the civil parish of Donaghmoyne (Roman Catholic parish of Inniskeen), Co. Monaghan. Patrick Kavanagh was then aged seven years, the only son of James (aged 56) and Bridget Kavanagh (aged 38). James and Bridget Kavanagh had six daughters: Anne (aged 13), Mary (aged 11), Bridget (aged 8), Lucy (aged 4), Teresa (aged 3) and Margaret (just recently born). They had seven children in total and no recorded deaths. Also in the Kavanagh house on census night was Patrick Callan (63, widower) a journeyman shoemaker born in County Monaghan.[1] In the 1901 census Bridget Kavanagh said she was born in County Louth. Also in the 1901 census a general labourer called Michael Callan lived in the Kavanagh house which was still in Mucker townland.[2]

Both parents of Patrick Kavanagh were born in Co. Monaghan. James Kavanagh recorded his occupation as a shoemaker. Interestingly with just sixteen acres of land, James Kavanagh didn’t consider himself a famer. In 1911 James Kavanagh could read and write while also been able to speak Irish and English. His wife Bridget Kavanagh (they were married about 1897) could read and write but it is unknown if she could speak both languages.[3] The Kavanagh house had four rooms and four windows at the front of the house.[4] Outside house number two the Kavanaghs had three outhouses; a cow house (built between 1901 and 1910), a fowl house and a piggery.[5]

Mucker neighbours in 1911

In 1911 there were 51 people recorded in the census as living or visiting the townland of Mucker. This was a substantial increase on the 29 people living there in 1901. In 1911 there were seven dwelling houses in the townland of which five of the houses were owner occupied. House number one was lived in by Thomas Lennon (aged 43, farmer, could speak Irish and English and read and write) and seven other members of the Lennon family. They were joined on census night by Edward Gilligan, nephew of Thomas Lennon, and by Mathew Rooney (servant).[6] There were eight outbuildings; a stable, a cow house, one calf house, two piggeries, one fowl house, one barn and one shed.[7] In 1901 Thomas had just four outbuildings; a stable, a cow house, a piggery and a barn.[8]

House number two in Mucker belonged to James Kavanagh. House number three was occupied by Alice Cassidy, renting from John Cassidy. Alice Cassidy was 95 years old and a widow. She spoke Irish and English but could only read.[9] Her house had just one room and no outbuildings.

House number four was occupied by John Cassidy (47, farmer) and his wife Margaret (45) and their four sons and two daughters. All the family were Roman Catholics born in County Monaghan.[10] The Cassidy house had three rooms and two windows at the front of the house.[11] There were six outbuildings; a stable, a cow house, two piggeries, one fowl house and one barn.[12]

House number five was occupied by Terence Lennon (48, farmer, couldn’t read) and his wife Rose (42) and their three sons and three daughters. Terence Lennon and his eldest son peter Lennon could both speak Irish and English. All the family were Roman Catholics born in County Monaghan.[13] The family house had two rooms and two windows at the front of the house. There were seven outbuildings; a stable, a cow house, two piggeries, one fowl house, one barn and one shed.[14] This was an increase from four outbuildings in 1901 with an extra piggery, fowl house and shed.[15]

House number six was occupied by Stephen Duffy (35, railway plate layer) and his wife Rose (30, couldn’t read) and their four sons and three daughters. All the family were Roman Catholics born in County Monaghan.[16] The house had three rooms and two windows at the front of the house and was rented from the Great Northern Railway Company.[17] There were two outbuildings; one piggery and one fowl house.[18]

House number seven was occupied by Charles McElroy (43, farmer) and his wife Jane (34) and their three sons and one servant, Michael Mullholland (20, single). All were Roman Catholics and born in County Monaghan except Michael Mullholland who was born in County Armagh. Charles McElroy was the only person to speak both Irish and English.[19] The dwelling house had four windows in the front of the house and four rooms within. There were twelve outbuildings; two stables, a cow house, two calf houses, one dairy, three piggeries, one barn and two sheds.[20] In 1901 Judith McElroy operated the farm with six outbuildings; a stable, a cow house, piggery, fowl house, barn and workshop.[21]

The interesting element of life in Mucker townland between 1901 and 1911 was the increase in the number of outbuildings owned by some of the residents while the dwelling houses were often left untouched. This was the period when many tenant farmers were able to buy the land they worked and there was a strong impulse to make improvements to their newly acquired property. The increase in the number of piggeries in Mucker helped keep the name of the townland alive as Mucker or Mucair means place where pigs were feed.[22]

 

Poet_Patrick_Kavanagh

Patrick Kavanagh at Mucker in 1963 (N.L.I. photo)

 

Mucker in previous times

In 1576 Mucker passed from McMahon owners to Walter Devereaux, 1sr Earl of Essex. The barony of Farney was later divided between the heirs of the 3rd earl of Essex, namely; the Earl of Hertford and Sir Robert Shirley. Mucker appears to have been part of the Devereaux/Shirley estate from 1607 when it was known as Muckhoure. The Shirley estate of over 26,000 was one of the largest in County Monaghan and covered much of the barony of Farney. In 1692 the estate was divided between the heirs of the 2nd earl of Essex, namely the Shirley family and the 1st Viscount Weymouth, later Marquess of Bath.[23]

In the 1850s the townland of Mucker (101 acres 3 roots 15 perches and worth £89 10s) was owned by Joseph Plunkett and had thirteen tenants living in eleven houses (two of the tenants only held land in Mucker and lived elsewhere). Among the tenants were Thomas Lennon (29 acres), Peter Cassidy (33 acres), and John McElroy (5 acres); surnames which were still at Mucker in 1911. The other substantial landholder was the joint tenancy of Edward and Michael Feighan with 14 acres rented from Joseph Plunkett. The same Joseph Plunkett was the landlord of a number of other townlands in Donaghmoyne parish including Coolnagrattan (162 acres), Shacoduff (126 acres) and Oghill (91 acres).[24]

