Maritime History

Merchant Navy and the U-boats in the Great War Bibliography

Merchant Navy and the U-boats in the Great War Bibliography

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The U-boat (Unterseeboote, meaning undersea boat) war began on 6th August 1914 and ended with the Armistice on 11th November 1918. At the start of the war there were about 400 submarines in the navies of various countries. Great Britain had 74 boats with 31 under construction and a further 14 on order while Germany had 28 with 15 under construction but it was the way countries used their submarines that make the numbers just numbers. It is estimated that the war resulted in the loss of about a quarter of the world’s pre-war merchant fleet tonnage. Britain lost about half the total losses while among neutral countries Norway paid the greatest price with 829 ships sunk at 1,239,283 gross tonnage. Although accurate figures are difficult to establish it is estimated that submarines sunk 2,719 British merchant vessels while mines accounted for 510 British ships (87 Allied ships and 256 neutral ships) and enemy surface vessels and planes sunk 276 ships (190 British, 49 Allied and 37 neutral). 280 merchant sailing vessels were sunk out of a sailing merchant fleet of 650 vessels. A further 1,729 merchant vessels were damaged by enemy action in the war. About 15,000 British seamen were lost with further losses among Allied and neutral countries. On the German said 200 U-boats were lost out of a fleet of 435 boats amounting to over 5,000 casualties. In the Second World War Germany lost 784 U-boats and 27,500 sailors. Below is a bibliography of books that discuss in detail and in part the story of merchant vessels and the U-boats in the Great War of 1914-1918.

U-boat attacks merchant ship 1916, painter unknown

Anonymous, The U-Boats: Activities and Losses of German U-Boats 1914-1918 (2 vols., unpublished)

Austen, Lieutenant-Colonel Harold, V.C., ‘Q’ Boat Adventures (Herbert Jenkins, 1919)

Bayly, Admiral Sir Lewis, Pull Together! The Memoirs of Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly (George Harrup, 1939)

Beesly, Patrick, Room 40: British Naval Intelligence 1914-1918 (Hamish Hamilton, 1982)

Bell, Archibald Colquhoun, History of the Blockade of Germany and the Countries Associated with Her in The Great War 1914-1918 (limited edition, 1931, HMSO, 1961)

Bernsone, Iize, Latvian Sailing Ships (Museum of History of Riga and Navigation, 1998)

Bourke, Edward J., Shipwrecks of the Irish Coast (3 vols. Bourke, 1994, 1998, 2000)

Campbell, Vice-Admiral Gordon, My Mystery Ships (Hodder & Stoughton, 1928)

Chatterton, Lieutenant-Commander E. Keble, Danger Zone: The Story of the Queenstown Command (Rich & Cowan, 1934)

Chatterton, Lieutenant-Commander E. Keble, Fighting the U-Boat (Hurst & Blackett, 1942)

Chatterton, Lieutenant-Commander E. Keble, Q-Ships and Their Story (1922)

Chatterton, Lieutenant-Commander E. Keble, The Big Blockade (Hurst & Blackett, 1932)

Churchill, Sir Winston, The World Crisis 1911-1918 (Thomton Butterworth, 1931)

Compton-Hall, Richard, Submarines and the War at Sea 1914-1918 (Macmillan, 1991)

Corbett, Sir Julian, History of The Great War: Naval Operations (5 vols. 1-3 Julian Corbett; 4-5 Sir Henry Newbolt, Longman Green, 1920-1931)

Corbett, Julian S., Some Principles of Maritime Strategy (Naval & Military Press, 2003)

Croall, James, Fourteen Minutes: The Last Voyage of the Empress of Ireland (Michael Joseph, 1978)

De Courcy Ireland, John, The Sea and the Easter Rising (Maritime Institute of Ireland, 1966)

Dönitz, Admiral Karl, Memoirs: Ten Years and Twenty Days (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1959)

Fayle, C. Ernest, History of The Great War: Seaborne Trade (3 vols. Murray, 1920-1924)

Ferguson, Patrick, Troubled Waters: Shipwrecks and Heartache on the Irish Sea (Nonsuch, 2008)

Fisher, Admiral Lord John Arbuthnot, My Memoirs (Hodder & Stoughton, 1919)

Fisher, Admiral Lord John Arbuthnot, Records (Hodder & Stoughton, 1919)

Frost, Wesley, German Submarine Warfare (D. Appleton & Co., 1918)

Gibson, R.H. and Prendergast, M., The German Submarine War 1914-1918 (Constable, 1931)

Gilbert, Martin, The First World War (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1994)

Grant, Robert M., U-Boats Destroyed (Putnam, 1964)

Grant, Robert M., U-Boat Intelligence 1914-1918 (Putnam, 1969)

Gregory, Mackenzie, Marauders of the Sea (Naval Historical Society of Australia, 1984-2008)

Handelsministeriet, Samling of Søforklaringer over Krigsforliste Danske Skibe I Aarene 1914-1918 (København, 1921)

Hashagen, Kapitanleutnant Ernest, The Log of a U-Boat Commander or U-Boats Westward (G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1931)

Hawkins, Nigel, The Starvation Blockades (Leo Cooper, 2002)

Hezlet, Vice-Admiral Sir Arthur, The Submarine and Sea Power (Peter Davis, 1967)

Hickey, Des & Smith, Gus, Seven Days to Disaster: The True Story of the Sinking of the Lusitania (Collins, 1981)

HMSO, Navy Losses (London, 1919) and HMSO, Merchant Shipping Losses (London, 1919) = combined works = British Vessels Lost at Sea 1914-1918 (Patrick Stephens, 1977)

Horn, Daniel, The German Naval Mutinies of WWI (Rutgers University Press, 1969)

Hough, Richard, The Great War at Sea 1914-1918 (Oxford University Press, 1983)

Hurd, Sir Archibald, History of the Great War: The Merchant Navy (3 vols. Murray, 1921-1929)

Inglis, Brian, Roger Casement (Hodder & Stoughton, 1973)

Ireland, Bernard, War at Sea (Cassell, 2002)

Jane’s Fighting Ships of World War I (Studio Edition, 1990)

Jellicoe, John R., The Crisis of the Naval War (Cassell, 1920)

Kenworthy, Lieutenant-Commander J.M. & Young, George, Freedom of the Seas (Hutchinson, 1928)

King, G.L., Shape a Course for Fastnet: Attacks on Merchant Ships by U-boats during the Great War where the Survivors landed in Kerry and West Cork (Island Lighthouse Publications, 2017)

Kittredge, Tracy Barret, Naval Lessons of the Great War (Doubleday, Page & Co., 1921)

Lane, Tony, The Merchant Seaman’s War (Bluecoat Press, 1990)

Larn, Bridget & Richard, Shipwreck Index of Ireland: Lloyd’s Register (Fairplay, 2002)

Larn, Richard, Devon Shipwrecks (David & Charles, 1974)

Lavelle, Des, Skellig Island: Outpost of Europe (O’Brien Press, 1976)

Le Fleming, H.M., Warships of World War I (Ian Allen, 1967)

Liddell Hart, Catptain B.H., The Real War 1914-1918 (Faber & Faber, 1934)

Long, Bill, Bright Light, White Water (New Island Books, 1993)

Marder, Professor Arthur J., From the Dreadnought to Scapa Flow (5 vols. Oxford University Press, 1961-1970)

Marder, Professor Arthur J., 1917: Year of Crisis (Oxford University Press, 1969)

Marder, Professor Arthur J., (ed.), Fear God and Dread Nought: The Correspondence of Admiral of the Fleet, Lord Fisher (3 vols. Jonathan Cape, 1952-1959)

McElwee, Richard, The Last Voyages of the Waterford Steamers (Waterford Book Centre, 1995)

Messimer, Dwight R., Find and Destroy (Naval Institute Press, 2001)

Messimer, Dwight R., Verschollen: World War I U-Boat Losses (Naval Institute Press, 2002)

Mullins, Claud, The Leipzig Trials (Witherby, 1921)

Naval Staff (Trade Division), Admiralty, Foreign Vessels Sunk or Damaged by the Enemy: From the Outbreak of War to 11th November 1918, 1st January 1919 (PRO ADM 137/4817)

Nolan, Liam & Nolan, John E., Secret Victory: Ireland and the War at Sea, 1914-1918 (Mercier, 2009)

Nuereuther, Karl & Bergen, Claus, U-Boat Stories: Narratives of German U-Boat Sailors (translated from German by Eric Sutton, Naval Military Press, 2005)

O’Sullivan, Patrick, The Lusitania: Unravelling the Mysteries (Collins Press, 1998)

Patterson, A. Temple (ed.), The Jellico Papers: Selections from the private and official correspondence of Admiral of the Fleet Earl Jellico of Scapa, Volume I, 1893-1916 (Navy Records Society, 1966)

Preston, Diana, Lusitania: An Epic Tragedy (Walker & Co., 2002)

Ranft, Bryan (ed.), The Beatty Papers: 1902-18, Vol. 1: Selections from the Private and Official Correspondence of Admiral of the Fleet Earl Beatty (Scolar Press for the navy Records Society, 1989)

Reuter, Vice-Admiral Ludwig von, Scapa Flow: The Account of the Greatest Scuttling of all Time (translated from German by I.M.N. Mudie, Hurst & Blackett, 1940)

Ritchie, Cason, Q-Ships (Terence Dalton, 1985)

Ruge, Vizeadmiral Friedrich, The History of the 20th Century, Vol. 1 [The Submarine War, pp. 121-130] (Purnell, n.d.)    

Scheer, Admiral Reinhard von, Germany’s High Sea Fleet in the World War (Cassell, 1920)

Sims, Rear-Admiral William S., The Victory at Sea (Murray, 1920)

Siney, Marion C., The Allied Blockade of Germany 1914-1916 (University of Michigan Press, 1957)

Sjøfartskontoret, Sjøforklaringer over Norske Skibes Krigsforlis, 1914-1918 (Kristiania, 1925)

Spindler, Karl, The Mystery of the Casement Ship: with Authentic Documents (Kribe-Verlag, 1931)

Spindler, Konteradmiral Arno, Der Krieg zur See 1914-1918: der Handelskrieg mit U-Booten (5 vols. Mittler & Sohn, 1932-1966)

Still, William N. (ed.), The Queenstown Patrol, 1917: The Diary of Commander Joseph K. Taussig, US Navy (Naval War College, 1996)

Stokes, Roy, Death in the Irish Sea: The Sinking of the RMS Leinster (Collins Press, 1998)

Taylor, A.J.P., The First World War: An Illustrated History (Harmondsworth, 1966)

Tarrant, V.E., The U-Boat Offensive 1914-1945 (Arms & Armour Press, 1989)

Taussig, Commander Joseph Knefler, The Queenstown Patrol, 1917 (Naval War College, Newport R.I., 1996)

Tennent, Alan J., British Merchant Ships Sunk by U-Boats in the 1914-1918 War (Starling Press, 1991)

Thomas, Lowell, Raiders of the Deep (William Heinemann, 1929)

Thompson, Julian, The War at Sea, 1914-1918 (Sidgwick & Jackson, 2005)

Tirpitz, Grand-Admiral Alfred von, My Memoirs (2 vols. Hurst & Blackett, 1919)

Tuckman, Barbara W., The Guns of August (Random House, 1962)

Tuckman, Barbara W., The Zimmerman Telegram (Constable, 1959)

Weddigen, Otto, The First Submarine Blow is Struck (The American Legion, 1931)

Wester Wemyss, Lady, Life and Letters of Lord Wester Wemyss, G.C.B., Admiral of the Fleet (Eyre & Spotiswoode, 1935)

 Winton, John, The Submariners: Life in British Submarines 1901-1999 (Constable, 1999)

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Maritime History

Effort, Hope and Mizpah:

Three sailing vessels of Edwin Langmead

Effort, Hope and Mizpah:

Three sailing vessels of Edwin Langmead

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In the 1920s and 1930s Edwin Langmead of Torquay was the owner of three sailing vessels, all with ketch rigging, called the Effort, Hope and Mizpah. Edwin Langmead came from an established maritime family in Torquay with past members such as William Langmead (born 1869) of 22 Braddon Street, Plymouth who was owner of the Rosa Maria (ON 83965) of Plymouth in the 1880s and of the Tommy Dodd (ON 75168) of Brixham in 1906-8.[1] Edwin Langmead possibly served in various crew positions before become master of the Mizpah sometime before 1913. In the 1891 census Edwin (named as Edward) Langmead was a cook on the Rosa Maria while docked at Brixham. He was then aged 13 years. William Langmead was the captain (born 1842 at Plymouth) of the Rosa Maria and Albert Jarvis (born 1869 at Salcombe) was an able-seaman.[2] Edwin Langmead would later rise to become a ship master and eventually owner on various merchant vessels including the following three vessels.

Sailing vessels at Torquay by Alamy; photographer unknown

Effort

The Effort was a wooden ketch registered at Salcombe in the 1880s and onto the 1930s. She was built in 1880 by W. Date of Kingsbridge, Devon and measured 67.7 X 18.6 X 8.2 feet. Her tonnage was 31 tons net. Her official number was 81757 and her signal hoist was MFZX.[3] In 1881 she was owned by William S. Hannaford of Salcombe and had 66 registered tons.[4] Other sources say that Henry Grant, Esq., of Kingsbridge, Devon, was the owner of the Effort in 1881 and subsequent years. In November 1881 the crew were Edwin Lapthorn (aged 50) of Salcombe, master; William Lapthorn (aged 27), boatswain; Thomas Collins (aged 35), able-seaman; Richard Henry (aged 24), able-seaman and John Milton (aged 16), cook. The Effort was the first ship of John Milton while the other crew members had served on the Effort previously.[5]

In 1887 Henry Grant of Kingsbridge, Devon, was listed as the owner of the Effort.[6] In 1889 Edwin Lapthorn (aged 58) of Courtney Street, Salcombe, was the master of the Effort. The crew were William Lapthorn (aged 35) boatwain; Charles Bootyman (aged 21) ordinary seaman; Charlie Bonken (aged 17) cook; Edward Quick (aged 17), ordinary seaman, and James Gloyns (aged 18) cook/ordinary seaman. The Effort was the first ship of Edward Quick and James Gloyns.[7] In 1913 Henry Grant was described as the owner/manager of the Effort.[8] In 1916 John Lidstone became owner/manager of the Effort.[9] In 1918 Norman S. Furneaux of Eastville, Penryn in Cornwall, became the owner/manager of the Effort. He gave the vessel a new signal hoist of JMKW.[10]

In 1925 Edwin A. Langmead of 5 Sherwood Terrace off Park Street in Torquay became the owner/manager of the Effort. Edwin Langmead made changes to the vessel such as the installation of an auxiliary engine which reduced its registered tonnage to 53 tons.[11] In 1928 further changes reduced to the tonnage to 31 tons.[12] In 1934 the Effort received a new signal hoist of MFZX.[13] In the 1930s the Effort was owned by Edwin Langmead of Sherwood Terrace in Torquay. During World War Two the Effort was hulked in the River Dart.[14] In 1947 the Effort was still owned by Edwin Langmead of Sherwood Terrace.[15]

Hope

The Hope was built in 1891 in Plymouth and her official number was 97479. In 1891 Thomas Roose of 41 Exeter Street, Plymouth was the owner of the Hope. Alfred Beer (born 1860) of 50 Exeter Street, Plymouth was her master and had previously served on the Emma of Plymouth. Samuel Hingston of Plymouth (born 1864) was the mate and was also previously on the Emma.[16] In 1892 the Hope was registered at Plymouth where she was owned by Mrs. E.J. Roose of 14 Gasking Street, Plymouth, and John N. Roose of the same address was her master.[17] Other records for 1892 say that Thomas R. Roose of 86 Exeter Street (later 61 Exeter Street) in Plymouth was the owner of the Hope throughout the year. In 1892 Alfred Beer (born 1860 or 1868) of 94 Exeter Street (after July 1892 of 16 Cromwell Road, Plymouth) was her master and George Crocker (born 1853 or 1856) was her mate.[18] The National Archives at Kew hold an 1893 crew list for the Hope.[19]

In 1895 William Roe of Looe in Cornwall became the owner and manager of the Hope. The vessel had gross tons.[20] William Roe retained the Plymouth registration. Between 1900 and 1902 Thomas Roe of East Looe in Cornwall became the owner/manager of the Hope.[21] In 1913 Thomas Roe was described as owner and master of the Hope. He was born in 1862/3 at East Looe. John Hoskins (born 1846/7) of West Looe was first mate on the Hope.[22]