In 1841 there were 70 people living in Mucker townland in 12 houses and this had decreased to 33 by 1851 (in 8 houses) but by 1861 the population had increased to 47 people (23 male & 24 female) living in 11 houses. Even with this improvement the Poor Law Valuation decreased from £93 in 1851 to £89 in 1861.[25] In 1871 there were 11 dwelling houses in Mucker and this decreased to 8 houses in 1881 and 7 houses in 1891 with a total of 18 outbuildings. The population over that time was 36 in 1871 and 20 in 1881 with a slight increase to 22 people in 1891 (9 male and 13 female). The Poor Law Valuation had decreased slightly to £88 by 1891. Thus in the fifty years between 1841 and 1891 the population of Mucker had decreased and increased and decreased again to increase slightly but overall 50 people were lost and 5 houses had fallen into ruins as rural Ireland adjusted to the Great Famine, emigration and trying to find a living on small farms in the stoney grey soils of Monaghan that Patrick Kavanagh often wrote about in his poetry.

 

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[1] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103862/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[2] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001137381/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[3] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/pages/1911/Monaghan/Kiltybegs/Mucker/799100/ [accessed 15 June 2015]

[4] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103856/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[5] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[6] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103860/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[7] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[8] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001137376/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[9] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103864/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[10] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103866/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[11] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103856/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[12] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[13] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103868/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[14] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[15] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001137376/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[16] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103870/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[17] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103856/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[18] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[19] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103872/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[20] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai003103858/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[21] http://www.census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/nai001137376/ [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[22] https://www.logainm.ie/en/39566?s=Mucker [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[23] http://www.irishidentity.com/stories/shirley.htm [accessed on 22 December 2018]

[24] Griffith’s Valuation, Monaghan, Farney barony, Donaghmoyne parish, Mucker townland,

[25] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/14545/page/376729 [accessed on 22 December 2018]

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Cork history, Dublin History, General History, Political History

The road to an Irish national bank

The road to an Irish national bank

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Up until the end of the seventeenth century banks were often establishments that were attached to another principal business such as a merchant business. The first stand-alone bank was founded in Cork in 1680 by Edward and Joseph Hoare. The Hoare brothers were city merchants who were extensively involved in overseas trade and foreign exchange.[1]

About the same time a Huguenot refugee, David Digues La Touche settled in Dublin. There he developed a successful cloth dealership and merchant business. In the early 1690s David La Touche opened a bank with other partners. Through David’s business contacts the bank grew beyond its Dublin base.[2]

But this growing banking sector was without a head. In 1694 the Bank of England was established as the national bank of that country. This was followed in 1695 by the Bank of Scotland as the national bank of that country. Although great efforts were made in 1695 to establish a national bank in Ireland no such institution was founded.[3]

In 1692 the Irish House of Commons claimed ‘sole right’ to initiate financial legislation.[4]

In the years since 1680 many of the newly formed banks in Dublin, Cork and half a dozen other towns were both innovative and versatile in their business accruement. Among the activities of the banks was the remitting of large sums of money around the country, and between Ireland and England for merchants, landlords and government agencies. The banks also provided much needed short-term credit to merchants by issuing their own bank notes for bills of exchange prior to maturity.[5]

One characteristic of the early eighteenth century banks was their embodiment of merchant and landlord interest in mutual benefit.[6] The forthcoming debate on a national bank would test this mutual involvement.

Beginning in 1719 another attempt was made at forming a national bank. In 1720 about thirteen members of the House of Commons held senior positions within the Irish revenue service.[7] In December 1721 Lord Chancellor Midleton described a group of MPs as being ‘dependents on the Custom house’ during the final days of the national bank debate.[8] But the monetary interest in setting up a national bank was not as strong as the landed gentry block in the House of Commons.

On 9th December 1721 the Irish House of Commons voted on the issue of a national bank. The proposal for a national bank was defeated but the margin of the defeat is in some dispute. Two documents among the Rosse Papers give different votes. One document claims that one hundred and fifty members voted against and eighty voted for the bank but the other document said that one hundred and fifty-two voted against with ninety-eight for the proposal.[9] The divisional list among the Midleton papers at the Surrey History Centre (MS 1248/5, ff 105-6), records a different vote, but the same result.[10]

 

Parliament house dublin

Parliament House, Dublin and later HQ of the Bank of Ireland

The defeat of the national bank proposal was a telling display of the landed gentry’s dominance of parliament. There was no countervailing ‘moneyed interest’ as at Westminster.[11]

The failure to establish a national bank in Ireland was highlighted in a big way in 1722 with the granting of a royal patent to William Wood to coin copper halfpence pieces.[12] William Wood, a Wolverhampton manufacturer, was licenced to produce £100,800 worth of coins.[13] Lord Justice King and the Irish revenue commissioners separately wrote to the government with strong objects. They warned that the patent would be strongly opposed in Ireland because such a large production of copper coins would destroy the Irish economy.[14]

The political establishment in Ireland united in near one voice in opposition to the Wood patent. Both Houses of Parliament passed resolutions against it and members of the Privy Council and the revenue commissioners refused to use the coins in official receipts and payments.[15] When the Irish Parliament met in September 1732 opposition had become so strong that nobody would defend the patent in public. Even the government’s chief parliamentary manager, Speaker William Connolly, refused to defend the government’s position.[16] The London ministry of Sir Robert Walpole promised to reduce the amount of coins to £40,000 but the opposition remained firm. The patent was eventually cancelled in September 1725.[17]

In 1757 the Irish Parliament passed the Banking Act. One of the Act’s chief provisions was the exclusion of wholesale merchants from the business of private banking. This Act was possibly a reaction of fear by many Protestant landlords at the growing number of prosperous Catholic merchants across the country. Yet even after decades of economic growth by 1775 less than a third of Dublin merchants were Catholic and less the a quarter were so in Cork.[18] But, as in many other times and issues, perception is always a more powerful mover in times of fear than hard facts.