In 1920 the Hope was owned and managed by Edwin Langmead of 4 Braddons Terrace, Torquay. The ketch rigged vessel was then of 28 gross tons.[23] In 1921 the Hope got a steam engine and measured 60 X 14.5 X 6.4 feet. Her gross tonnage was 28 tons and she was 20 net tons. She had a 12 horse power engine with screw propulsion. In the same year Edwin Langmead moved house to live at 5 Sherwood Terrace in Torquay.[24] In 1923 the Hope was described as a motor boat.[25]

In 1926 the Hope was acquired by Henry J. Purches of 9 Natal Villas, Par in Cornwall as owner/manager.[26] In 1928 the Hope was sold to the Pentewan Dock & Concrete Company of Barclays Bank Chambers in Falmouth, Cornwall with Henry J. Muir of Kingsbury, Falmouth as her master.[27] In 1933 the Pentewan Company were still the owners of the Hope but George Stephenson of the company’s offices in Falmouth became the new master.[28] In 1936 George Stephenson gave his address as Pentewan, Cornwall.[29] In 1937 the Hope was struck off the record of motor boats.[30]

Mizpah

The Mizpah was built at Kingsbridge in 1898. Her official number was 108556. In 1899 the Mizpah was owned and managed by James Nicholas Roose, junior, of 8 St. Jude’s Road in Plymouth. The Mizpah was registered at Plymouth and was 38 net tons.[31] In June 1899 Thomas Westcott (born 1866 or1869) of Moon Street, Plymouth, was the master of the Mizpah with Samuel May (born 1874) as first mate. The vessel was a new command for Westcott as he previously served on the Britannia. The Mizpah had 53 gross tons.[32] In June 1901 Thomas Westcott (born 1866 or 1869) of 38 Mainstone Avenue, Plymouth, was still master of the Mizpah while Emmanuel French (born 1858) was first mate. Emmanuel had previously served at onshore work.[33] In 1903 James Nicholas Roose, junior, was living at 17 St. Jude’s Road.[34] In 1904 the Mizpah was acquired by William Henry Johns of 34 Front Street in Pembroke Dock as owner/manager. This changed was because James Nicholas Roose had become owner of a new Mizpah of Plymouth, a 25 ton schooner built in Plymouth in 1902 and having 114615 as her official number.[35]

In 1910 John N. Philip of Combeleigh, Dartmouth, became the new owner/manager of the Mizpah of Plymouth.[36] In 1913 Edwin Albert Langmead (born 1878 in Bridport) of 3 Braddons Terrace, Plymouth, was the master of the Mizpah with Ernest Langmead (born 1884 in Torquay) was first mate having previously served on the Triumph while William Langmead (born 1893 in Torquay) was able-seaman.[37] It is not known what vessels Edwin Langmead served on before the Mizpah. In 1914 the Mizpah was converted to a steam boat with a 26 horse power engine with screw propulsion. The vessel measured 68.4 X 18.7 X 7.1 feet. Her tonnage was 54 gross tons and 39 net tons.[38]

In late October 1916 Edwin Langmead was going from his house at 3.30 in the morning when he saw the Brixham ketch Girl Edith upon the rocks at Corbyn Head outside Torquay in the midst of a most terrible storm. But the Mizpah was adrift at the time and Langmead could do little. Instead he went to help the coast-watch service and held the rope while Mr. Easterbrook went into the water to save Mr. Mogridge, the only crew man of the Girl Edith to survive. 

In 1917 the Mizpah was acquired by Edwin Langmead of 3 Braddon Terrace, Torquay, as owner/manager.[39] In 1923 the Mizpah was registered as a motor boat.[40] In 1926 the Mizpah acquired a new more powerful engine of 76 horse power which reduced her net tonnage to 33 tons.[41] But the new engine was a bit too good and in 1928 it was reduced to 52 horse power.[42] In 1930 the Mizpah was owned and managed by Edwin A. Langmead of 5 Sherwood Terrace in Park Street, Torquay. The ketch rigged vessel was registered at Plymouth with 33 net tons.[43] In 1947 the Mizpah was still registered to Edwin Langmead as owner/manager.[44]

Conclusion

Edwin Langmead came from a maritime tradition. He went to sea at a young age, 13 or younger, as a cook from which position he advanced upwards to become master of a sailing vessel. Edwin Langmead was born at Bridport in Dorset in 1878 but made his home in Torquay where he was still living in 1947. It is not known what became of his subsequent history.

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[1] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/ROSA MARIA/83965; Ibid, 1976/TOMMY DODDS/75168

[2] 1891 U.K. census, Brixham in Devon

[3] Douglas Bennett (edited by David Clement), Schooner Sunset (Rochester, 2001), page 182

[4] Mercantile Navy List, 1881, page 257

[5] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/EFFORT/81757

[6] Mercantile Navy List, 1887, page 299

[7] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/EFFORT/81757

[8] Mercantile Navy List, 1913, page 704

[9] Mercantile Navy List, 1916, page 754

[10] Mercantile Navy List, 1918, page 720

[11] Mercantile Navy List, 1925, page 839

[12] Mercantile Navy List, 1928, page 893

[13] Mercantile Navy List, 1934, page 897

[14] Richard J. Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The last years of the Western Seas Traders (Lydney, 2012), page 125

[15] Mercantile Navy List, 1947, page 1069

[16] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/HOPE/97479, 1891

[17] Mercantile Navy List, 1892, page 467

[18] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/HOPE/97479, 1892

[19] National Archives, United Kingdom, Kew, BT 99/1807

[20] Mercantile Navy List, 1895, page 496

[21] Mercantile Navy List, 1902, page 572

[22] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/HOPE/97479, 1913

[23] Mercantile Navy List, 1920, page 813

[24] Mercantile Navy List, 1921, page 286

[25] Mercantile Navy List, 1923, page 641

[26] Mercantile Navy List, 1926, page 657

[27] Mercantile Navy List, 1928, page 673

[28] Mercantile Navy List, 1933, page 735

[29] Mercantile Navy List, 1936, page 613

[30] Mercantile Navy List, 1937, page 613

[31] Mercantile Navy List, 1899, page 637

[32] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/MIZPAH/108556, 1899

[33] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/MIZPAH/108556, 1901

[34] Mercantile Navy List, 1903, page 675

[35] Mercantile Navy List, 1904, page 700

[36] Mercantile Navy List, 1910, page 812

[37] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/MIZPAH/108556, 1913

[38] Mercantile Navy List, 1915, page 397

[39] Mercantile Navy List, 1917, page 400

[40] Mercantile Navy List, 1923, page 670

[41] Mercantile Navy List, 1926, page 694

[42] Mercantile Navy List, 1928, page 718

[43] Mercantile Navy List, 1930, page 1107

[44] Mercantile Navy List, 1947, page 751

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Biography, Waterford history

Rev. Thomas Crawford of Lismore and family

Rev. Thomas Crawford of Lismore and family

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Rev. Thomas Crawford served in a number of clerical benefices in the Church of Ireland diocese of Waterford and Lismore from 1772 until his death in 1822. His origins are uncertain. The admission roll of Trinity College Dublin record two people called Thomas Crawford. The first Thomas was educated by William Jessop of Lismore and entered Trinity in June 1765. He was made a scholar in 1768 and in 1770 graduated with a BA. The second Thomas was educated by Mr. Kenney of Elphin and entered Trinity in June 1767, became a scholar in 1769 and graduated in 1772 with a BA. The father’s name of both gentlemen was not recorded.[1] In September 1770 a person called Thomas Crawford of Whitechurch, Co. Waterford converted from Roman Catholicism to the Protestant Church of Ireland and was enrolled in January 1771 with a certificate in October 1771.[2] The personage of this article is likely to be that Thomas Crawford who was educated in Lismore and entered Trinity in 1765.  

Lismore cathedral southeast side

Curate Lismore and Mocollop parish

Rev. Thomas Crawford first appears in the records of the diocese of Waterford and Lismore in 1772. In that year he was appointed curate in the large parish of Lismore and Mocollop. This large parish included the area in and around Lismore town as well as the later perpetual curacies of Mocollop in the west and Cappoquin in the east. It extended from along the north bank of the River Bride northwards to the county boundary with Tipperary. The vicars of this large parish were the five member vicar choral in Lismore cathedral. The next curate in succession to Rev. Crawford was Thomas Parks in 1818.[3] It would seem that Rev. Crawford held the curacy of Lismore even after his appointment in 1794 to the vicar choral.

Also in 1772 Rev. Thomas Crawford was appointed curate at Mocollop and served there until 1820 when John Jackson became curate.[4] Although a grant was given in 1808 for a new church at Mocollop it was not completed and dedicated (to St. Mary) until October 1820.[5]

Vicar at Derrygrath

In 1774 Rev. Thomas Crawford became vicar of Derrygrath (about 2½ miles southeast of Cahir) in south Tipperary in succession to Laurence Broderick (appointed vicar in 1745).[6] The rector of the parish was the chancellor of Lismore cathedral as had being the case since medieval times. The chancellors/rectors that served during Crawford’s time were; William Grueber (1772-74), John Bowden (1774-76), Hon. James Hewitt (1776-96) and John Cleland (1796-1834).[7] Rev. Thomas Crawford was assisted in the parish by Edmond English who was curate since 1772. Later on, Robert Carey was curate around 1802 and John Wallace served around 1810 with Robert Carey returning in 1818.[8] In 1806 the vicarage of Derrygrath was worth £6 per year.[9] In 1820 Derrygrath had a parish church and 16½ acres of glebe land but no glebe house. The church was finished in 1816 by way of a loan of £400 from the Board of First Fruits and a gift of £600 from the Board.[10] With no glebe house, Rev. Thomas Crawford lived in Lismore where he had other concerns to attend to.[11] In 1806 it was said that the curate in the neighbouring parish of Clonmel attended the spiritual needs of the Derrygrath parishioners.[12] In 1822 Henry Prittie Perry became vicar of Derrygrath on the death of Rev. Crawford.[13]

Lismore Free School

In 1774, Rev. Thomas Crawford was appointed headmaster of the Lismore Free School. The school was endowed in 1610 by Sir Richard Boyle, later 1st Earl of Cork.[14] In 1613 construction began on the school and in 1617 the first headmaster, Mr. Goodwyn,  was appointed.[15] Rev. Thomas Crawford had attended the school as a child under Rev. William Jessop and succeeded Jessop as headmaster. His early years of tenure seem to have been good for the school such that by the 1790s the school had a healthy roll of forty pupils which was one of the highest among the Church of Ireland schools in Munster. Yet decay had begun to appear. A report in 1794 found part of the school building to be in need of repair. By 1811 Rev. Crawford was old, infirm and deaf and it was reported that no students attended after 1812.[16] In May 1822, at the time of his death, Rev. Crawford was described as master of the endowed school at Lismore.[17]

Vicar choral at Lismore

In 1794 Rev. Thomas Crawford was appointed a member of the Lismore cathedral vicar choral on a vacancy created by the death of Jocelyn Ingram.[18] The vicar choral was created sometime between 1223 and 1246 under Bishop Christopher. The choral was formed by five clerics presented by the respective dignitaries and admitted by the dean. After the Reformation it would appear that the dean elected the five clerics without reference to the other dignitaries. The choral was charged with reading prayers in the cathedral each week and attending to the cure of the souls of the parishioners of the united parish of Lismore and Mocollop. The choral received the vicarial tithes of the parish for its support. After the Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland the choral was left to decline in size with the death of each vicar with the death of John Bain in 1900 as the last vicar choral.[19] In 1822 Hercules Richard Langrishe was appointed to the vicar choral on the vacancy created by the death of Rev. Thomas Crawford.[20]

Rev. Thomas Crawford and Sarah Curran

In 1795 Sarah Curran, the wife of John Philpot Curran, was found to be pregnant from an affair with Rev. Michael Sandys. John Curran, a noted orator, barrister and politician, throw his wife out of their house in Rathfarnham, near Dublin. It was then found out that Curran was also having an affair and the children were sent to friends and relations. John sent his youngest daughter, Sarah Curran, to stay with his friend, Rev. Thomas Crawford at Lismore. In 1799 young Sarah attended her debut ball in Wicklow where she first met a friend of her brother called Robert Emmet.[21] Even after Sarah left the Crawford household, Rev. Thomas Crawford received a number of letters in the period 1803 to 1808 concerning Sarah Curran.[22] One of the letters from Curran’s son was delivered to Rev. Crawford via an intermediary.[23] John Philpot Curran composed one of his poems, The Plate Warmer, with his college friend, Rev. Crawford in mind.[24]

Personal life of Rev. Crawford

The life of Rev. Thomas Crawford was not all about raising a family, serving the spiritual needs of his parishioners or teaching in the Lismore Free School. In 1795 he was one of the subscribers to the two volume work of James Muallalla entitled, View of Irish Affairs since the Revolution of 1688 to the Close of the Parliamentary Session of 1795 (published Dublin in 1795).

The family of Rev. Thomas Crawford

Few details are known about the family of Rev. Thomas Crawford. We don’t know who were the parents of Rev. Crawford but considering that he went to school in Lismore and a contemporary Thomas Crawford of Whitechurch parish (between Dungarvan and Cappoquin) converted to be a Protestant, it is likely that Rev. Crawford was a local man to the west Waterford area. We equally don’t know who his wife was but Thomas had at least three children. The eldest son, also called Thomas Crawford, was born about 1782 but we known little of his life’s story apart from his death notice. On 24th March 1819 Thomas Crawford, son of Rev. Thomas Crawford, died at Bristol in his 37th year.[25]

On 4th May 1785 his youngest son, Abraham Crawford, was born or baptised in Lismore.[26] Other sources say that Abraham Crawford was born in 1788.[27] In 1800 Abraham Crawford joined the Royal Navy and assumed the rank of captain in 1829. In 1831 Captain Crawford married Sophia Mockler, daughter of Rev. James Mockler. In 1849 he retired from the navy and in 1865 was given the rank of admiral. In 1869 Admiral Abraham Crawford died at Teignmouth.[28]

Rev. Thomas Crawford had more than one daughter but we know only about the youngest. On 26th May 1812 Francis, the youngest daughter of Rev. Thomas Crawford, married Rev. John Swayne (curate at Monanimy (Killavullen) in 1811 and curate at Kilworth in 1819), eldest son of John Swayne of Midleton, and had issue. Rev. John Swayne later served as rector of Ballymurreen (Magorban) in the diocese of Cashel.[29] Rev. John Swayne was the father of Charles Broderick Swayne, Abraham Crawford Swayne, Edward Crawford Swayne, Richard Woodward Swayne and Frances Swayne Singleton. On 25th November 1866 Rev. Swayne died at Margorban, Co. Tipperary.[30]

In May 1822 Rev. Thomas Crawford died – his burialplace is unknown.[31]

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[1] Burtchaell, G.D., & Sadleir, T.U. (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses (3 vols. Bristol, 2001), vol. 1, p. 189

[2] O’Byrne, E. (ed.), The Convert Rolls: the calendar of the Convert Rolls, 1703-1838 (Dublin, 2005), p. 53

[3] Rennison, Rev. W.H., Succession List of the Bishop, Cathedral and Parochial Clergy of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore (Dublin, 1920), pp. 181, 182

[4] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 183

[5] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 182

[6] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 132

[7] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 56

[8] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 132

[9] Carlisle, N., A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, Volume 3 (London, 1810), Derrygrath

[10] Erck, J.C., The Ecclesiastical Register; Containing the Names of the Prelates, Dignitaries and Parochial Clergy in Ireland (Dublin, 1820), pp. 92, 93

[11] Returns of the Several Dioceses in Ireland, 1806, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, chancellor of Lismore

[12] Carlisle, A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland, Volume 3, Derrygrath

[13] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 132

[14] Various writers, At School by the River Bend (Cappoquin, 2007), p. 147

[15] Casey, A.E., & O’Dowling, T., O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater in Ireland(15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 6, pp. 344, 369

[16] R.B. MacCarthy, The diocese of Lismore, 1801-69 (Dublin, 2008), p. 56, note 37

[17] The Brighton Magazine, 1822, p. 697

[18] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, p. 79

[19] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, pp. 76, 77, 79

[20] Rennison, Succession List of the Diocese of Waterford and Lismore (Dublin, 1920), p. 79

[21] https://www.dib.ie/biography/curran-sarah-a2323 (accessed on 9th February 2022)

[22] National Library of Ireland, MS 8905

[23] Murphy and Chamberlain, Mankind for a Monument: the poetry of John Philpot Curran (London, 2014), p. 189

[24] Murphy and Chamberlain, Mankind for a Monument: the poetry of John Philpot Curran, p. 79

[25] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Volume 89, Part 1 (January-July 1819); Volume 125, p. 378

[26] De Breffny, B., ‘Extracts from Admiralty passing certificates, 1802-1808’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 3, No. 12 (September 1967), pp. 501-505, at p. 504

[27] Brown, A.G., ‘The Irish Sea-Officers of the Royal Navy, 1793-1815’, in The Irish Sword, Vol. XXI, No. 86 (Winter, 1999), pp. 393-429

[28] Boase, F., Modern English Biography (4 vols. London, 1894) Vol. 1, Crawford, Abraham

[29] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 927

[30] www.wikitree.com John Swayne (abt. 1786-1866)

[31] The Brighton Magazine, 1822, p. 697

Standard
Biography, Cork history

Mockler: an Irish Clerical Family

Mockler: an Irish Clerical Family

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In the eighteenth and nineteenth century the Mockler family provided three generations of clerical members to the Church of Ireland. This career path is most appropriate to a clerical career as the old French name of Mauclere, otherwise spelt as Beauclerc, which evolved into Moclere by the sixteenth century and settled as Mockler from the seventeenth century onwards, means ‘bad cleric’.[1] There is no evidence that the Mockler family of this essay provided bad clerics but were good clerics in a landscape where the number of Protestant parishioners was small and declining as time moved forward to our own time. One of the earliest holders of the Mauclerk surname was Walter Mauclerk, canon of Southwell and prebendary of Woodburgh in 1218, who went on to become bishop of Carlisle in 1223.[2] In the time of King Edward II (1307-1327) John Mauclere of Leicester was involved in property transactions in and around the city.[3] In the 1660s George Moacher lived in the Cornwall parish of Newlyn East.[4] The surname of Mauclere continued in France in its medieval spelling into the eighteenth century. From about 1708 to 1718 Anne de la Mauclere, a Protestant refugee from France, received a pension of £30 per annum from the British government.[5]

Mockler in Ireland

In an Irish context, the surname of Mauclere settled in what is now County Tipperary by 1210, if not before then.[6] By the fourteenth century the family had gained in importance to hold the manor of Fathalas in 1308 in the person of Richard Mauclerk.[7] In the 1540s John Moclerke was lord of Ballyclereghan in County Tipperary while Geoffrey Moclare lived at Moclerstown in the same county.[8] In the 1550s you had Edmund Mocler of Ballyclerighan and Edmund Moclere of Mocleristown.[9] In the 1660s there were six Mockler families in the Tipperary barony of Middlethird who were sufficiently well off to be taxpayers. Middlethird contained the parish of Ballyclerichan within which was the townland of Mocklerstown.[10] The neighbour barony of Iffa and Offa contained the parish of Grangemockler.[11] In about 1500 Edmond Mocliar was vicar of Grangemockler.[12]

Edward Mockler of Trim

The earliest recorded member of the clerical family of this article was Edward Mockler who lived in the early eighteenth century. In about 1712 Edward Mockler was living at Trim in County Meath.[13] It is not clear if he was a descendent of one of the Mockler families of County Tipperary of the seventeenth century or a new emigrant from England. The Tipperary Mocklers were Roman Catholic and Edward would have needed to convert to Protestantism before 1730 so that his sons could attend Trinity College, Dublin but his name does not appear in the published convert rolls.[14] This leaves open the possibility that Edward Mockler was a Protestant emigrant from England who settled in County Meath.

In 1721 Edward Mockler was a witness to a deed between Andrew Foster of Trim and Thomas Shore of Clarkstown, Co. Meath, whereby the former took lease of three lives on tenements in Trim and 170 acres south of the town from the latter.[15] In 1730 Edward Mockler was described as a caupo, or innkeeper, in Trim.[16] In 1736 persons unknown burnt four stacks of corn in the haggard belonging to Edward Mockler.[17] In 1737 Edward Mockler was still living in Trim where he had risen in society so as to call himself a gentleman. In May 1737 he was one of three witnesses to a deed between Richard Wesley of Trim and Rev. Adam Lydon, vicar of Trim.[18] In November 1738 Edward Mockler was a witness to a deed between Charles Sexton of Summerhill, Co. Meath, and John Harris of Forstertown, Co. Meath.[19] It is not known if Edward Mockler, goldsmith in Dublin city, during the 1760s, was any relation to Edward Mockler of Trim.[20] In 1745 a person called Edward Mockler of no given address left a will.[21] This was possible Edward Mockler of Trim. In March 1763, Sarah, wife of the late Thomas Mockler, merchant of Trim, died at her residence.[22] In 1788 a person called James Mockler was a burgess in Trim while in the same year Edward Mockler was an unsuccessfully candidate for the office of portrieve of Trim.[23] John Mockler of Trim was portreeve in 1767, 1782, 1790 and 1795 while later generations of the family were also associated with Trim.[24] In 1831 John Mockler junior of Trim was a registered voter in the Meath county elections.[25] Edward Mockler of Trim was the father of William Mockler (vicar of Ballyclogh, Co. Cork, 1748-1765) and James Mockler (archdeacon of Cloyne, Co. Cork, 1779-1789).[26]

Rev. William Mockler (vicar of Ballyclogh)

In about 1712 William Mockler was born in Trim, County Meath; the son of Edward Mockler. William began is education under Dr. Parker in Trim. In 1730 he entered Trinity College Dublin and obtained a sizarship in 1730, scholarship in 1732 and in 1734 graduated with a BA.[27] In 1736 he was ordained a deacon and became a priest in 1738.[28] On the day of his ordination to the priesthood, William Mockler was appointed curate of Ballyclogh and Castlemagner in the diocese of Cloyne.[29] Also in 1738 William Mockler got an MA from Trinity College.[30] In June 1748 William Mockler became vicar of Ballyclogh and Castlemagner which he held until his death in 1764. In 1756 Rev. William Mockler was a member of the Mallow Loyal Protestant Society.[31] In 1757 Rev. William Mockler was living at Summerville, Co. Cork, when he was a witness to the transfer of land at Clonmeen, Co. Cork from Robert O’Callaghan of Clonmeen to James Hingston of Kilpaddor, Co. Cork.[32] In the early 1760s Rev. William Mockler lived at Drumrastil in the barony of Duhallow.[33] Falkner’s Dublin Journal (14th February 1764) recorded the death in London of Rev. William Mockler.[34] He died unmarried and his brother, James Mockler, was named as his heir.[35]

Cloyne Cathedral and Round Tower

Rev. James Mockler (archdeacon of Cloyne)

James Mockler was a younger son of Edward Mockler of Trim, Co. Meath. In June 1750 he entered Trinity College Dublin. In 1754 he graduated with a BA and a LL. B. In 1755 James Mockler obtained the curacy of Bruhenny in the diocese of Cloyne (under Robert Brerston, rector) and in 1756 he was ordained a priest at Cloyne. In 1764 he was made a curate in Cloyne parish.[36]

In 1764 James Mockler married Sophia Spread by whom he had three sons and three daughters. Sophia Spread was the daughter of John Spread of Ballycannon, Co. Cork, and Melian Deane, daughter of Matthew Deane, 3rd Baronet, M.P., the eldest son of Robert Deane and Anne Brettridge, daughter of Roger Brettridge. The sons of Rev. James Mockler were James (rector of Litter), William and Robert. The latter was born about 1773 and educated by Mr. Reid before entering Trinity College Dublin in 1789 and graduated in 1794 with a BA.[37] The daughters of Rev. James Mockler were Mary (wife of John Rawlins, married 1780, and after his death she married Major William Ashe of Ashfield, Co. Meath in 1793), Amelia (wife of Rev. Matthew Sleator) and Sophia.[38] Thus by his marriage, James Mockler was the father and father-in-law of another generations of clerics. In May 1786 William Sleator, a stationer in Dublin, agreed to pay Rev. Matthew Sleator of Clonpriest, Co. Cork, £50 per annum. This Rev. Sleator was said to be the eldest son of Rev. Matthew Sleator and Amelia Mockler.[39] But this doesn’t seem to be correct as Rev. Matthew Sleator only married Amelia on 1st July 1786 at Aghada, Co. Cork.[40] The £50 was more likely paid to Rev. Sleator, husband of Amelia.

Other source says that the eldest son of Archdeacon Mockler was Edward Mockler (died 1837), a colonel in the army, and father of at least five sons, and at least two daughters, by his wife Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Thomas Ridley. Two of the sons joined the Church and served their clerical careers in England. Sophia, the third daughter of Archdeacon Mockler married James Ffennell, an army officer, and their son married the youngest daughter of Edward Mockler.[41] For more information on Edward and his children see below.

To support his new wife and family James Mockler needed to acquire the income of a few parishes. In 1764 he put in a claim for the prebendary of Lackeen (worth £180) on the basis that it was vacant on the death of the incumbent. But the incumbent, Nathanial Boyce, wasn’t dead and lived another twenty-seven years.[42] Thus Rev. Mockler had to make the best of a poor situation for a few more years. From 1770 to 1779 Rev. James Mockler held the prebend of Subulter (worth £20) in the north-west of the diocese. In 1770-1772 Rev. James Mockler was rector and vicar of Nathlash (worth £60) and Kildorrery (worth £50).[43] In 1771 Rev. James Mockler was elected economist of Cloyne cathedral.[44] Soon James Mockler was appointed to important and wealthy parishes. In 1772 he became rector of Mallow which he held until 1779. At the same time (1772-3) Rev. James Mockler was a member of the vicar choral in Cloyne cathedral. In 1775 he became the diocesan schoolmaster.[45] Although rector of Mallow, in 1775 Rev. James Mockler was living in Cloyne from where he was a witness to the marriage settlement between Wallis Adams of Kilbue, Co. Cork, and Frances Goold of Jamesbrook, Co. Cork. Also a witness to the deed was James Mockler of Cork city, Justice of the Peace, and joint registrar of the deed with William Lumley.[46] This second James Mockler was possibly a cousin of Rev. James Mockler.

In 1775 Rev. James Mockler wrote a powerful essay on the Mallow district in which he attacked the ascendancy landlords who favour pastoral farming and bewailed the condition of the poor. The essay said that tillage farming was becoming a faded memory in many areas and that tithe incomes had fallen as tithe wasn’t payable on grass fields. Mockler said that many of the labouring class were living in houses with no chimney and little furniture, not even a bed. Only about half the labouring population had full time work with the other half on part time employment.[47]

In 1777 Rev. James Mockler was made rector of Kilmahon which he held until 1779.[48] In 1779 Rev. James Mockler became archdeacon of Cloyne, a position which he held until his death in 1789. With the archdeaconry he acquired the rectory and vicarage of Gortroe and Dysert which gave a total income of £150.[49] In 1779 Rev. James Mockler was also appointed rector and vicar of Aghinagh parish (worth £300) in the barony of Muskerry. The church there was in ruins by 1774 and the Protestant population in 1784 was only 21 so not a demanding position for a good income. In August 1782 Rev. James Mockler was collated to Aghinagh for a second time.[50] Possibly somebody else felt they had as good as title to the parish as James and so he got a reconfirmation of his possession to secure his income.

In 1784 Rev. James Mockler was living in Cork city and was trustee along with Robert Tilson Deane of the estate of Jane Freeman, widow of William Freeman of Castlecor, Co. Cork.[51] In 1786 Rev. James Mockler was living at Sleafield, near Midleton, Co. Cork.[52] In 1788 Rev. James Mockler became rector of Tipperary while retaining his Cloyne benefices but he didn’t enjoy the new rectory for long. On 24th April 1789 Rev. James Mockler died leaving three sons and three daughters.[53] His will was made just two days before his death, on 22nd April 1789 and was proved in Dublin on 22nd May 1789.[54]

Litter (Castlehyde) Church

Rev. James Mockler (died 1848)

James Mockler was born about 1771 as one of the three sons of Rev. James Mockler, archdeacon of Cloyne. Young James Mockler was educated by a Mr. Reid before entering Trinity College Dublin in January 1787, aged 16. In 1791 he graduated with a BA.[55] In 1794 James Mockler was ordained a priest at Cloyne.[56] In 1806 Rev. James Mockler was named as one of the subscribers to a book by his uncle-in-law, Rev. Matthew Sleator on a new method of recording the civil and ecclesiastical topography of Ireland.[57] On 20th November 1809 Rev. James Mockler was made rector of Litter, a position he held until his death in 1848.[58] Rev. Mockler did not become an independent rector until July 1813. In May 1803 Litter parish was united to Fermoy and Dounemahon and remained so until 13th July 1813 when Litter was again made an independent parish.[59]

The rectory was partly in the gift of John Hyde of nearby Castlehyde House while the remainder was impropriated to John Nason. Litter parish contained about 5,154 statute acres divided in near equal portions by the River Blackwater. Litter church adjoined the north garden wall of Castlehyde House which was situated on the north side of the River Blackwater. The church is about two miles west of Fermoy on the road to Mallow. The parish was anciently known as Carrigneady and was also known as Castlehyde.[60] Most diocesan documents after 1600 to the Twentieth century referred to it as Litter parish.

In that same year of 1809 the old church at Litter, which was in ruins since 1802, was rebuilt. This occasioned much joy for the parishioners as the parish had no divine service since 1802.[61] On 4th February 1811 John and Elizabeth Hyde presented a large silver flagon and chalice to the church of Castlehyde.[62] In 1812 John Hyde of Castlehyde house provided £400 to enlarged church at Litter to provide seating accommodation for 150 people.[63] A copper spire was added to the church tower. The total building cost was £750 9s 3d.[64] The Board of First Fruits gave a loan and this was repaid in instalments of £13 8s 1d.[65]

On 30th September 1814 Rev. James Mockler was collated by the bishop of Cloyne, William Bennett, to the vicarage of Litter. The rectory and vicarage of Litter was previously held jointly until 1793 when Arthur Hyde became rector while Zachery Cooke Collis, who formerly held both positions, retained the vicarage until 1810. After a three year vacancy William Adair became vicar in September 1813 but only held it for one year until his death in September 1814.[66] The vicarage was in the gift of the bishop. The parish had no glebe house or glebe land. The tithes amounted to £681 of which £288 was paid to the impropriators and the remained to Rev. James Mockler.[67] The nice income from Litter parish possibly gave James Mockler time for extra educated as in 1816 he acquired an MA from Trinity College Dublin.[68] Without any glebe house at Litter, Rev. Mockler had to live elsewhere. In 1833 he was living at Rockville near Fermoy, Co. Cork.[69] In June 1841 Rev. Mockler took out a lease on the house for three lives from Ferguson Hendley and spent £2,000 upgrading the house. During 1848 Thomas Mockler, son of Rev. Mockler, succeeded to the lease on the house with its 37 attached acres. Rockville house was a substantial building with the main part measuring 51 feet by 40 by 24 feet and with three wings (measuring 22 by 26 by 15 feet and 15 by 8 by 24 feet and 19 by 14 by 17 feet). Immediately near the house were a separate laundry house, fowl house and stables. The farm yard had a granny, cow house, calf house, barn, a piggery and a glass house among other buildings.[70]

In July 1853 Thomas Mockler offered to sell the family interest in the house. Sometime after William Ogilby lived in the house which was renamed Ileclash house. The first half of the twentieth century saw a succession of owners. In the 1950s was the summer home of Sir Oswald Mosley. Afterwards the house had a succession of foreign and Irish owners.[71] In 1851 John Hyde III of Castle Hyde was forced to sell his house and estate after the Great Famine because of insurmountable debts.[72] Perhaps the Great Famine had upset the Mockler finances such that the house had to be sold. In 1999 the celebrated Irish dancer Michael Flatley purchased Castle Hyde for €4 million and spent €47 million on restoration of the house and grounds.[73]

Rockville House (later Ileclash House)

In the 1820s Litter church was renovated to follow as design by James Pain. The chancel had stained glass windows installed while two windows in the nave were also of stained glass. One of the windows displayed the crest and arms of the Hyde family impaled with that of the O’Callaghan family as John Hyde’s wife was a sister of Lord Lismore (Cornelius O’Callaghan). While John Hyde was spending money on Litter church, Rev. James Mockler was having difficulty collecting his tithe income. The late 1820s up until 1838 was the period of the Tithe War when Roman Catholics around the country refused to pay tithes to the local Protestant clergyman while their own churches were little more the cow sheds, with many parishes having no Catholic church. The Tithe Act 1823 established set rates for tithe payments which was payable to the Church of Ireland by their own parishioners along with Roman Catholics, Quakers, Presbyterians and others. A later tithe act included the tithe charge as part of the rent paid by the farmer to his landlord. On 16th October 1833 Rev. James Mockler was staying at the Abbey Hotel in Dublin when he wrote to Lt. Col. Sir William Gosset (Under Secretary at Dublin Castle), seeking relief on tithe income. He also asked for help on behalf of other clergymen in north Cork who were having difficulties collecting their tithe income. Gosset sent a reply but its contents are not known to the author.[74] On 22nd October 1833 Rev. James Mockler was staying at Abbot’s Hotel in Dawson Street, Dublin, when he wrote to Colonel Shaw of Dublin Castle asking to be appointed for duties under the late Tithe Act along with his son, William Mockler. Although Mockler received a reply it is not clear if he was successful at getting nay job.[75]

A diocesan report in 1837 said that Rev. James Mockler celebrated divine service once on Sunday and again on the chief feast days of Christmas, Ash Wednesday and Good Friday. In 1834 Litter parish had 89 Protestant parishioners out of a total parish population of 1,926.[76] In 1835 Litter parish, along with the rest of the diocese of Cloyne, became part of the united diocese of Cork, Ross and Cloyne on the death of John Brinkley, the last bishop of Cloyne.[77] The cathedral chapter at Cloyne was retained.