A consequence of this Act was that the surviving older banks and the small number of new banks founded after 1757 were primarily ‘conservative money-moving agencies’ and very reluctant providers of merchant credit.[19]

The old proposal for a national bank resurfaced amidst the economic crisis of 1778-1780. In 1778 three leading Dublin banks had gone bankrupt. Yet the supporters of the new proposal view the established of the bank as a patriotic measure. By 1781 the government came to see the national bank, along the lines of the Bank of England, as a necessary economic measure. In contrast to the 1720 proposal the landed gentry supported the 1780 scheme.[20] The pockets of the gentry had suffered during the crisis of 1778-1780 and money or even the lack of it always talks and persuades the most reluctant of people.

In 1783 Ireland finally got a national bank when the Bank of Ireland was established by royal charter. One of the Bank’s perks was that it was the only bank within a 50-mile radius with a licence to print its own bank notes. The Bank soon became the government’s banker as well as forming a number of public and commercial functions. Yet it did not establish branches within or outside Dublin.[21] After the Act of Union of 1800 ended the independent Irish parliament, the Bank of Ireland purchased the disused parliament building in College Green for its own headquarter. Yet a fully fledged central bank did not come into existence until 1943 with the formation of the Central Bank of Ireland.[22]

 

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[1] Ollerenshaw, P., ‘Banking’, in Connolly, S.J. (ed.), The Oxford companion to Irish History (Oxford, 1998), p. 36

[2] Ollerenshaw, ‘Banking’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 36

[3] Ollerenshaw, ‘Banking’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 36

[4] McNally, P., Parties, Patriots & Undertakers: parliamentary politics in early Hanoverian Ireland (Dublin, 1997), p. 191 accessed 3rd March 2014

[5] Dickson, D., New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800 (Dublin, 2000), p. 135

[6] Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800, p. 135

[7] McNally, Parties, Patriots & Undertakers, p. 114

[8] McNally, Parties, Patriots & Undertakers, p. 114

[9] Malcomson, A.P.W. (ed.), Calendar of the Rosse Papers (Dublin, 2008), pp. 235-38

[10] Malcomson (ed.), Calendar of the Rosse Papers, p. 235

[11] Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800, p. 86

[12] McNally, Parties, Patriots & Undertakers, p. 127

[13] Anon, ‘Wood’s Halfpence controversy (1722-5)’, in Connolly, S.J. (ed.), The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 598

[14] McNally, Parties, Patriots & Undertakers, p. 127

[15] Anon, ‘Wood’s Halfpence controversy (1722-5)’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 598

[16] McNally, Parties, Patriots & Undertakers, p. 127

[17] Anon, ‘Wood’s Halfpence controversy (1722-5)’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 598

[18] Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800, pp. 86, 134

[19] Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800, pp. 86, 135-6

[20] Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660-1800, pp. 184-5

[21] Ollerenshaw, ‘Banking’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 36

[22] Ollerenshaw, ‘Banking’, in The Oxford companion to Irish History, p. 37

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Biography, Waterford history

Power family of Ballygarran in Seventeenth Century

Power family of Ballygarran in Seventeenth Century

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

In the seventeenth century Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork, dominated the landed estate landscape of west Waterford – he owned many of those estates including the land of Ballygarran. Today (2018) the castle and townland of Ballygarran is not on any map. Instead the castle is usually referred to as Glencairn Abbey and the townland as Castlerichard. The seventeenth century Ballygarran extended from Glencairn Abbey and the River Blackwater south to the main road between Tallow and Lismore. For much of the seventeen the century the tenant of Ballygarran was the Power family.

Ballygarran

At the start of the seventeenth century (in 1602-3) Ballygarran is listed among the lands in the manor of Lisfinny containing one carucate of land.[1] The manor of Lisfinny was owned by the Fitzgerald family, Earls of Desmond, from about 1215 until 1583 when it was seized along with much of the vast earldom at the end of the Second Desmond Rebellion. In 1586 Lisfinny and Ballygarran passed to Sir Walter Raleigh as part of his grant by the government of 42,000 acres in west Waterford and east Cork. In 1602 Sir Walter Raleigh sold his Irish estates to Sir Richard Boyle. On 26th December 1595 Sir Walter Raleigh leased Ballygarran to Roger Suyvener, merchant, with other unnamed lands.[2] At some unknown time after 1595 Pierce Power acquired the lease on Ballygarran.