During his time in Litter parish Rev. Mockler was involved in other activities than just caring for his church and parishioners. In 1831 census he was one of the enumerators for County Cork and was paid £33 14s for his work.[78] In 1833 Rev. James Mockler was a witness to a deed between William Ryves of Castle Jane, Co. Limerick, and Charlotte Ryves (spinster) of Limerick city whereby the former gave to the latter £55 7s 8d per annum out of various lands in Co. Limerick. James Kirby of Fermoy acted as registrar for the deed and possibly brought along Rev. Mockler to act as a witness.[79] On the other hand Rev. Mockler may have known the Ryves family as on 10th July 1833 he was a witness to the release by Charlotte Ryves of £1,000 chargeable on various lands in Co. Limerick, to her nephew, William Ryves of Castle Jane.[80]

In 1844 J.R. O’Flanagan of Fermoy published his book on the Munster Blackwater from its source to the sea. In the preface he gave especial thanks to Rev. James Mockler of Rockville for helping gather information for the book.[81] Rockville house, today known as Ileclash house, is regarded as ‘one of the jewels of the Blackwater valley’ with some two kilometres of river frontage.[82] The position of the house and Mockler’s job as a parish rector with the opportunity to meet different people, allowed Rev. James to give O’Flanagan enough information on the river such that he didn’t need to become one of the book’s subscribers. Rev. James hobby of coin collecting and correspondence with various antiquarians also gave him access to information that could help O’Flanagan.

By the time of his death Rev. James Mockler had amassed a small but nice collection of Anglo-Saxon and medieval Irish coins along with antiquities from Rome, Greece and Ukraine/Crimea. It would appear that his children had little interest in the collection, or that Rev. James gave instructions to sell the collection after his death, and distribute the proceeds among his children. Although Cork had John Lindsay, one of the foremost coin collectors in Europe, there were very few others engaged in the hobby. In October 1838 Richard Sainthill remarked on the discovery of a coin hoard near Fermoy that the ‘return for coins at the [Cork] shops is ‘Non Est’.[83] Thus the real money in the game was trading in the London market. On 22nd June 1848, just six months after his death, the coin collection was sold by Sotheby’s in an auction that included coins and medals along with a few numismatic books and two coin cabinets as well as about 25 Irish antiquities. The sale of 115 lots realised £117 15s.[84]

At another auction in 1848 the British Museum purchased a string of glass beads of various colours and sizes at the Mockler auction that came from the Ukraine/Crimea area.[85] The British Museum also purchased some 62 other items from the Mockler collection at the auction which included Greek aryballos jugs, Roman bowls, Kerch coffin fittings, Kerch combs, Roman dishes, Roman figures, Roman and Greek lamps, Roman textiles, Kerch loom weights, Crimea sarcophagus and Kerch theatre masks among other items.[86] It is not known how Rev. James Mockler acquired these antiquities. Did he go to Italy, Greece and the Ukraine or did he buy some or all of the items through dealers and auction houses?

Earlier, in May 1842 Rev. Mockler offered the British Museum a pair of ‘moose deer’s horns’, possibly from an ancient Irish elk, in exchange for Saxon, English and Irish coins from the ‘Royal Cabinet’, to the value of £20. The horns were considered to be larger and more perfect than any other specimens in the Museum.[87] It appears that Rev. James Mockler also collected stone and metal axe heads. In 1893 the British Museum acquired a Neolithic/Bronze Age stone axe head that was once part of the collection of Rev. Mockler.[88]

Rev. James Mockler died early in 1848 at the age of 79 and on 6th January 1848 was buried in the cemetery surrounding Litter church. He was succeeded by Rev. Jasper Alexander Grant, son of Rev. Alexander Grant and a descendent of the Grant family of Kilmurry house, a few miles downriver from Fermoy on the north bank.[89] Rev. Grant continued as rector/vicar of Litter until 1875 when he retired. No new incumbent was appointed and the parish was untied with the neighbouring parish of Fermoy. By the 1920s the old Litter parish had no Protestant residents and the rector of Fermoy would bring a few Fermoy residents in his car once a month to celebrate divine service in Litter church. In 1947 Litter (by then more commonly called Castlehyde) church was closed and in November 1965 was deconsecrated by Bishop Otto Simms. The communion plate was taken to Christ Church in Fermoy, the pews were sold and the church bell removed. In the succeeding years the church fell into disrepair and by 1997 all the stained glass windows were destroyed.[90]

Rev. James Mockler married Sybella Baker and together they had eight sons and three daughters. The sons were James (ordained deacon 1830, priest 1833 and vicar choral at Lismore 1839), Hugh (Royal Navy), John (army captain), Edward (13th Hussars), William (holy orders), Robert, Charles and Thomas. The three daughters were Sophia (wife of Captain Abraham Crawford, R.N., married 1830), Catherine and Sydney.[91] In 1851 Abraham Crawford wrote a book about his time in the Royal Navy while in the 1850s Sophia wrote five novels. The couple settled in Devon where he died in 1868 and she died in 1878.[92]

On 29th April 1842, while in Madras (India), Edward Mockler of the 13th Hussars and son of Rev. James Mockler, married Ann-Sarah, daughter of the late Rev. William Pritchland, rector of Great Yelham in Essex.[93] Later Edward Mockler may possibly be the husband of Julia Ferryman and father of Augustus Mockler-Ferryman (born 1856) of Rockville, Co. Cork. Augustus joined the army and with the exception of five years in Africa, spent most of his career at Sandhurst where he became professor of Military Topography and compiled the official history of the Boer War along with writing numerous books on military matters and travel.[94]

Mocllop Church

Rev. James Mockler (died 1851)

James Mockler was born about 1800 and received his early education from a Mr. Bell. In February 1817, aged 17, he entered Trinity College Dublin. James Mockler continued the clerical tradition of his father and grandfather. In 1830 James Mockler was ordained a deacon at Cloyne to be followed in 1833 by his ordination as priest at Cork.[95] In 1832 Rev. James Mockler was appointed curate of Affane parish in the diocese of Waterford and Lismore, a position he held for one year. In 1833 he became curate for Mocollop church in the large parish of Lismore and Mocollop. In 1839 Rev. James Mockler became a member of the vicar choral in Lismore Cathedral. The same year he became a curate in the Lismore part of the parish with Richard Woods attending to the Mocollop part.[96] In 1839 James Mockler married Elizabeth Jeanes.[97] In 1851 Rev. James Mockler died.[98]

Rev. William Mockler

William Mockler was one of eight sons of Rev. James Mockler, Rector of Litter parish. William was born around 1810 and received his early education from his father. In October 1825, aged 15, he entered Trinity College Dublin from where he graduated in 1833 with a BA.[99] In October 1833 William was named in his father’s application to do duties under the recent Tithe Act.[100] As well as following his father into a clerical career, Rev. William Mockler also did a bit of collecting of antiquities. In 1848 he gave two Early Bronze Age axe heads, found in the Bandon area, to the British Museum.[101] The subsequent biography of Rev. William Mockler is unknown. It would seem that he continued to live in the Fermoy area for a time as in April 1870 his daughter, Sybella Annie (died 22nd February 1891), married John Craven Chadwick of Ballinard, Co. Tipperary as his second wife and gave her father as William Mockler of Fermoy. The couple had four sons.[102]

Edward Mockler (eldest son of Archdeacon Mockler)

The eldest son of Archdeacon James Mockler and Sophia Spread was Edward Mockler, a colonel in the army. At some unknown date Colonel Edward Mockler married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Thomas Ridley.[103] In 1809-10 Edward Mockler was stationed in Co. Louth where his eldest son, James Mockler, was born.[104] In 1811 Colonel Edward Mockler was stationed in Co. Roscommon for the birth of his second son, Edward Mockler junior (educated by Mr. Jameson, enter T.C.D. in 1828 at 17 years and graduated in 1838 with a BA).[105] In 1820-22 Colonel Mockler was stationed in Co. Carlow where his fourth son, George Mockler was born (see below). The youngest son of Colonel Mockler was Robert Mockler who followed his father into the army and became a major in the 64th Regiment. The eldest daughter of Colonel Mockler, Charlotte Sophia, married Colonel Oliver Paget Bourke of the 17th Regiment. Colonel Mockler’s youngest daughter, Emily, married his cousin, James Richard Ffennell, surgeon major in the 16th Regiment, eldest son of James Ffennell by his wife Sophia, daughter of Archdeacon Mockler. In 1837 Edward Mockler died at Carrick-on-Shannon in Co. Leitrim.[106]

Denby Church = photo by Gilbert Scott

Rev. James Mockler (vicar of Denby)

Rev. James Mockler was born about 1809-10 in Co. Louth as the eldest son of Colonel Mockler.[107] He began his education under Mr. Jameson before entering Trinity College, Dublin, in July 1825, aged 16 years. James’s first experience of college life was not satisfactory and he left without graduating to join the army. He became a captain in the 59th Regiment of Foot and served about ten years before retiring to enter into a clerical career. He returned to Trinity and graduated in 1844 with a BA. James Mockler then went to England to become curate at Denby, a small village eight miles north of Derby. Until 1809 the village served an agriculture community and was famous as the birth place in 1646 of John Flamstead who went on to become astronomer royal. In 1809 William Bourne established salt-glazed pottery in the village using local clay – Denby pottery – which continued in the family until 1942 and is still in operation today. Later the area acquired a number of collieries and a few blast furnace iron works. In early 1845 Rev. James Mockler was described as the perpetual curate at Denby.[108] After June 1845 Rev. James Mockler became vicar of Denby, although in the 1851 census he still called himself the curate. In 1850 he was described as the perpetual curate of Denby in a memorial to the archbishop of Canterbury to change the burial sacraments.[109] Rev. Mockler settled into life in Denby and made it his home for the rest of his life. A letter, of the 1840s, and written by William Lowe, lord of Denby manor, talks about building a new vicarage for Rev. Mockler.[110] He continued to serve as vicar until 1901 when Rev. Frederick Boissier became the new vicar. In 1899 the vicarage was worth £200. Rev. Mockler continued his studies at Trinity while serving as vicar and in 1853 graduated with an MA.[111] In 1856 Rev. James Mockler was made first president of the Denby Floral and Horticultural Society.[112] In the 1851 census Rev. Mockler was unmarried and in the 1891 census he was a widower but we have no details of his marriage.  

Rev. George Mockler (died 1854, Crimea)

Rev. George Mockler was born sometime between 1820 and 1822 in Co. Carlow as the fourth son of Colonel Edward Mockler.[113] Until the early twentieth century there was little reason for people to know exactly when they were born. Voting rights were acquired by how much property you had and not when you were a certain age while there was no retirement age and the being over 70 only mattered from January 1909 with the introduction of the old age pension. George began his education under Dr. Miller in the Armagh School. On 6th November 1837, at 15 years, he entered Trinity College, Dublin, from where he graduated in 1842 with a BA.[114] Soon after George Mockler joined the Church of England and was made a curate of Christ Church in the parish of St. George’s in the East, London. In 1854 he accompanied the British Army at the start of the Crimean War and was on the Crimea in October 1854. While there George could have walked the same ground where some of the antiquities owned by Rev. James Mockler of Litter were found. After the battle of Alma George suffered overwork and gross fatigue attending to the dying and the wounded. On 2nd October 1854 George Mockler died in Crimea.[115]   

Conclusion

Many clerical families came be found in the history of Britain and Ireland. Some people had a calling to serve in the church while others saw it as a career in which a person could earn a nice income and have the local parish provide a house and garden. The Mockler family began in medieval France with the surname of being bad clerics but the clerics of this article seem to have done a good job. The Mockler family of this article began life in an innhouse in early eighteenth century Trim and possibly entered the church as a career to earn an income with possibly gaining a religious understanding on the way. Archdeacon Mockler possibly had experiences of a poor background which drove him to acquire parishes with good income in late eighteenth century Cloyne diocese. In the nineteenth century Rev. James Mockler of Litter served his parish and took care of his fellow clerics while establishing a coin collection as well as acquiring antiquities from early Ireland and the Mediterranean and Black Sea area. Two of his sons entered the church but his other children went into the army and other careers. Meanwhile two grandsons of Archdeacon Mockler served their clerical careers in England and in distant Crimea. With the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1869 and the decline of the protestant population over the following hundred years, there were few career prospects for a clerical family to continue in the church. Thus the later history of the Mockler family went in other directions – an adventure for another day.  

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[1] MacLysaght, E., More Irish Families (Blackrock, 1996), p. 159

[2] Emden, A.B. (ed.), A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500 (2 vols. Oxford, 1989), vol. II, p. 1243

[3] Maxwell-Lyte, H. (ed.), A Descriptive Catalogue of Ancient Deeds, Volume IV (London, 1902), no. 6479

[4] Stoate, T.L. (ed.), Cornwall Hearth and Poll Taxes 1660-1664 (Bristol, 1981), p. 159

[5] Shaw, W. (ed.), Calendar of Treasury Books, Volume 22, 1708 (London, 1952), p. 234; Shaw, W. & Slingsby, F.H. (eds.), Calendar of Treasury Books, Volume 30, 1716 (London, 1958), p. 751

[6] MacLysaght, More Irish Families, p. 159

[7] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, 1172-1350 A.D. (Dublin, 1932), no. 418

[8] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Volume IV, 1509-1547 A.D. (Dublin, 1937), p. 208

[9] Curtis, E. (ed.), Calendar of Ormond Deeds, Volume V, 1547-1584 A.D. (Dublin, 1941), p. 61

[10] Pender, S. (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659 with essential materials from the Poll Money Ordinances 1660-1661 (Dublin, 2002), p. 309

[11] Pender (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659, p. 311

[12] Rennison, Rev. W.H., Succession list of the Bishop, Cathedral & Parochial Clergy of the Diocese of Waterford & Lismore (Dublin, 1920), p. 216

[13] Casey, A.E., & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 6, p. 797

[14] O’Byrne, E. (ed.), The Convert Rolls: the calendar of the Convert Rolls, 1703-1838 (Dublin, 2005), pp. 183, 267, 279

[15] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 33, Page 269, Memorial 20294, deed dated 20th March 1721

[16] Burtchaell, G.D., & Sadleir, T.U. (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses (3 vols. Bristol, 2001), vol. 2, p. 581

[17] https://www.igp-web.com/IGPArchives/ire/islandwide/xmisc/proc-ire.txt (accessed on 28th January 2022)

[18] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 87, Page 400, Memorial 62335, deed dated 24th May 1737

[19] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 93, Page 138, Memorial 65167, deed dated 28th November 1738

[20] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 246, Page 356, Memorial 158247, deed dated 26th December 1765

[21] http://census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/dw/IRE_DIOC_007246601_00032.pdf (accessed on 28th January 2022)

[22] Morris, H.F., ‘Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 1764’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 10, No. 1 (1998), pp. 83-112, at p. 87

[23] Conwell, E.A., ‘A Ramble Round Trim’, in The Journal of the Royal Historical and Archaeological Association of Ireland, Fourth Series, Vol. 2, No. 2 (1873), pp. 361-430, at pp. 362, 363

[24] http://www.bomford.net/IrishBomfords/Chapters/Chapter15/Chapter15.htm (accessed on 28th January 2022)

[25] McDowell, H., ‘A canvas book of the Meath election, 1831’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1987), pp. 278-288, at p. 283

[26] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[27] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[28] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 797

[29] Grove-White, J., Historical and Topographical notes, Etc., on Buttevant, Castletownroche, Doneraile, Mallow and Places in their Vicinity (4 vols. Cork, 1905), vol. 1, p. 142

[30] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[31] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 797

[32] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 188, Page 402, Memorial 126140, deed dated 4th June 1757

[33] http://census.nationalarchives.ie/reels/dw/IRE_DIOC_007246596_00110.pdf (accessed on 28th January 2022)

[34] Morris, ‘Faulkner’s Dublin Journal, 1764’, pp. 50-82, at p. 53

[35] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 797

[36] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[37] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[38] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[39] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 384, Page 19, Memorial 255285, deed dated 16th May 1786

[40] Casey, A.E., & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 7, p. 1409

[41] Brady, W.M., Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3 (London, 1864), p. 223

[42] Brady, W.M., Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 2 (London, 1864), p. 301

[43] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[44] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 874

[45] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[46] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 310, Page 640, Memorial 208274, deed dated 24th April 1775

[47] Dickson, D., Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster, 1630-1830 (Cork, 2005), pp. 214, 220, 245, 314, 565

[48] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[49] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 838

[50] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 794

[51] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 368, Page 232, Memorial 247227, deed dated 14th December 1784

[52] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 384, Page 19, Memorial 255285, deed dated 16th May 1786

[53] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 7, p. 1421

[54] Brady, Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3, p. 223

[55] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[56] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[57] Sleator, Rev. M., Introductory essay to a new system of civil and ecclesiastical topography of Ireland (Dublin, 1806), p. xiii

[58] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[59] British Parliamentary Papers, Ireland, Account of parishes united and disunited by order of the Lord Lieutenant in Ireland, 1818, pp. 3, 8

[60] Cadogan, T. (ed.), Lewis’ Cork: a topographical dictionary of the parishes, towns and villages of Cork City and County (Cork, 1998), pp. 334, 335

[61] Power, B., Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 131

[62] Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater, p. 131

[63] Cadogan (ed.), Lewis’ Cork: a topographical dictionary of the parishes, towns and villages, p. 335

[64] Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater, p. 131

[65] British Parliamentary Papers, Ireland, Account of Sums applotted by Vestries in Ireland under Parochial Rates, 1827, p. 134

[66] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[67] Cadogan (ed.), Lewis’ Cork: a topographical dictionary of the parishes, towns and villages, p. 335

[68] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[69] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 183318, Page 60, Memorial 183318060, deed dated 26th August 1833

[70] National Archives of Ireland, Valuation Books

[71] Hajba, A., Houses of Cork, Volume 1: North Cork (Whitegate, Co. Clare, 2002), p. 207

[72] Dooley, T., Castle Hyde: the changing fortunes of an Irish country house (Dublin, 2017), p.26

[73] Dooley, Castle Hyde: the changing fortunes of an Irish country house, pp. 47, 48, 49

[74] National Archives of Ireland, CSO/RP/1833/5088

[75] National Archives of Ireland, CSO/RP/1833/5200

[76] Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater, p. 131; Cadogan (ed.), Lewis’ Cork: a topographical dictionary of the parishes, towns and villages, p. 335

[77] Caulfield, Richard, ‘Bishops of Cloyne and Ross’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Volume II (1893), p. 443, at p. 443

[78] British Parliamentary Papers, Ireland, Detailed account of expenses incurred under the Population Act for Ireland, 1831 (published 1833)

[79] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 183318, Page 60, Memorial 183318060, deed dated 26th August 1833

[80] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 183318, Page 61, Memorial 183318061, deed dated 10th July 1833

[81] O’Flanagan, J.R., The Blackwater in Munster (London, 1844), p. iii

[82] Hajba, Houses of Cork, Volume 1: North Cork, p. 207

[83] Rockley, J., Antiquarians and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Cork (Oxford, 2008), pp. 64, 65

[84] Sotheby’s, 22nd June 1848, Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon, Irish, English & Scotch coins & a small collection of Irish Antiquities, the property of the late Rev. James Mockler, together with a few numismatic books & two coin cabinets, 115 lots

[85] British Museum, Mockler, 1848, 0804.59

[86] British Museum online search for Mockler

[87] Rockley, Antiquarians and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Cork, p. 118

[88] British Museum, Mockler, 1893, 0618.2

[89] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[90] Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater, p. 132

[91] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[92] https://www.victorianresearch.org/atcl/show_author.php?aid=1156 (accessed on 28th January 2022)

[93] The Gentleman’s Magazine, 1842

[94] Cadogan, Tim, & Falvey, Jeremiah, A Biographical Dictionary of Cork (Dublin, 2006), p. 201

[95] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[96] Rennison, Succession list of the Clergy of the Diocese of Waterford & Lismore, pp. 79, 138, 182, 183

[97] National Archives of Ireland, Diocesan and Prerogative Marriage Licence Bonds, 1623-1866

[98] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 855

[99] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[100] National Archives of Ireland, CSO/RP/1833/5200

[101] British Museum, Mockler, 1848, 0804.79

[102] Burke’s Landed Gentry of Ireland, 1899, p. 66

[103] Brady, Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3, p. 223

[104] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[105] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[106] Brady, Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3, p. 223

[107] In the 1851 U.K. census Rev. Mockler says he was 40 years old and in 1891 U.K. census he said he was 81 while he entered Trinity College in 1825 at age 16.

[108] The Ecclesiastical Gazette of the Affairs of the Church of England (London, 1846), p. 272

[109] Memorial of the clergy of England to the Archbishop of Canterbury and York, 1850, p. 37

[110] Nottingham University Library, Dr. C 52/1-9

[111] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[112] White, F., History, Gazetteer and Directory of the County of Derby (Leeds, 1857), p. 263

[113] Brady, Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3, p. 223 says George was 34 in October 1854 when he died; Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581 gives birth as 15 years before November 1837

[114] Burtchaell & Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses, vol. 2, p. 581

[115] Brady, Clerical and parochial records of Cork, Cloyne and Ross, Volume 3, p. 223

Standard
Maritime History

Acacia of Barnstaple and Ada of Appledore: Biography of Sailing Merchant Vessels

Acacia of Barnstaple and Ada of Appledore:

Biography of Sailing Merchant Vessels

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In 1900 the waters around Britain and Ireland were full of sailing merchant vessels carrying coal, timber, grain, iron, china clay and all kinds of other bulk cargoes between the great and small ports. These vessels were of varied size and shape with different rigging such as ketch, barquentine and schooner. They were built in purpose designed ship yards around Britain and Ireland and some were built in North America and a few parts of Europe. Yet some of these vessels were built on the seashore or river banks between high and low tide in yards that have vanished just like their creations.

Yet by 1960 only a handful of these vast numbers of vessels continued to ply their trade commercially. A few of these vessels remain today as museum items or stuck in limbo waiting for a source of money to keep them afloat. Some professional schoonermen, such as Hugh Shaw, Richard England and William Slade, wrote about their lives aboard these sailing vessels and give us a feel of what it was like. Yet the vast majority of masters and sailors left little written accounts of those days. Many of these sailors have now (2018) passed on, their once proud vessels broken up or buried beneath the waves and commercial maritime trade is now done by motor vessels, great and small. Biographies of some of the vast number of sailing merchant vessels that once existed are given below to give some idea of the characters of these vessels and their sailors.

Bideford circa 1894, photographer unknown

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Acacia of Barnstaple

The Acacia was a wooden ketch that was built in 1880 by David Banks of Plymouth. The vessel measured 60.3 feet X 18.6 X 7.4 feet. Her tonnage was 60 tons gross and 45 (later 40) tons net. The Acacia Official Number was 81036 and her signal hoist in 1935 was MFSM. The Acacia was still on the Lloyd’s Register of shipping in 1935.[1] The Acacia was first registered to Plymouth on 30th April 1880 with 45 net tons.[2] The builder of the Acacia, David Banks of Plymouth, operated in the second half of the nineteenth century. Banks was “perhaps the best of the Plymouth schooner builders” according to Basil Greenhill. In 1875 he built the schooner Little Willie for William Stephens of Par who sailed from Fowey. David Banks also built the schooners Blanche and Telephone for John Westcott of Plymouth. He also built the Mildred for W.C. Philips of Port Isaac.[3]

In early 1881 the crew list of the Acacia included Joseph Holten (aged 43) as master; John Holten (aged 51) was the mate while Thomas Baiter (aged 19) was also described as a mate. Joseph and Thomas came from Plymouth while John was from Polperrio.[4] In 1882 the Acacia had the signal hoist of TDVJ and was measured at 45 net tons with a cutter rig. She was then owned by David Banks of Plymouth.[5] In 1888 William Pearn of 5 Commercial Place in Plymouth was the master of the Acacia. William Pearn was born in 1846 in Plymouth. Another William Pearn, born in 1870 in Looe, was mate on the Acacia. In 1888 the Acacia had two cooks, Alfred Laurence (born 1869 at London) and George Campbell (born 1870 at London). It was George Campbell’s first vessel and so the two cooks may be a master and apprentice.[6]

In 1890 David Banks still owned the Acacia with an address at Queen Anne’s Battery in Plymouth.[7] In 1892/3 the Acacia was sold to William Rogers of East Street in Braunton, Devon who also acted as the vessel’s new captain. The vessel was reduced to 40 net tons as she acquired a ketch rigging.[8] In 1894 the Acacia was reregistered to Barnstaple.[9] In 1907 the Acacia was owned and managed by William James Rogers of South Street in Braunton.[10] In early 1913 the crew of the Acacia were William J. Rogers as master (born 1865 at Braunton), Charles Henry Clarke as first mate (born 1892 at Braunton) and William Williams as second mate (born 1883 at St. Agnes, Cornwall). Charles previously served on the Ellerslie of Cardiff while William worked on the Marjorie of Barnstaple.[11] A published photo of the Acacia shows Captain Stanley Rogers tarring the bottom of the then Braunton ketch with his mate George Dendle.[12]

The Acacia remained the property of William J. Rogers until 1931 when the vessel was sold to John Ford of Pembroke between then and 1933. In 1933 John Ford was recorded as owner and master.[13] In 1934 the Acacia got a new signal hoist of MFSM.[14] In 1937/8 the Acacia was sold to Charles Rees of 5 Kingsbridge in Pembroke who became owner and manager.[15] The Acacia was broken up circa 1946.[16] The 1947 registry still records Charles Rees as the owner of the Acacia but the vessel was dead or near the end by that time.[17]

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Ada of Bideford

The Ada name was used on numerous sailing vessels in the nineteenth century and at other times. The Ada of Bideford was a wooden ketch that was built in 1844 at Padstow. She was a small vessel of 38 tons net. The Ada’s Official Number was 22736. In 1865 the Ada of Padstow was owned by Thomas Hawke of Port Isaac and had 33 net tons.[18] In 1867 the tonnage of the Ada was increased to 46 and Thomas Hawke had a new address as he went to live at St. Endellion in Cornwall.[19] The Cornwall Archives Office has crew lists for the Ada for 1872.[20] By 1872 the Ada, with a ketch rigging, was now owned by John Stribley of Padstow.[21] In 1877 the Ada found a new owner in William Rundle of St. Blazey in Cornwall.[22]

In 1884 John Rowe of Lyme Regis in Dorset became the new owner of the Ada.[23] Between 1898 and 1899 the Ada was transferred to Alfred Rowe of Lyme Regis who became owner and manager.[24] Alfred only stayed owner for a short time as by 1900 George Bynon of 30 New Street in Appledore became the owner/manager.[25] By 1902 the Ada was reregistered to Bideford from Padstow with Mrs. S.A. Bynon as owner/manager of 37 New Street in Apledore.[26]

Between 1907 and 1909 the Ada was sold to Arthur Galsworthy of Appledore who became the owner/manager. The Ada kept her ketch rigging but was reduced in tonnage to 38 net tons.[27] In 1913 William Fowler was the master of the Ada. Born in Appledore and aged 36 William Fowler was master of the Ada for a few years. Daniel Fowler (aged 34 from Appledore) was ship’s mate having previously served on the Flower O Portsoy of Plymouth and Alex Marshall (aged 16 from Appledore) was ship’s cook. The Ada was Alex’s first vessel in his seafaring career.[28] In 1913 Arthur Galsworthy became owner of the Waft of Brixham (ON51347) which he retained until 1919 when he sold the vessel to William Lewis of Penarth.[29]

Arthur Galsworthy retained the Ada until 1919 when the vessel came to the end of her life’s journey.[30] In May 1919 the Ada was on a passage from Lydney to Appledore with coal. But on 14th May 1919 bad weather or fog made the vessel divert from her passage and she went aground on the South Tail in Bideford Bay and sank. The loss was made good when all the crew were saved.[31] Arthur Galsworthy had lost the Ada but acquired other vessels like the Francis Beddoe (ON 70557) which he purchased in 1920.[32] But sadness was soon to come again when in March 1924 the Francis Beddoe went aground on Cefusiden Sands in Carmarthen Bay. Although later refloated the vessel was considered beyond repair and was beached where she became a total wreck.[33]

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[1] Bennett, D. (edited by David Clement), Schooner Sunset (Rochester, 2001), p. 171

[2] Appropriation Books, Official Numbers 81001-81050 (81036)

[3] Greenhill, B., The Merchant Schooners (2 vols. London, 1951), Vol. 1, pages 101, 134, 135, 136, 152

[4] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/ACACIA/81036

[5] Mercantile Navy List, 1882, p. 159

[6] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/ACACIA/81036

[7] Mercantile Navy List, 1890, p. 271

[8] Mercantile Navy List, 1893, p. 321

[9] Mercantile Navy List, 1894, p. 332

[10] Mercantile Navy List, 1907, p. 510

[11] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/ACACIA/81036

[12] Bouquet, M., Westcountry Sail: Merchant Shipping 1840-1960 (Newton Abbot, 1971), p. 87

[13] Mercantile Navy List, 1933, p. 948

[14] Mercantile Navy List, 1934, p. 814

[15] Mercantile Navy List, 1938, p. 858

[16] Scott, R.J., Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders (Lydney, 2012), p. 115

[17] Mercantile Navy List, 1947, p. 984

[18] Mercantile Navy List, 1865, p. 3

[19] Mercantile Navy List, 1867, p. 4

[20] Cornwall Archives Office, MSR/1008

[21] Mercantile Navy List, 1872, p. 92

[22] Mercantile Navy List, 1877, p. 120

[23] Mercantile Navy List, 1884, p. 182

[24] Mercantile Navy List, 1899, p. 399

[25] Mercantile Navy List, 1900, p. 390

[26] Mercantile Navy List, 1902, p. 424

[27] Mercantile Navy List, 1909, p. 551

[28] Devon Archives and Local Studies, 1976/ADA/22736

[29] Mercantile Navy List, 1913, p. 988, Ibid, 1918, p. 992, Ibid, 1919, p. 995

[30] Mercantile Navy List, 1919, p. 640

[31] Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders, p. 93

[32] Mercantile Navy List, 1920, p. 781

[33] Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders, p. 97

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Political History

Dublin Castle 16th January 1922

Dublin Castle 16th January 1922

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

On 16th January 1922 Dublin Castle, seat of the British government in Ireland, was surrendered or handed over, to representatives of the Irish Provisional Government, as a first step to the transfer of most government functions in Ireland to a new, independent Irish state. Over the previous seven centuries many attempts were made to seize Dublin Castle without success. Edward the Bruce tried to take the castle in 1315 but only got as far as the suburbs of Dublin before he was repulsed. In 1534, Thomas Fitzgerald, 10th Earl of Kildare, got into the streets near the castle but was repulsed. In 1641 Irish chieftains from Ulster tried to take the castle but were betrayed while still making their way through the city. Robert Emmett tried in his failed rebellion of 1803 but didn’t come close to the castle before his rebellion collapsed. At the Easter 1916 rising an attempted was made to take the castle and the sentry on duty was shot. But the Irish failed to press home their advantage and the few British military inside the castle somehow managed to close the gates just in time. During the War of Independence, 1919-1921, the castle remained in British hands while Royal Irish Constabulary barracks fell around the country and government offices were attacked in other parts of Dublin, like the Custom House. Having come to a truce in July 1921 the Irish and British reached an agreement to separate the two countries and on 16th January 1922 the British simply handed over Dublin Castle to the new Irish government.