Pierce Power

In about 1600 Pierce Power married Elizabeth Boyle, sister of Sir Richard Boyle (later first Earl of Cork 1620).[3] In 1604 Lieutenant Pierce Power of Lismore apprehended three notorious malefactors in Co. Waterford, Callaghan McOwen, Daragh McOwen, his brother and Cormock McOwen. As a reward for the arrest, Pierce Power got ten pounds per head (£30 in total) which prize money was to be raise equally among the inhabitants of County Waterford.[4] As part of the Munster Plantation each grantee of land was to provide a military force to maintain order and assemble together in a larger force under the President of Munster if needed. On 30th August 1611 Pierce Power was in Tallow for the muster of Sir Richard Boyle’s tenants and the inhabitants of the surrounding area before Sir Richard Morrison, Vice-President of Munster. On the day Pierce Power was a lieutenant in the foot company of pikemen.[5]

Pierce Power and his brother-in-law, Sir Richard Boyle had a number of recorded transactions over the years. In February 1613 Sir Richard Boyle paid Pierce Power £40 for the use of Lady Honora.[6] While this show of trust was good, on a personal level Pierce Power was experiencing financial trouble. In March 1613 Sir Richard Boyle demanded Pierce Power to repay the money advanced by Boyle to clear Power’s debts. Yet this didn’t prevent Boyle from using Power in the former’s land dealings. In May 1613 Pierce Power gained possession of Jinnyshkeen from Garret Fitzjames Barry on behalf of Sir Richard Boyle.[7] In August 1614 Pierce Power got authority from Sir Richard Boyle to let the latter’s lands in the barony of Kinnatalloon for one year.[8] In October 1619 Sir Richard Boyle lent Pierce Power money to pay his bills.[9]

As previously said, it is not known when Pierce Power acquired the lease on Ballygarran. In June 1620 Pierce Power refused to renew the old lease on Ballygarran which was for life at £20 per year.[10] It is not known what were the terms of the new lease but as the Power family continued to live at Ballygarran then thy must have sign some lease agreement. It is possible that Pierce Power built a castle at Ballygarran but he could have also just redecorated an existing castle. In April 1617 Pierce Power got a ton of iron from Sir Richard Boyle for construction work on Ballygarran castle. at the same time Lieutenant Dowling got ten barrels of iron from Boyle for Ballysaggart house.[11]

 

Glencairn abbey

Glencairn Abbey – built on or near Ballygarran castle

(Niall O Brien photo)

From at least 1612 Pierce Power seems to have acted as a rent collector for Sir Richard Boyle in the manors of Lisfinny and Tallow. In October 1614 Pierce Power paid £10 to Thomas Fitzjohn Fitzgerald for the lease of Tallow on behalf of Sir Richard Boyle.[12] In April 1612, June 1614 and July 1616 Pierce Power collected rent for Sir Richard Boyle on part of the manor of Lisfinny.[13] In May 1615 Pierce Power collected £95 for Sir Richard Boyle as part of rent for lands in the manors of Lisfinny and Tallow and paid another £94 in November 1617.[14] In June 1618 Pierce Power paid £70 of the rents of Lisfinny and Tallow to Mitchel.[15] In April 1617 Pierce Power gave Sir Richard Boyle a velvet satin coat to cover money he was to pay the inhabitants of Tallow for some unknown purpose. Later in the month Sir Richard Boyle purchased provisions for his table from Pierce Power.[16]

Meanwhile on the Ballygarran estate Pierce Power breed cattle and was involved in the timber trade. In July 1617 Pierce Power sent 20 beeves (beef) to St. Leger’s ship.[17] In the 1620s Pierce Power got involved in the pipe staves trade. In March 1620 Pierce Power purchased 10,000 hogheads of pipe staves from Sir Richard Boyle.[18] The pipe staves trade was a big industry in the lower Blackwater region. Between 1616 and 1628 Sir Richard Boyle exported four million staves for £24,000 pounds.[19]

Elizabeth Power

It is not known when Pierce Power died but his wife, Elizabeth Boyle was a widow by 1634. On 20 October 1634 Mrs. Elizabeth Power, widow of Ballygarran, made her will. In it she asked to be buried in Youghal parish church (St. Mary collegiate church), as near as may be to her late husband Pierce Power. Her bequests included £5 to the poor of Lismore, 50 shillings to the poor of Youghal and 50 shillings to the poor of Ardmore. Elizabeth’s grandson, Pierce Power (son of Roger Power) was to get £100 while the residue of her estate went to her son and executor, Roger Power. The witnesses included Robert Naylor (dean of Lismore and cousin of Sir Richard Boyle), Aphra Maunsell, and Anne Begg. The will was proved on 28 November 1634.[20]

Roger Power

Roger Power succeeded his father Pierce Power before 1634 and succeeded to his mother’s estate in November 1634.[21]  In the same month of November 1634 Roger Power signed a new lease on Ballygarran for £50 per year and one fat bore. Also in November 1634 Roger Power travelled from Lismore to Dublin to deliver £2,660 on behalf of his uncle, Sir Richard Boyle.[22] In the first half of 1635 William Wiseman of Bandon died. In his will Wiseman mentioned his cousins, Sir Robert Travers, Sir Peter Smyth and Roger Power of Ballygarran.[23] The wife of William Wiseman was Alice Smyth, third daughter of Sir Richard Smyth of Ballynatray.[24] Alice’s aunt was Elizabeth Boyle, wife of Pierce Power of Ballygarran.

In February 1637 Roger Power acted with Sir Richard Boyle in securing the mortgage of Robert Stephenson for the latter’s house and lands in Dungarvan which he had mortgaged to John Fitzmathew Hore.[25] Before 1641 Roger Power held half of burgessmchenry outside Lismore (containing 20 arable acres worth £7). By 1654 this land was held by his son, Pierce Power.[26] At the start of the Confederate War in 1641 Roger Power served as a major in the army of King Charles I.[27] He was granted lands in Co. Wicklow for his services to the royalist cause.[28] In 1641 Catherine Power, a Protestant widow, held Ballygarran with its one ploughland of 320 acres of which 300 acres was arable (worth £24) and 10 acres of meadow (worth £5) with 10 acres of a coppice wood (worth £1). The property had a small castle and was held of Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork.[29] A good proportion of Ballygarran is still today (2018) devoted to tillage production.