Kevin O’Higgins and Michael Collins (person with X mark) leave Dublin Castle after the handover

Dublin Castle

In 1204 King John issued a writ to build a new castle in Dublin.[1] In medieval times Dublin Castle was the main military base of the English government in Ireland. The Dublin administration held a number of offices in the castle or in buildings elsewhere around the city. The main offices of state usually followed the justiciar, or viceroy, around the country. In the sixteenth century the English area of influence was reduced to the Pale area around Dublin and so the viceroy, then known as the Lord Deputy, stayed in Dublin Castle. in the seventeenth century the Lord Deputy, now called Lord Lieutenant, held formal sessions in Dublin Castle and had a country house near Kilmainham. In 1780 the government purchased the park ranger’s house in the Phoenix Park which became the Viceregal Lodge. From January to March the Lord Lieutenant mostly lived in Dublin Castle during the social season and moved out to the Viceregal Lodge in the summer months. The head of the English administration in Ireland was the Chief Secretary. He worked in Dublin Castle but from the eighteenth century lived in the Phoenix Park. The Under Secretary, who held the administration when his two chiefs were gone back to England, also lived in the Phoenix Park while working in Dublin Castle. The fabric of the castle varied in quality over the centuries sometimes suffering from neglect, storms, fires or lack of money. Two fires in 1675 and 1683 destroyed many of the medieval buildings within the castle and much of the present fabric is from the eighteenth century. In early January 1922 Dublin Castle hosted its last social function of a children’s party.[2]  

The Treaty and Provisional Government

On 7th January 1922 Dáil Éireann met in the Dublin University College premises on Earlsfort Terrace to vote on the Treaty, officially known as the ‘Articles of agreement for a treaty between Great Britain and Ireland, 6th December 1922’. The vote was 64 for and 57 against. The Treaty recognised southern Ireland as having the same constitutional status as the other dominions in the community of nations known as the British Empire; that was, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. The Irish were expected to adopted a constitution and establish a parliament under that constitution to become the Irish Free State and be in a position to manage its own affairs. In the interim the British Government agreed to transfer the functions of the Irish government to a provisional government. The Treaty didn’t formality recognise Dáil Éireann, the Irish parliament that was established in January 1919 by the Sinn Fein party, as a legitimate government and so wouldn’t transfer functions to it. Under Article 17 a Provisional Government was to be established by representatives elected for southern constituencies since the passing of the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, to receive the government departments and law courts along with all the functions of government. The Provisional Government was only allowed to exist for twelve months and so adopting a constitution was important item to get done. The constitution was ready by June 1922 with parliamentary elections in June and at the new parliament session in September/October the constitution was adopted on 25th October 1922 and the Irish Free State was formally established on 6th December 1922. The September session of parliament was held in Leinster House where the Irish parliament continues to meet in to this day.

Dáil Éireann and the Provisional Government

On the morning of 6th January 1922 Eamon de Valera, President of the Dáil, offered his resignation as he could see that his side would lose the vote on the Treaty.[3] He hoped that his action could delay the vote or get some deputies to change sides. His offer was rejected and the vote on the Treaty was taken the next day. When the Dáil resumed on 9th January Eamon de Valera again resigned and it was accepted. When he tried to get re-elected his lost by two votes. The next day Arthur Griffith was elected President of the Dáil after De Valera and his supporters absented.[4] That same day the gates of Dublin Castle were left permanently open for the first time in two years – a change in the air.[5] On 14th January 1922 pro-Treaty elected representatives of southern constituencies met and established a Provisional Government under Michael Collins as chairman. A group of ministers were approved to run the Provisional Government. There was a concern on the pro-Treaty side that if they proceeded fully with the Provisional Government approached that the anti-Treaty deputies could claim to be the legitimate Dáil Éireann. Therefore Arthur Griffith stayed on as President of the Dáil and a number of ministers in the Provisional Government were also ministers in the Dáil government of Arthur Griffith. Among the exceptions was Richard Mulcahy, Dáil minister for Defence, who didn’t join the Provisional Government. Many in the army didn’t initially support the Provisional Government and so it was important to keep the army affiliated to the Dáil. President Griffith said that the Provisional Government were not answerable to the Dáil and the Dáil cabinet were working in concert with the Provisional cabinet.[6] Thus you had two official governments operating for most of 1922.

There was also the Dublin Castle government which although reducing its functions during the year was still there until the end of the year. When the civil war started in June the anti-Treaty deputies established their own government so making four governments. When Michael Collins was killed on 22nd August 1922, William Cosgrave was elected acting chairman of the Provisional Government three days later. On 30th August a new Provisional Government was formed under William Cosgrave. On 9th September William Cosgrave was elected President of Dáil Éireann while retaining the chairmanship job, thus united the two pro-Treaty governments under one person.[7]

Upper Yard, Dublin Castle, the meeting was held over the end archway

Dublin Castle 16th January 1922

On the 16th January 1922 eight representatives of the Provisional Government went to Dublin Castle to meet the Lord Lieutenant, Viscount FitzAlan, and present their credentials as the recognised government. Viscount FitzAlan continued as Lord Lieutenant until 6th December 1922 and was the last Lord Lieutenant. He was also the first Catholic to hold the position since 1685 as the Government of Ireland Act 1920 said anybody could hold the position regardless of religious affiliation. Crowds gathered along the approached streets to the castle from early morning as all knew this was a historic day. Popular myth has it that the ministers of the Provisional Government arrived into the castle yard driving military vehicles and in military uniform. In reality the Irish ministers arrived in three black cabs and wore business suits. The eight ministers were: Michael Collins (chairman & Minister for Finance), Eamonn Duggan (Home Affairs), William Cosgrave (Local Government), Kevin O’Higgins (Economic Affairs), Fionán Lynch (Education), Patrick Hogan (Agriculture), Joseph McGrath (Labour) and James Walsh (Postmaster-General).

Folklore says a red carpet was laid down for the Lord Lieutenant but it is not clear if the Provisional Government representatives made use of it.[8] On arriving from the Mansion House, the Under-Secretary is said to have welcomed Michael Collins to Dublin Castle to which Collins is said to have replied ‘Like hell we are!’ The two sides then proceeded to the Privy Council chamber where Michael Collins told Lord FitzAlan that the Treaty was formally ratified and a Provisional Government was established. After presenting their credentials, Lord FitzAlan, on behalf of the British Government, said that his government would proceed with the necessary steps to transfer the ‘powers and machinery requisite’ to the functions of the government to the Provisional Government.[9] There were no trumpets or rituals or drinks on the sideboard. Lord FitzAlan introduced the heads of the various departments and handed over the Castle and the administration to the new government.[10] Lord FitzAlan wished that a free and prosperous Ireland would come. The meeting lasted just short of an hour.

After the meeting film footage showed the Provisional Government leaving the castle by a side door (the doorway into the Chief Secretary’s office) and not the formal front door. Lord FitzAlan also left by the same side door so it seems that nobody was trying to have one over the other.[11] After leaving Dublin Castle, the Irish delegation issued a press statement that the Provisional Government ‘have this day (16th January 1922) undertaken and entered upon the discharge and performance of the duties and functions of the Provisional Government’.[12] The Provisional Government told all law courts, judges, departments of State, councils, corporations, Boards, civil servants, officers of the peace and all public servants and functionaries to continue with their normal activities as they previously did up until that day on behalf of the British Government and to continue to carry out their functions until they were transferred to the Provisional Government.[13]

If the Provisional Government and the Treaty were opposed by a significant minority of Dáil Éireann the Provisional Government also faced the real prospect that current civil servants working in Ireland would alter the wage packages or fire staff or destroy documents because they couldn’t accept that British rule was coming to an end. In the press release of the Provisional Government on 16th January they prohibited the ‘appointing or altering f the status, rights, perquisites or stipend or transfer or dismissal of any officer … without the specific authority’ of the Provisional Government.[14] Even with this prohibition a number of civil servants just upped and left the country. On 26th April 1922 the Minister for Home Affairs, Eamonn Duggan, told the Dáil several officials in the Department of Home Affairs had resigned.[15]

The 16th January statement also prohibited the removal, tampering with or destruction of any records, documents, correspondence, account books … of a public nature … [that] came into existence for the purpose of government’.[16] On 20th January Mark Sturgis did empty a cupboard in the office of the Assistant Under-Secretary which contained documents from before 1870 that nobody had touched in years.[17] It doesn’t appear that any great numbers of documents were destroyed.

Surrender or hand over

Depending on which side of the argument you were on Dublin Castle was surrendered on 16th January or just handed over to the Provisional Government. The British administration in their press statement said that the two sides had met and administration of Dublin Castle was handed over to the Provisional Government. In contrast Michael Collins told Arthur Griffith in more direct language that ‘The Castle has fallen!’[18] After leaving the Castle the Provisional Government returned to the Mansion House where Michael Collins told the assembled members that ‘members of the Provisional Government received the surrender of Dublin Castle at 1.45pm to-day; it is now in the hands of the Irish nation’. The British filmmaking company, Pathé, also said in its caption on the film of the day’s events, said ‘Dublin Castle, symbol and citadel of British rule in Ireland for centuries “surrenders” to Sinn Fein Provisional Government.[19] Mark Sturgis, assistant secretary (1920-1922) to Sir John Anderson the Joint Under-Secretary of Ireland, remarked on the 18th January that the newspapers the previous day were full of headlines about the surrender of Dublin Castle. He though it was ‘caddish’ and that it left a nasty taste in the mouth.[20] The Irish Times of 17th January possible summed it up well when it said that ‘After its fluctuating history of seven centuries Dublin Castle is no longer the fortress of British power in Ireland. Having withstood the attacks of successive generations of rebels, it was quietly handed over … to eight gentlemen in three taxicabs’.[21] On 28th February 1922 President Arthur Griffith formally told the Dáil a meeting of elected representatives of southern constituencies met to formally endorse the Treaty and establish a Provisional Government. He said that Dublin Castle had been handed over to the Provisional Government.[22]

The 7 minutes and 750 years

It is often said that when Michael Collins entered Dublin Castle on that cold January morning that Viscount FitzAlan marked that he was 7 minutes late, to which Collins is said to have replied that we waited 750 years for this day and so you can have your 7 minutes.[23] Yet all were late as the meeting was supposed to start at 12 noon but didn’t happen until 1.45pm. Viscount FitzAlan arrived at the Castle after the Irish delegation had arrived. It is suggested that Michael Collins’ delayed arrival was not to fulfil some gesture towards the end of the 750 years or as a ‘mark of disrespect’ as General Macready described it but the result of practical issues. Collins had spent the weekend in Granard with his girlfriend, Kitty Kiernan and had to attend a meeting to solve a railway strike on his way to the Castle.[24] But as it is often said – never let facts get in the way of a good story. Yet the end of 750 years was a sentiment held by a lot of Irish politicians and soldiers at the time. When George Lennon led his men into Waterford city in early 1922 to take-over the evacuated military barracks he said ‘after the elapse of 750 years it was our privilege to enter the city with native troops’.[25] On 3rd January 1922, during the Dáil debate on the Treaty, Art O’Connor, Minister for Agriculture, spoke against the Treaty because it didn’t the ‘essential thing for which a struggle for the late 750 years has been going on’.[26]   

Using Dublin Castle after 16th January

After the 16th January 1922 Dublin Castle continued to be used by the previous, and in many cases still current, British State Departments as well as military personal. The transfer of offices and departments was a gradual business over the year up to the formal establishment of the Irish Free State on 6th December 1922. It was only on 1st April 1922 that the British Government formally recognised the Provisional Government ministers and began transferring power. The Dáil government, started in 1919 and expanding across the country since then, continued to function after January 1922 and Irish ministers worked at their briefs while not overly concerned about a declining British administration. On 28th February 1922 the Dáil voting 52 to 44 to approve estimates for the next six months. On 1st March the Dáil approved reviving the Aonach Tailteann or ancient games at Tara. On 2nd March the Dáil approved the vote for women over the age of 21 to be included in the forthcoming constitution and was informed that a committee of the Provisional Government would look into the future of the Haulbowline shipyard.[27]

The majority of the State departments, then as now, were located outside the castle and most of the castle was used to host official functions rather than accommodate state offices. Even in medieval times important state departments like the Exchequer were located outside the castle. The Dáil government had its offices scattered around the city and these remained the centre of activity. The Provisional Government didn’t fully occupy Dublin Castle after January 1922. Instead the principal offices of the Provisional Government were in Dublin City Hall.[28] This building was located just outside the north gate of the Upper Castle Yard. Knowing the difficulties of keeping the army and the country together, Michael Collins didn’t want to be seen sending out hard letters with a Dublin Castle address while trying to keep all sides onboard. A number of units of the RIC were still in Dublin Castle in the end of April on their way to demobilisation.[29] On 17th August 1922 the Civic Guards moved into Dublin Castle and took over offices in the Upper and Lower Yard.

South garden view of Dublin Castle

Over the following months more administration tasks were handed over to the Provisional Government while at the same time the British army was reducing its presence in the country as thousands of soldiers returned to England or were sent to the colonies or to occupied Germany. Sir Hamar Greenwood, last Chief Secretary of Ireland, stayed in office until October 1922 as did many of his under secretaries. By 1st March the courts system was handed over to the Provisional Government.[30] The Department of Post and Telegraphs was transferred to the Provisional Government in April 1922.[31] In the same month the secretariat staff of the GPO moved into Dublin Castle as the postal service was always short of accommodation since the GPO in O’Connell Street (then called Sackville Street) was destroyed in the 1916 Rising.[32] By the 26th April a number of state departments were already transferred to the Provisional Government including that of Home Affairs, Education, and Local Government. These were added to the Dáil departments of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Labour.[33]

On 20th February 1923 the majority of the Civic Guard administration left Dublin Castle to move to their new home in the former Royal Irish Constabulary depot in the Phoenix Park.[34] The Parkgate Street location is still today (2022) the headquarters of the Garda Siochana. The bloody civil war was ongoing in August 1922 when the Civil Guard took over Dublin Castle and was still undecided in February 1923 when the unarmed police force was in its early days. Not all the Civic Guards left Dublin Castle. The Dublin Metropolitan Police division of the Civic Guard continued to occupy offices in the Lower Castle Yard for many years.[35] Today, a memorial garden to fallen Gardaí is situated on the south side of Dublin Castle.   

By 1932 a number of government department’s occupied buildings in Dublin Castle and some are still located there today. These offices included the Chief State Solicitor, the Railway Tribunal, and the Register of Business Names, Joint Stock Companies & Newspapers.[36] The Department of Industry and Commerce had a number of subsections in the Lower Castle Yard including the Office of Trade Boards, the Statistics Office and the Finance & Establishment Office.[37] The biggest department in Dublin Castle was the Revenue Commissioners who still reside in the Lower Castle Yard today.[38] For some observers then Dublin Castle can still hold an oppressive image long after the British left in the late summer of 1922.

The Upper Castle Yard contained the great state rooms used in the days of British rule for the Lord Lieutenant to host state occasions. The government of the Irish Free State, and later that of the Republic of Ireland, continued to used St. Patrick’s Hall and its surrounding rooms for state occasions. In June 1938 Douglas Hyde was inaugurated as President of Ireland in Dublin Castle.[39]

Conclusion

The handover of the Dublin Castle and more appropriately the Dublin Castle administration, to the Irish Provisional Government on 16th January 1922 was not the end of British rule in Ireland but it was the beginning of the end. Over the centuries the Castle had become a byword for the oppressive rule of the British.[40] It was the target of many unsuccessful attacks. Yet in the end the British just walked out, even if the actual walk out from the Castle was in December 1922, at the end of the year, the end of an era. The large crowds, who gathered that January morning one hundred years ago, knew that the 16th was a special day. The Treaty still divided opinion about a republic in one big step or many small steps to a republic but the handover of Dublin Castle showed all that the British were leaving and the Irish flag would fly over Dublin Castle for as long as the Irish people decided, in their own country. As the Irish Times reported on 17th January, ‘Having withstood the attacks of successive generations of rebels, it [Dublin Castle] was quietly handed over … to eight gentlemen in three taxicabs’.[41] A historic day    

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[1] Gilbert, J.T., History of the Viceroys of Ireland with notices of the castle of Dublin (Dublin, 1865), p. 503

[2] Robins, J., Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922 (Dublin, 2001), p. 164

[3] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil, Session December 1921-January 1922 (Dublin), p. 275, 6th January 1922

[4] Flynn, W.J., Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932 (Dublin, 1932), p. 9

[5] Hopkinson, M. (ed.), The Last Days of Dublin Castle: The Diaries of Mark Sturgis (Dublin, 1999), p. 227

[6] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 188, 1st March 1922

[7] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 14

[8] Robins, Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922, p. 164

[9] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 11

[10] Robins, Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922, p. 165

[11] YouTube, British Pathé, Dublin Castle (1922) film

[12] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 11

[13] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 11

[14] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 11

[15] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 239, 26th April 1922

[16] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 11

[17] Hopkinson (ed.), The Last Days of Dublin Castle: The Diaries of Mark Sturgis, p. 228

[18] Forester, M., Michael Collins: The Lost Leader (Dublin, 1971), p. 278

[19] YouTube, British Pathé, Dublin Castle (1922) film

[20] Hopkinson (ed.), The Last Days of Dublin Castle: The Diaries of Mark Sturgis, p. 227

[21] Robins, Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922, p. 165

[22] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 91, 28th February 1922

[23] Kissane, B., ‘The Politics of the Treaty Split and the Civil War’, in John Crowley, Donal O Drisceoil & Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 649-660, at p. 651, fig. 3

[24] Forester, Michael Collins: The Lost Leader, p. 277

[25] Murphy, Sean & Sile, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24 (Kilmacthomas, 2003), p. 122

[26] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil, Session December 1921-January 1922 (Dublin), p. 176, 3rd January 1922

[27] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 131, 28th February 1922, Ibid, p. 165, 1st March 1922, Ibid, p. 214, 2nd March 1922, Ibid, p. 228, 2nd March 1922

[28] Forester, Michael Collins: The Lost Leader, p. 279

[29] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 250, 26th April 1922

[30] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), p. 137, 1st March 1922

[31] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 162

[32] Ferguson, S., The GPO: 200 years of history (Cork, 2014), p. 159

[33] Dáil Éireann, Tuairisg Oifigiuil (Dublin), pp. 244, 245, 26th April 1922

[34] Lee, J.J., ‘The Irish Free State’, in John Crowley, Donal O Drisceoil & Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 781-795, at p. 781, fig 1

[35] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 135

[36] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, pp. 122, 137, 179

[37] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, pp. 154, 155

[38] Flynn, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 1932, p. 121

[39] Ferguson, The GPO: 200 years of history, p. 192

[40] Robins, Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922, p. 4

[41] Robins, Champagne & Silver Buckles: The Viceregal Court at Dublin Castle, 1700-1922, p. 165

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Railway History, Waterford history

Mallow to Waterford Diesel Locomotives: A Class

 Mallow to Waterford Diesel Locomotives: A Class

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

“A” Class

As late as 1948 a report for Córas Iompair Éireann recommended continuing with steam tractor traction and proposed building 50 new steam trains. Meanwhile in the late 1940s the Inchicore works experimented with building five diesel-electric locomotives which proved successful. In 1950 Oliver Bulleid was appointed as Chief Mechanical Engineer from his work with Southern Railways in England. Bulleid favoured buying North American locomotives but a shortage of dollars meant the government favoured a British manufacture. In 1954 CIE signed a contract with Metropolitan-Vickers for 90 locomotives of which 60 were to have a Co-Co wheel arrangement and 1,200hp and these units became known as A Class with the letter A signifying the top power rating of the planned diesel fleet. The Co-Co wheel arrangement means three axles on each bogie given 6 wheels per bogie and twelve per locomotive. [Source: Irish Railway Models, Córas Iompair Éireann/Irish Rail, A/001 Class Diesel-Electric Locomotive (Dublin, 2021), pp. 1, 2]

Metropolitan-Cammell of Birmingham made the bodywork while the bogies were by the English Steel Castings Corporation of Sheffield. The bogies proved highly successful and it was said that on the worst line in Ireland that you wouldn’t feel a bump. The engines were manufactured by Crossley Brothers of Manchester. The locomotives were assembled at Dukinfield with delivery beginning in 1955. The A Class pulled passenger and freight trains across the network. The braking system on the A Class was very responsive to its work load, especially working loose couple freight trains. The Crossley engines were not so satisfactory. Although powerful the engine caused excessive vibrations and imbalanced the locomotive. In 1968 the engines were replaced by General Motors Electro-Motive Division 1,325hp engines. A58 and A59 were the first two to get the new engines and had the letter R applied to their loco number to become A58R and A59R. The GM motors saved the A Class from the scrap yard as the Crossley engines cost an arm and a leg to maintain. [Source: Irish Railway Models, Córas Iompair Éireann/Irish Rail, A/001 Class Diesel-Electric Locomotive (Dublin, 2021), pp. 2, 3, 7]

The specifications of the A Class were 51feet long with a wheel base of 12foot 3inches and a wheel diameter of 3foot 2inches. The locomotive weighted 85 tons with an axle load of 14.1 tons. The Crossley V8 engine gave a max speed of 75 miles per hour with a traction effort of 61,000lbs (pounds). Before getting the GM motors the locomotives often developed oil leaks in the engine room and had a high failure rate with the cabs noisy and draughty. After re-engineering the locomotives proved to be the work horses of the system with few failures and better driver comfort. [Source: Jack O’Neill, Engines and Men, Irish Railways: a View from the Footplate (Portlaw, 2005), pp. 59, 60] Michael Baker once travelled between Waterford and Cork via Dungarvan in a passenger train pulled by an A Class loco with a Crossley engine. The machine billowed brown smoke and proceeded with a ‘continuous shattering roar’. The engine struggled on the steeper inclines pulling the wooden-bodied carriages. [Source: Michael Baker, Irish Railways Since 1916 (London, 1972), p. 151] The re-engineering programme only began with A58 in 1968, a year too late to have any chance to prove itself on the Mallow to Waterford line.

In 1955 the A Class arrived with a silver grey livery which proved to be ill suited to the Irish weather. Over the next forty years the locomotives received various different liveries from green to black and tan, to super-train livery and everything in between. [Source: Tom Ferris, Irish Railways in colour: From Steam to Diesel 1955-1967 (Dublin, 1992), pp. 88, 89] In 1972 CIE replaced the letter classification to a number system and the A Class became the 001 Class. In 1977 the arrival of the 071 Class displayed the 001 to branch duty. By 1990 some 43 locomotives of the A Class were still in service but these were quickly withdrawn by the arrival of the 201 Class. The lack of air brakes to handle the new freight liner trains of the late 1970s onwards meant that the A Class was left to do secondary work on the network. In 1995 the last A Class was withdrawn. [Source: Irish Railway Models, Córas Iompair Éireann/Irish Rail, A/001 Class Diesel-Electric Locomotive (Dublin, 2021), p. 4]

A39r at Downpatrick

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Loco number A9: in 1966 Tony Price travelled in the cab of A9 between Dungarvan and Waterford (driven by Harry Acheson of Waterford) as it hauled a goods train and took a film of the journey. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ A Class A9 – Dungarvan to Waterford Railway (1966) = accessed on 31st October 2020]

In 1967 loco A9 was filmed by Tony Price at Ballyduff hauling a goods train from Waterford to Mallow. On another occasion A9 was filmed at Cappagh station pulling a freight train from Mallow to Waterford. She was in the black livery with the CIE broken wheel logo on the side. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ – Passenger + Freight trains @ Mallow – Waterford (1967) = accessed on 31st October 2020]

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Loco number A11: in March 1963 loco A11 was photographed at Fermoy station pulling a west bound goods train. Beside it on the station platform was B141 pulling a passenger train bound for Cork while loco 90 was standing in the Mitchelstown platform. [Source: photo uploaded to Facebook group “North Cork Railways by Paudie McGrath on 19th September 2020 = https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=10223944706501185&set=pcb.1337308653274373 accessed 26th November 2020]

In 1982 Tony Price filmed 011 passing through Kilmacthomas station as the driver collected the token from Jim Kirwan, the signalman. The loco was pulling 20 freight cars possibly containing dolomite for Ballinacourty. Another part of the film shows 011 parked at Ballinacourty with some Quigley magnesite factory workers and the C.I.E. crew standing in front of it. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ – Freight trains @ Ballinacourty to Waterford Railway (1982) = accessed 31st October 2020]

A11 remained in service on the Irish railway network for many years after the closure of the Mallow to Waterford line. In 1988 she was filmed by Joe St Leger pulling a permanent way train around Mallow area. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ A Class PWD-trains @ Mallow (1988) = accessed 7th December 2021]

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Loco number A19r: in 1971 Joe St. Leger filmed A19r pulling a fifteen car magnesite train from Ballinacourty to Tivoli in Cork through Limerick Junction. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ – Passenger + Freight trains @ Limerick Junction & Rathpeacon (1971) = accessed on 31st October 2020]

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Loco number A20: in about 1960 Tom Tobin photographed the A20 at Dungarvan station pulling a passenger train westwards to Fermoy and Mallow. It appears to have the grey livery. [Source: Waterford County Museum, No. TT476]

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Loco number 030: on 6th June 1975 Liam O’Mahony took a photograph of loco 030 near the magnesite plant at Ballinacourty pulling a train of tanker wagons. The photograph included Liam O’Mahony sitting on a farm gate with the train driver looking out of the cab right window. [Source: Waterford County Museum, No. UK2519] 

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Loco number A39r: this loco was a member of the A class of locomotives. In January 1971 Joe St. Leger filmed the A39r pulling a lifting train between Abbeyside and the Ballinacourty junction. The train uplifted and took away both rails and sleepers. [Source: Irish Railway Record Society film uploaded to YouTube entitled CIÉ A Class A39R lifting train – Ballinacourty-Dungarvan (1971) = accessed on 31st October 2020]

The A39r is persevered by the Irish Traction Group in Co. Down at the D.C.D.R.

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Loco number 041: in July 1982 number 041 pulled a five car passenger train for the Irish Railway Record Society between Waterford and Ballinacourty and back on a farewell tour of the railway. She had the black and tan livery. [Source: film by Tom Ryan posted on the Facebook page Mallow Fermoy Lismore Waterford Railway & Branch Lines on 3rd December 2020]

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Gloucester History

The Langford family of Gloucester: stationers and booksellers

The Langford family of Gloucester:

stationers and booksellers

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The City of Gloucester in the seventeenth century was a well-educated place with many book shops serving a population from shoemakers and weavers to gentlemen who were eager for books and reading.[1] The growth of education via the local grammar schools from the mid-sixteenth century had increase the literate public. As Gloucester was the county town a good stream of high valued customers with income to spend would be attending the assizes, or social functions in the town and hopefully purchase some books on their way.[2] The Langford family were prominent stationers and booksellers in seventeenth century Gloucester serving this market.

Gloucester Cathedral (photographer unknown)

Nicholas Langford, stationer

It is not known when the family began the stationery business in Gloucester but it would seem that Nicholas Langford was operating from at least the final quarter of the sixteenth century. On 7th October 1595 Nicholas Langford, son of Nicholas Langford, stationer of Gloucester, was made apprentice for nine years to John and Margaret Baugh, mercer of Gloucester.[3] In the following year, 1596-1597 Nicholas Langford and John Baugh were the sheriffs and bailiffs of Gloucester under the mayoralty of Grimbald Hitchins.[4] In 1605 Thomas Baugh was elected an alderman but Nicholas Langford didn’t attain that honour.[5]

On 25th March 1599 Henry Langford, son of Nicholas Langford, gentleman of Gloucester, was made apprentice to Nathaniel and Isobel Busshope, woollen draper, for nine years.[6] It is not clear if this was the same Nicholas Langford the stationer but it possibly was as in 1600 we are told that Nicholas led a multi-functional life. On 25th March 1600 Thomas Comminge, son of Thomas Cominge of Pauntley parish, was made an apprentice to Nicholas and Ann Langford for eleven years. Nicholas was supposed to teach Thomas the art of being a stationer. Yet the apprentice entry also allowed Nicholas to teach Thomas whatever ‘art or mystery’ that Nicholas was practicing from time to time.[7]

In 1602-3 Nicholas Langford was the joint sheriff of Gloucester with Thomas Adams under the mayoralty of Richard Cox.[8] Nicholas and Thomas must have developed a good relationship as sheriffs. On 24th June 1603 John Langford, son of Nicholas Langford, gent, was made apprentice for seven years to Thomas and Jane Adams to learn the art of a weaver.[9] In 1612 Thomas Adams was elected as one of the twelve aldermen of Gloucester.[10]

On 25th March 1606 Thomas Smith of Deerhurst Walton was made apprentice for nine years to Nicholas Langford, mercer of Gloucester.[11] Nicholas Langford had qualified as a mercer two years previously. On 29th September 1629 Edward Langford, son of Nicholas Langford, gent of Gloucester, was made apprentice for eight years to Richard Terry, cordwainer.[12] It is not known when Nicholas Langford died but it would appear that he had many years previously passed on the book trade to his relation, Tobias Langford.

Tobias Langford the elder

The early life of Tobias Langford is unknown but by 1605 he had qualified as a stationer and had built up a successful business so as to be able to take on an apprentice. On 21st September 1605 Thomas Jelfe, son of John Jelfe, husbandman from Hartpury, was made apprentice for eight years to Tobias Langford, stationer of Gloucester.[13] On 25th July 1610 Theophilus Maysey, son of Ralph Maysey, clerk from Randwick, was made apprentice for eight years to Tobias and Eleanor Langford to learn to be a stationer. This was a new apprenticeship for Theophilus Maysey as in 1608 he was first made apprentice for ten years to Robert and Anne Whittington to become an apothecary.[14] It would seem that Theophilus Maysey was not suited to becoming an apothecary, or some other reason, as Robert Whittington continued as an apothecary into the 1630s, taking on other apprentices, and after his death, his son William Whittington went into training as an apothecary.[15]

It would appear that Thomas Jelfe and Theophilus Maysey didn’t go into business as stationersin Gloucester after qualification, provided they even completed the term of their apprenticeship. Possibly 20 to 30 per cent apprentices never finished their training, or if some did they never took the time to have it recorded in the corporation archives. In 1615 the Langford family faced potential completion from a Londoner named William Pernill, stationer, who applied to Gloucester Corporation to trade in the town free of tolls as granted by various royal charters given to the City of London.[16] But it seems that William Pernill was just a travelling salesman as his name doesn’t appear in the Gloucester apprentice book for taking on any apprentices.

On 28th August 1626 Tobias Langford was one of seventeen jury members at the inquisition post mortem held in Gloucester relating to Marmaduke Hodshon, gent of Gloucester, who left two messuages in the town along with an acre of arable ground and a parcel of pasture with two barns.[17]

On 21st August 1635 Tobias Langford was one of fifteen jurymen who sat before John Browne, the mayor, at Gloucester to give their opinion on the inquisition post mortem of Thomas Field, gent, who left property in the parishes of Upton St. Leonards and St. Oswald along with property at Down-Hatherly.[18] On 18th April 1636 Tobias Langford was a juryman in Gloucester at the inquisition post mortem of John Rogers, gent, who left a messuage and 26 acres of land in the parish of Upton St. Leonards.[19]

Tobias Langford the younger

In 1614 the future bookseller of Gloucester, Tobias Langford, was born.[20] His parents are unknown for certain. He could have been the son of Tobias Langford or maybe Nicholas Langford. The documentary evidence is not yet available. In 1638-9 Toby Langford was admitted as a freeman of Gloucester as the son of a freeman.[21]

In 1643 Gloucester was declared a free city from Popery and Episcopacy.[22] In 1646 Tobias Langford became publisher and prime bookseller of a book on lay preaching.[23] This book was entitles Private men no pulpit men: or A modest examination of lay-mens preaching. Discovering it to be neither warranted by the Word of God; nor allowed by the judgement, or practice, of the Churches of Christ in New-England. People back then loved books with long titles. The book was printed in London by F. Neile and Tobias Langford’s book shop was one of the main centres for selling the book in the west of England.[24] The main London bookseller was Thomas Vnderhill at the Bible bookshop in Woodstreet.[25] The author was Giles Workman, M.A., clerk of Alderly, Gloucester and master of the College School at Gloucester.[26] The 1646 book was written as a reply to a previous book by John Knowles (a native of Gloucester) which justified the practice of lay-men’s preaching.[27] In 1648 John Knowles produced A Modest Plea for Private Men’s Preaching as a reply to the book of Giles Workman.In the eighteenth century Gloucester booksellers like John Palmer and Thomas Price bounded books as well as selling books.[28] It would seem that Tobias Langford specialised in publishing books and selling them.