Pierce Power

Pierce Power was the son and heir of Major Roger Power. In 1660 there were 3 English families living at Ballygarran and 33 Irish families.[30] In 1662 Pierce Power had goods valued at £7 10s upon which he paid £1 in tax. This was the usual tax rate for medium size landholders in Lismore parish at that time but not on the scale of the big landlords like George Knollys of Ballygally (the neighbouring townland o the west of Ballygarran) who had goods worth £18 15s.[31] On 11 May 1687 he secured an exchequer decree against Bethel Vaughan and others for lands granted to his father in Co. Wicklow. The decree was granted.[32]

Roger Power

In February 1687 Richard Cox informed the dowager Countess of Orrery that he was moving to England to live and as such would be retiring as guardian of the estate of Lady Mary Boyle (daughter of the 2nd Earl of Orrery). Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork and Burlington, recommended Mr. Roche (a lawyer) or Roger Power as the most suitable people to succeeded Cox.[33] On 12th August 1698 a mortgage was made by William Oldfield of Abbeyside, Co. Waterford to Roger Power of Lismore for £70 10s 1d on the lands of Nugents Burgery, Knockoulehane, Ardrmone, and Robertstown plus an unnamed location in the Barony of Decies, Co. Waterford. This was signed and sealed by Roger Power. The two witnesses to the mortgage were Benjamin Gumbleton and Michael Bagge.[34]

By 1708 the townland of Ardemone was back within the Oldfield family as Thomas Oldfield gave it in lese for five years to John Meagher of Ballykeroge, Co. Waterford. The rent was £11 for the first year, £12 for the next two years and £13 for the last two years.[35] If Roger Power was able to earn £11 from each of the five townlands in the 1698 mortgage then he could recoup his money within two years. His kinsman, the first Earl of Cork, would arrange it so the mortgage could not be repaid and the Earl would acquire more land.

Richard Power

On 19th September 1684 Richard Power of Carrigline made his will. In it Richard mentioned his son, Francis Power, to whom he left his interest in the lands of Carrigline and Ballygarran. Richard Power left £600 to his eldest daughter, Ann Power and £500 to each of his younger daughters, Catherine and Hanna Power. Richard Power left £5 to the poor of Carrigline and his watch and signet to his brother Robert Power (he had another brother called Pierce Power). Richard Power appointed his son Francis Power as executor and William Babington and his brother Robert Power as overseers and guardians of Francis during his minority. The witnessed to the will were Arthur Pomeroy, John Archdeacon and Robert Power. On 13th November 1684 Robert Power and William Babington took out administration of Richard’s estate. On 4th June 1695 Francis Power was of age and proved the will in the Prerogative Court.[36] But by 1695 the Power family had surrendered or loss the lease on Ballygarran from the 2nd Earl of Cork and 1st Earl of Burlington.

Richard Gumbleton

In 1695 Richard Gumbleton of Curraglass near Tallow acquired the lands of Ballygarran and Ralph, amounting to 542 and 79 acres respectively. In about 1720 Richard Gumbleton took out a fee farm grant on Ballygarran and on 9th June 1739 purchased the fee farm lease for £2,354 16s with a chief rent of £5 to Lord Burlington.[37] The descendants of Richard Gumbleton continued ownership of Ballygarran until the early twentieth century when the property was sold to the Cistercian Order and is today (2018) home to a house of Cistercian nuns called Glencairn Abbey.

 

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[1] Hayman, Rev. S., The hand-book for Youghal (Youghal, 1896, reprinted 1973), pp. 17, 20

[2] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 18

[3] Kelly, Sr. V.G., OCSO, Glimpses of Glencairn (St. Mary’s Abbey, Glencairn, 2005), p. 2

[4] Clayton, M.C. (ed.), The Council Book for the Province of Munster, c.1599-1649 (Dublin, 2008), pp. 53, 54

[5] Brewer, J.S., & Bullen, W. (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts preserved in the Archiepiscopal library at Lambeth (6 vols. London, 1873, reprint Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 6 (1603-1614), p. 89

[6] Casey, A.E. & Dowling, T. (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), Vol. 6, p. 344

[7] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 344

[8] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 345

[9] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 379

[10] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 382

[11] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 378

[12] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 349

[13] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 340, 348, 360

[14] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 353, 369

[15] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 372

[16] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 377, 378

[17] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 367

[18] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 381

[19] O’Brien, N., Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), p. 39

[20] Ainsworth, J.F. (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 177

[21] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 177

[22] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 8, p. 496

[23] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 14, p. 731

[24] Burke’s Irish Family Records, 1976 (reprinted 2007), p. 1039

[25] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 8, p. 500

[26] Simington, R. (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford vol. VI with appendices: Muskerry barony, Co. Cork: Kilkenny city and liberties (part) also valuations, circa 1663-64 for Waterford and Cork cities (Dublin, 1942), p. 15

[27] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200 accessed on 18th February 2016

[28] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200

[29] Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, p. 8

[30] Pender, S. (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659 with essential materials from the Poll Money Ordinances 1660-1661 (Dublin, 2002), p. 338

[31] Walton, J., ‘The subsidy roll of County Waterford, 1662’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 30 (1982), pp. 49-96, at p. 62

[32] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200

[33] MacLysaght, E. (ed.), Calendar of the Orrery Papers (Dublin, 1941), pp. 324, 325

[34] Ainsworth, J.F. & MacLysaght, E. (eds.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power O’Shee Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 20 (1958), p. 243

[35] Ainsworth & MacLysaght (eds.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power O’Shee Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 20 (1958), p. 244

[36] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 197

[37] Kelly, OCSO, Glimpses of Glencairn, pp. 3, 5

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Cork history, Maritime History

Captain George Farmer, RN: Life and family

Captain George Farmer, RN: Life and family

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

It is said that Captain George Farmer, Royal Navy (1732-1779), was the son of John Farmer from Northamptonshire who settled in Youghal at the start of the eighteenth century.[1] Records show that John Farmer was not the first person of that name to live in Youghal and his family may have lived there previous to John’s time.

Farmer in Ireland

In 1655 another person called John Farmer was named as a witness to a conveyance by Cornet Robert Gough of land at Waseshayes, Co. Kilkenny, to Lieutenant Allen Trench of the same county.[2] In 1656 Thomas Farmer was named among the disbanded soldiers that were owed money by the Commonwealth government. Thomas was owed £45 15s 3d to be paid for out of confiscated lands in Limerick and Kerry.[3] Thomas Farmer may possibly be the Thomas Farmer and his wife Elizabeth who in 1666 were executors to the will of Captain Thomas Carrick and were challenged over property in Dublin by Sir Richard Gethin and others.[4] In 1686 the will of Major Jasper Farmer was proved in which was named his sons in America; Edward, John, Robert and Charles along with his sons in Ireland; Richard and Samuel.[5] Jasper Farmer is said to have died at sea coming from Pennsylvania to Ireland.[6] In 1691 Richard Farmer of Ardra in the Barony of Imokilly, Co. Cork (will proved 1691) was the brother of Samuel Farmer and the nephew of Captain John Wakeham. Richard Farmer was also the brother-in-law of Onesipherus Phair.[7] Richard’s wife was Elizabeth Phair (daughter of Colonel Robert Phair, died 1682) who was still alive in 1707.[8]

Colonel Robert Phair was born c.1619 at Kilshannig, Co. Cork, the son of the local vicar. At first he fought for the English in Munster in the 1640s before he was sent to England as part of a prisoner exchange. There he befriended Oliver Cromwell and was one of the three officers who were named in the warrant of execution of King Charles the First. In 1649-50 Robert Phair led the Cromwellian attack on Youghal which captured the town.[9]

Richard Farmer of Ardra was the father of Jasper Farmer of Ardevolane, Co. Tipperary (who died in 1707, will proved in 1715). This Jasper Farmer was the father of Richard Farmer (died 1739).[10] Jasper Farmer also had a daughter called Anne Farmer. Jasper Farmer was also the brother of Robert Farmer of Inch, Co. Cork (to whom Jasper left his share in the Enniscorthy iron works) and John Farmer and a relation of Samuel Farmer of Ballymacoda, near Youghal. Jasper Farmer left £20 to his mother Elizabeth Farmer.[11] Robert Farmer was possibly the father of Hovel Farmer who entered Trinity College Dublin in 1733.[12]

Farmer in Youghal

In 1685 Samuel Farmer was one of the two bailiffs of Youghal and in August 1711 Samuel Farmer was sworn as a member of the Common Council of Youghal and was a member also in 1716.[13] In 1693 Thomas Farmer was a member of the Common Council of Youghal and in 1711 he was bailiff of Youghal.[14] In 1724, Mary Farmer, a widow from Youghal, died leaving three sons; Thomas, Anthony and John.[15]

John Farmer

John Farmer was described as a descendent of a Northamptonshire family that settled in Youghal, Co. Cork.[16] In 1704 John Farmer was a bailiff of Youghal. In 1712 John Farmer was named among the freemen of Youghal and a member of the Common Council in 1712 and 1718. He was possibly the John Fennell Farmer named as a merchant of Youghal in 1720-23. In 1722 John Farmer (town bailiff) participated in a second gathering of town voters that elected Edward Lawndy as mayor after the majority of the Common Council had elected Henry Ball as mayor. The Lord Justices ordered a fresh election at which Henry Ball became mayor.[17] In 1734 John Farmer junior became one of the two wardens elected to the revived Company of Merchants and Mercers of Youghal.[18] John Farmer, mariner of Youghal, died in 1735 with his will proved in October of 1735. In the will he named his son John junior. Also mentioned were the sisters of John senior, Anne, Mary and Mrs. Pratt and his nephew Jeremiah Pratt and niece Mary Pratt.[19] Another of John Farmer’s sons, George Farmer, [B1] became a celebrated captain in the Royal Navy.[20]

Captain George Farmer

Captain George Farmer was born in 1732. At an early age he went to sea in the merchant navy. Later George Farmer entered the Royal Navy, serving as a midshipman on HMS Dreadnought aboard which he saw service in the West Indies. He later returned to England to serve on the home station aboard HMS Achilles. In May 1759 he was promoted to be lieutenant of the frigate HMS Aurora, in which he served until January 1761 on the home station.[21]

In 1761 George Farmer was placed on half-pay, and settled for the time in Norwich, where he had been previously employed on the impress service. The Royal Navy was a vital institution to defend Britain’s growing overseas empire and important trade routes. Between 1739 and 1815 the navy grew from 23,000 to 145,000 sailors. The French had adopted conscription (where 18 year olds around her coast served one year in every three) to fill her navy. The British saw this as too centralised and government controlled. Instead the Royal Navy adopted the impress system where seaworthy people were picked up from merchant ships, quayside pubs and seaport prisons. Men were often offered a bounty, paid up-front, to serve in the navy which allowed the seaman’s family to live on something while the breadwinner was absent overseas. It is estimated that about 44% of sailors employed during the American War of Independence were impressed sailors.[22]

 

800px-George_Farmer_by_Charles_Grignion

George Farmer by Charles Grignion

Captain Farmer and family

Shortly after settling in Norwich, George Farmer got married to Rebecca, daughter of Captain William Fleming of the Royal Navy. The couple had at least eight children. In 1766 he is said to have given assistance in suppressing a riot in Norwich, and to have been promoted to the rank of commander in May 1768, in consequence of the representations of the local magistrates.[23]

Captain Farmer and the Falklands Crisis, 1770

George Farmer had no active employment till September 1769, when he was appointed to command the 14-gun sloop HMS Swift. The Spanish had been attempting settlements on the Falkland Islands in the South Atlantic and threatening the small English settlement there. Captain Farmer was sent to the Falkland Islands, where, on his arrival in the following March, he found that the Spanish had established themselves at Puerto Soledad.[24] The Falkland Islands were noted by English seafarers in the 1590s and by the French in the early eighteenth century. In 1764 the French established a settlement on East Falkland called St. Louis. This was followed in 1766 by an English settlement on West Falkland called Port Egmont.[25] Shortly after the Spanish ordered the English to quit the settlement, precipitating the Falklands Crisis. As there was no English force to resist any aggression, the senior officer, Captain Hunt, decided to go to England with the news, leaving Farmer in command.[26]

A few days after arriving at the Falkland Islands, the Swift sailed for a cruise round the islands; but in a gale was blown over to the coast of Patagonia, and in attempting to go into Port Desire struck on a rock, and was lost. The crew escaped to the shore, but being entirely destitute Farmer despatched the cutter to Port Egmont with orders to the only remaining ship, HMS Favourite, to come to their relief. On 16 April 1770 they arrived safely back at Port Egmont. The Spanish saw that the English were in trouble decided to put on the pressure.

On 4 June 1770 a Spanish frigate anchored in Port Egmont and was shortly followed by four other vessels, and the Spanish commandant wrote to Farmer to quit his position. Captain George Farmer replied that he would defend his position. With this the Spanish landed on the island at which George Farmer gave a few volleys of his guns. But seeing that the odds of victory were too much he capitulated on terms, The English were permitted to return home on the Favourite.[27]

This withdrawal from the Falkland Islands was not a good start for the new administration of Lord North. The prime minister already had a crisis in the American colonies after soldiers fired on a threatening mod in March 1770, killing five people, began a wave of protest with the people demanding the withdrawal of British troops from American.[28] By the autumn of 1770 the Royal Navy was impressing seamen for an expedition to the Falkland Islands. At Bristol 92 people volunteered for service by the 15th December 1770 before the press gangs began operations and increased recruitment to about 200 per week. During the crisis about 29% of all sailors recruited at Bristol for the Falkland Islands were impressed. By January 1771 HMS Aldborough and HMS Folkstone were ready to sail with 240 sailors to the Falklands with the support ship the Andrew hired for six months service.[29] Although France had being allied to Spain at the start of the Falkland crisis, the sight of the Royal Navy preparing to send a task force to the South Atlantic gave them cold feet and King Louis XVI told Spain he was not going to war over a faraway place of which he knew little about. Spain then approached Britain for a deal which was accepted. Spain returned Port Egmont to England and retained Puerto Soledad. Spain later claimed that Britain agreed to permanently leave the Falklands but this was denied. In 1774, due to the escalating cost of the American war, Britain evacuated the garrison at Port Egmont while leaving behind a plague to assert British sovereignty.[30]

Meanwhile the French gave up their settlement to the Spanish and the British didn’t reinvade the Falklands. The developing crisis in the American colonies diverted attention and resources. In 1820 the Republic of Buenos Ayres took possession of the Falkland Islands. Britain now saw the value of the Falkland Islands for southern whalers and as a strategic point around South America and in 1829 lodged an objection. In 1837 the Republic of Buenos Ayres gave up the islands to Britain and in 1844 Port Stanley was built.[31]

George Farmer back in England

After arriving home in September 1770, George Farmer, on being acquitted of all blame for the loss of the Swift, and was appointed commander of the sloop HMS Tamar. In August 1773 he was appointed to the HMS Seahorse, and sailed for the East Indies, having among his company Horatio Nelson, a midshipman.[32]

George Farmer and HMS Quebec

On returning to England after an uneventful commission, George Farmer was appointed in March 1778 to the HMS Quebec, doing service in the North Sea. In 1779 he was stationed chiefly at Guernsey as a guard for the Channel Islands. While there on 18 June 1779 George Farmer sent word that the French fleet had sailed from Brest and the Spanish fleet had sailed from Cadiz with the purpose of invasion.[33] France and Spain were at time aiding the American colonies in their War of Independence. In 1778 France recognised the independence of the American colonies and formed an military alliance with same.[34]

On 6 July 1779 George Farmer engaged a convoy of forty-nine foreign small vessels, with a 20-gun frigate and several armed vessels. After beginning action the Quebec got struck heavily on the rocks, and had to throw her guns overboard to make good an escape. On reaching Portsmouth it was found that there were no 12-pounders to replace the lost guns and George Farmer had to use 9-pounders taken from another frigate which was not ready for sea.[35]

With this reduced armament the Quebec met the French frigate Surveillante on 6 October 1779 off Ushant. After a sharp action of about three and a half hours both ships were dismasted; but the Quebec’s sails fell over the guns and the vessel was soon ablaze. There was little wind and a great swell other vessels nearby found it impossible to help the burning frigate, which after five hours blew up. Later sixty-six crew members (out of 195 on board) were picked up by the Surveillante, the HMS Rambler, and by a Russian vessel that came on the scene.[36]

The baronetcy created

Captain George Farmer went down with his ship. Later reports said that his conduct both in the action and during the fire was admired. At the special request of the Board of Admiralty, a baronetcy was conferred on his eldest son, then 17 years of age; also a pension of £200 a year to his widow, Rebecca, and of £25 per annum to each of eight children, and a ninth not yet born.[37]

George Farmer, 1st Baronet

Sir George Farmer, 1st Baronet (c. 1762-1814) lived at Mount Pleasant in Sussex and served in the navy like his father. In October 1786 he married Sophia, 3rd daughter of Richard Kenrick. They had one son and three daughters.[38] The 1st Baronet died in 1814 after a fall from his gig. For a while it was thought that the baronet was extinct.[39] But later George’s only son, George Richard Farmer, was allowed to succeed.[40]

George Farmer, 2nd Baronet

Sir George Richard Farmer, 2nd Baronet was born in 1788.[41] The 2nd Baronet lived for much of his life at Bideford in Devon.[42] In 1825 George Richard Farmer married Irene, daughter of George Farmer Ellis, esquire, of Youghal, Co. Cork.[43] He was possibly as relation of Francis Ellis, treasurer of Youghal from 1787 to 1795.[44] George Farmer Ellis was a relation of the Farmer family. Martha Farmer of Cork, a spinster, described George Ellis as her nephew in her will of 1807. Martha also mentioned her deceased sister Elizabeth Farmer of Youghal and her brother Jeremiah Farmer, late surgeon in the East India Company.[45] The 2nd Baronet died in 1855 and was succeeded by his eldest son, George Farmer.

George Farmer, 3rd Baronet

Sir George Farmer, 3rd Baronet was born in 1829. He lived at Hobart in Tasmania and later lived at Soho Villa in Reading.[46] The 3rd Baronet died in 1883.

George Farmer, 4th Baronet

Sir George Richard Hugh Farmer, 4th Baronet (1873-1891)

Richard Farmer, 5th Baronet

Sir Richard Henry Kenrick Farmer, 5th Baronet was born in 1841. He was a son of George Richard Farmer, 2nd Baronet.[47] The 5th and last Baronet died in 1913.

 

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[1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[2] Ainsworth, J. & MacLysaght, E. (eds.), ‘Survey of documents in private keeping’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 20 (1958), p. 239

[3] Ainsworth, J. (ed.), ‘Survey of documents in private keeping’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 514

[4] Refausse, R., ‘Welply’s Abstracts of Chancery Bills 1601-1801’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1987), pp. 166-185, at p. 167, no. 15

[5] Casey, A.E., & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 14, p. 631

[6] Refausse, R., ‘Welply’s Abstracts of Chancery Bills 1601-1801’, pp. 166-185, at p. 173, no. 78

[7] Casey, A.E., & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 14, p. 631

[8] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 659

[9] Cadogan, T., & Falvey, J., A biographical dictionary of Cork (Dublin, 2006), p. 181

[10] Refausse, R., ‘Welply’s Abstracts of Chancery Bills 1601-1801’, pp. 166-185, at p. 178, no. 125

[11] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 631

[12] Burtchaell, G.D., & Sadleir, T.U. (ed.), Alumni Dublinenses (Bristol, 2001), p. 273

[13] Caulfield, R. (ed.), The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal (Guildford, 1878), pp. 401, 408, 620

[14] Caulfield (ed.), The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, pp. 391, 401

[15] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 640

[16] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[17] Caulfield (ed.), The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, pp. lx, 402, 404, 412, 419, 621

[18] Caulfield (ed.), The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 435

[19] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 640

[20] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[21] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[22] Rogers, N. (ed.), Manning the Royal Navy in Bristol: liberty, impressment and the state, 1739-1815 (Bristol Record Society, Vol. 66, 2014), pp. xi, xii

[23] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[24] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[25] Anon, ‘Falkland Islands’, in The National Encyclopaedia (London, 1870), pp. 118-120, at p. 120

[26] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[27] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[28] Ransome, C., History of England, 1603-1910 (London, 1910), p. 820

[29] Rogers (ed.), Manning the Royal Navy in Bristol: liberty, impressment and the state, 1739-1815, pp. xii, 85, 87

[30]http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Falklands_Crisis_(1770) accessed on 17th December 2018

[31] Anon, ‘Falkland Islands’, in The National Encyclopaedia (London, 1870), pp. 118-120, at p. 120

[32] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[33] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[34] Gordon, I, Admiral of the Blue: The Life and Times of Admiral John Child Purvis, 1747-1825 (Barnsley, 2005), pp. 7, 8

[35] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[36] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[37] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Farmer_(Royal_Navy_officer) accessed on 31 August 2013

[38] Courthope, W. (ed.), Debrett’s Baronetage of England (London, 1835), p. 214

[39] Stockdale, W., The present baronetage of the United Kingdom (London, 1820), p. 58

[40] Lodge, E., The peerage of the British Empire (London, 1843), p. 596

[41] Lodge, The peerage of the British Empire, p. 596

[42] Walford, E., The County Families of the United Kingdom (London, 1860), p. 218

[43] Lodge, The peerage of the British Empire, p. 596

[44] Caulfield (ed.), The Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, pp. 514, 531

[45] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 648

[46] Walford, The County Families of the United Kingdom, p. 218

[47] Walford, The County Families of the United Kingdom, p. 218

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