On 18th July 1662 Tobias Langford was one of many leading officials and townsfolk of Gloucester who were summoned to take an oath of allegiance and declare that the Solemn League and Covenant was null and void.[29] For taking the oath Toby Langford was named as a member of the common council on 21st July 1662.[30] In 1662-3 Tobias Langford was joint sheriff and bailiff of the city of Gloucester with Edward Tither under the mayoralty of William Russell.[31] This followed the removal of many leading officials from office because they favoured the old regime.[32]

On 21st September 1666 John Langford, son of Tobias Langford, stationer of Gloucester, was made apprentice to his father for seven years.[33] For some unknown reason five apprentice contracts were made in September 1666 whereby the child became apprentice to the parent.[34] Unfortunately John Langford didn’t live to carry on the family business as he died on 25th April 1679, aged 27 years.[35]

In 1668 Toby Langford(bookseller), was elected one of the twelve aldermen of Gloucester. This was a great achievement for Toby and his family but it was short lived because in 1672 he was removed as alderman by the government.[36] He was possibly removed as part of the persecution of dissenters among the common council.[37] Toby Langford was not the first bookseller of Gloucester to suffer that fate. In 1658 Toby Jordan, bookseller, was elected an alderman but in 1663 he was removed by the government.[38] In 1644-5 Toby Jordan was sheriff of Gloucester and in 1659-60 he was mayor of the city.[39] His removal was possibly because he supported the Commonwealth government which had become old fashioned with the restoration of the monarchy.

In 1679 the government decided to disband part of the army and desired to raise £206,462 17s 3d of which the city of Gloucester was to contribute £19 14s. Toby Langford, gent, was named as one of the thirty-three commissioners appointed in the city to assess, collect and pay the subsidy to the government.[40]

After finishing his brief public career Toby Langford continued in the book trade and into his sixties was still active enough to take on new apprentices. On 24th June 1680 Edward Griffiths, son of John Griffiths, a yeoman from Ross in Herefordshire, was made apprentice for seven years to Tobias Langford, bookseller of Gloucester.[41] But Edward Griffiths never got to finish the seven years as Toby Langford died in 1685.

When he died, Tobias Langford left some £300 worth of books, a considerable sum for the time and an equal match to any London bookseller.[42] Unfortunately no details were given as to the type of books Tobias had in stock.[43] Tobias Langford left a personal wealth of £435 19s 3d which was good when compared to most of the other trades people in the city but a nice distance from the wealthy merchants who left estates of £874 to £1,884.[44] His business debtors owed him £83 14s 4d at the time of his death which compared well to other business people in the city who were owed over a hundred pounds and several hundred pounds in a few cases.[45] Tobias Langford was buried in October 1685 at St. Michael’s churchyard after seventy-one years of life.[46]

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[1]Bardle, Stephen, The Literary Underground in the 1660s (Oxford, 2012), p. 38

[2] Ripley, Peter J.G.,‘The Economy of the City of Gloucester,1660-1740’, in Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Vol. 98 (1980), pp. 135-154, at p. 147

[3] Barlow, Jill (ed.), A calendar of the Registers of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700 (Bristol & Gloucester Archaeological Society, 2001), no. 1/3

[4] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/19

[5]https://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol4/pp374-381 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[6] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/49

[7] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/73

[8] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/103

[9] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/105

[10]https://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol4/pp374-381 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[11] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/136

[12] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/212

[13] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/122

[14] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 1/160, p. 275

[15] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, nos. 1/181, 1/333, 1/337, 1/520

[16]Stevenson, W.H. (ed.), Calendar of the Records of the Corporation of Gloucester (Gloucester, 1893), no. 1281

[17] Fry, Edward Alex. (ed.), Abstracts of Gloucestershire inquisitions post mortem for King Charles the First, 1625-1642 (British Record Society, 1899), p. 89

[18] Phillimore, W.P.W. & Fry, George S. (eds.), Abstracts of Gloucestershire inquisitions post mortem for King Charles the First, 1637-1642 (British Record Society, 1895), p. 4

[19] Phillimore & Fry (eds.), Abstracts of Gloucestershire inquisitions post mortem, 1637-1642, p. 15

[20] Austin, R., ‘The City of Gloucester and the Regulation of Corporations,1662-63’, in Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Vol. 58 (1936), pp. 257-274, at p. 273

[21] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, p. 272

[22]Bardle, The Literary Underground in the 1660s, p. 38

[23]Hyett, Francis A., & Bazeley, Rev. William, The Bibliographer’s Manual of Gloucestershire Literature (Gloucester, 1895), Vol. 1, p. 258

[24]Phelps, John D., Collectanea Glocestrensia: or a Catalogue of Books, Tracts, Prints, Coins etc., relating to the County of Gloucester  (London, 1842), p. 137

[25]https://www.worldcat.org/title/private-men-no-pulpit-men-or-a-modest-examination-of-lay-mens-preaching-discovering-it-to-be-neither-warranted-by-the-word-of-god-nor-allowed-by-the-judgement-or-practise-of-the-churches-of-christ-in-new-england/oclc/7332981 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[26]Phelps, Collectanea Glocestrensia, p. 137

[27]Hyett & Bazeley, The Bibliographer’s Manual of Gloucestershire Literature, Vol. 1, p. 258

[28] Ripley, ‘The Economy of the City of Gloucester,1660-1740’, pp. 135-154, at p. 145

[29] Austin, ‘The City of Gloucester and the Regulation of Corporations,1662-63’, pp. 257-274, at p. 261

[30] Austin ‘The City of Gloucester and the Regulation of Corporations,1662-63’, pp. 257-274, at p. 263

[31] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 2/291

[32] Austin, ‘The City of Gloucester and the Regulation of Corporations,1662-63’, pp. 257-274, at p. 268

[33] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 2/342

[34] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, nos. 2/341, 2/342, 2/343

[35]https://en.geneanet.org/fonds/bibliotheque/?go=1&nom=LANGFORD&page=27&prenom=&prenom_operateur=&size=50&with_variantes_nom=&with_variantes_prenom= [accessed on 6th September 2020]

[36]https://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol4/pp374-381 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[37] Ripley, Peter J.G., ‘A Seventeenth-Century Consistory Court Case’, in Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Vol. 100 (1982), pp. 211-220, at pp. 211, 218

[38]https://www.british-history.ac.uk/vch/glos/vol4/pp374-381 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[39] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, nos. 1/567, 2/247

[40]https://www.british-history.ac.uk/statutes-realm/vol5/pp897-934 [accessed on 4th September 2020]

[41] Barlow (ed.), A calendar of Apprentices of the City of Gloucester, 1595-1700, no. 3/199

[42]Ripley, P.J.G., “The City of Gloucester, 1660-1740” (unpublished thesis, University of Bristol, 1977), p. 77

[43] Ripley, ‘The Economy of the City of Gloucester,1660-1740’, pp. 135-154, at p. 145

[44] Ripley, ‘The Economy of the City of Gloucester,1660-1740’, pp. 135-154, at pp. 145, 146

[45] Ripley, ‘The Economy of the City of Gloucester,1660-1740’, pp. 135-154, at p. 153

[46] Austin, ‘The City of Gloucester and the Regulation of Corporations,1662-63’, pp. 257-274, at p. 273

Standard
Waterford history

Ballinacourty Magnesite Factory and the Railway

Ballinacourty Magnesite Factory and the Railway

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Quigley Magnesite Limited factory at Ballinacourty by the sea, and east of Dungarvan, operated from 1970 to 1982 producing magnesite which was used in the manufacture of heavy duty furnace bricks.[1] The factory was situated beside Ballinacourty lighthouse and is now (2021) the location of the Gold Coast golf course. It used dolomite limestone from Bennettsbridge to manufactory the magnesite. The enterprise was established by John A. Mulcahy, an emigrant with ancestors in the Dungarvan area. The plant was built in 1969 by P.J. Hegarty and Sons of Cork.[2] The railway network was an essential component in the success of the enterprise. The Waterford to Kilkenny railway passed along the west side of the quarry at Bennettsbridge, just south of milepost 32. Freight wagons carried the dolomite to Waterford where it passed over the Suir Railway Bridge and onto the Waterford to Dungarvan railway. At milepost 49 a short spur line of 1½ miles was built off the Waterford to Dungarvan railway to reach the Ballinacourty factory. On 4th September 1968 Córas Iompair Éireann (C.I.É.) applied to the Minister for Transport and Power for permission to construct the new line of track. A ministerial order of 9th December 1968 gave powers to C.I.É. to compulsory purchase the necessary land, and to build the single line of railway.[3]

030 brings full oil wagons and empty magnesite wagons to Ballinacourty (Waterford County Museum photo)

Not everybody in Ballinacourty was happy with the new railway. The area was noted for its early potatoes and the new railway seemed to like travelling across the best of farmland.[4] Although angry at first, the local farmers accepted the railway.[5] They possibly found the seemingly endless white clouds that came out of the magnesite factory more irritating.

On 5th June 1968 Deputy Richard Barry, T.D. (Fine Gael, North-East Cork), asked Deputy Patrick Lalor, T.D. (Fianna Fail, Laois-Offaly, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Transport and Power), if it was intended by C.I.É. to re-open the Mallow to Waterford railway for passengers and freight following the awarding of a contract to bring dolomite to the proposed new Ballinacourty factory. The last service on the Mallow to Waterford line ended on Saturday 25th March 1967.[6] Deputy Lalor replied that C.I.É. had no intention of re-opening the line for passengers or freight. Instead the Waterford to Ballinacourty line was purely just for the dolomite traffic and the magnesite would be transported to Cork via Waterford and Limerick Junction.[7] C.I.É. said the magnesite/oil train between Cork and Ballinacourty would not of itself make it economic to open the line between Ballinacourty and Mallow. By March 1968 a large section of the railway between Lismore (milepost 32) and Ballyhane (milepost 38) east of Cappoquin had already been removed. This was even done before an extraordinary general meeting of the Fishguard & Rosslare Railway Company (owners of the line) on 4th April 1968 approved the Abandonment Order and appointed C.I.É. to implement the winding up proceedings.[8] Deputy Thomas Kyne, T.D. (Labour, Waterford), asked Deputy Lalor, T.D., if the 1½ miles of track from Dungarvan to the proposed Ballinacourty junction be retained so to allow passenger services to continue between Dungarvan and Waterford. Deputy Lalor expressed no personal objections but that the re-opening of the line was only for a specific purpose.[9]

On 3rd April 1970 the first dolomite train travelled over the newly reconditioned Waterford to Ballinacourty railway.[10] The line was in pretty good condition in 1970 to take the heavy freight traffic.[11] The first production manager at Quigley-Magnesite was Frank O’Riordan. Yet the satisfaction of seeing the new factory begin operations and provide employment in the Dungarvan was short lived for John Mulcahy. The cost of setting up the facility was a bit too much and in 1971 John Mulcahy sold the factory.[12] Fortunately the new owners, Pfizers, were willing to continue operations for another eleven years.

Initially there were two dolomite trains at day travelling in each direction with one train a day service to Cork. The business for C.I.É. was worth about £1½ million per year.[13] The service with Cork supplied the factory with usually five tank wagons of heavy fuel oil and about a dozen empty magnesite wagons. The return journey carried the loaded magnesite wagons to Tivoli, east of Cork, for export and the empty oil wagons. Occasionally the empty dolomite wagons would collect ballast at Carroll’s Cross quarry as the railway line passed through the quarry.[14]

The magnesite/oil train between Ballinacourty and Cork was usually pulled by an A Class diesel locomotive.[15] The A Class locomotives were built in 1955 by Metropolitan-Vickers using parts made by Metro-Cammell and engines by the Crossley Works. The original Crossley engine was insufficient for the mainline work asked of the A Class and so in 1968-70 the locomotives received the better General Motors engine from the US and so could work the freight trains.[16] The loaded wagons were placed next behind the locomotive for better braking effect. Thus coming from Cork the oil wagons were next to the locomotive with the empty magnesite wagons at the rear. On the return journey the magnesite wagons would be next to the locomotive with the empty oil wagons at the rear.[17] A20r pulled such a train towards Cork as seen on the section of track between Clonmel and Cahir.[18]

The oil tankers and the magnesite wagons began their journey at Tivoli but were hauled as separate trains through Glanmire station and Glanmire tunnel uphill as far as Rathpeacon. There a number of sidings beside the double track mainline allowed the two trains to be joined into one train for the long journey to Ballinacourty. At Limerick Junction the locomotive had to do a run around and push the train around a curved track onto the Limerick railway. After straightening up and given the all clear to cross the Cork-Dublin mainline, the driver received the staff from the signalman as he proceeded onto the Waterford bound railway.[19] At Waterford the locomotive had to run around the train again so as to face the curved track onto the Suir Railway Bridge. As he went the driver would have received another staff to take him as far as Kilmacthomas where Jim Kirwan exchanged the staff for another one to allow the train to proceed onwards to Ballinacourty. The Dungarvan to Mallow railway would have eliminated all that running around by a short west facing spur line at Ballinacourty junction with an east facing spur for the dolomite trains.

Sometimes, depending on production schedules, an A Class locomotive would bring a train of only empty magnesite wagons to Ballinacourty, usually about 15 to 22, and return to Waterford with just empty oil tank cars, usually 5 wagons. A loaded magnesite train would be about 15 to 22 wagons. The number of oil cars varied between 3 and 5 wagons. Sometimes empty oil wagons would be left in the sidings at Kilmacthomas station.[20] Occasionally a longer 9 to 10 empty oil wagons train came off the Ballinacourty railway across the Suir Bridge and onto Cork hauled sometimes by A8r. This 10 wagon train would later return to Ballinacourty from Cork with full wagons without any magnesite wagons.[21] In the beginning the magnesite wagons were often covered with just a tarpaulin cover.[22] Later an iron roof was placed over the wagons which could be opened and closed for loading and unloading.[23]    

The dolomite train was usually hauled by a pair of locomotives of the 141 Class.[24] The 141 Class were built by General Motors of the USA and introduced in 1962 with double cabs. The heavy dolomite trains often required the driver to work the route with the throttle at full power.[25] Before the development of the Tara Mines railway freight traffic, the dolomite trains from Bennettsbridge to Ballinacourty were the heaviest on the railway network. The dolomite train was usually about 24 wagons long.[26] Occasionally a single 141 Class locomotive would haul a short dolomite train of about a dozen wagons between Bennettsbridge and Ballinacourty as B144 did in 1971.[27] The Waterford to Ballinacourty railway was serviced by the engineering department at Waterford station. Line inspection vans, permanent way crew, weed spraying train and mechanical serving units at various times travelled and worked on the line.

Ballinacourty
freight wagons
   
    
 DolomiteMagnesiteOil
Capacity20 tonnes20 tonnes20 tonnes
Load empty10 tonnes10 tonnes12 tonnes
Maximum load30 tonnes30 tonnes32 tonnes
Car numbers26612/2662726590/2659326570/26589
Car numbers26632/2663526595/2659626628/26631
Car numbers26594/26597/2659826599/2660026636/26652
Car numbers26601/26607/2661026602/2660626723/26728
Car numbers26760/2676926608/26609 
Car numbers 26611 
    

To extract the magnesite from the dolomite the rock needed to be mixed with sea salt hence the location of the factory at Ballinacourty beside the sea. The factory was able to achieve an extraction rate of 92%.[28] Apart from the endless white clouds across Dungarvan Bay, the factory was a major boost to the local economy. Some 150 workers were employed at the factory generating about £1½ million in annual wages for the local economy. Local business also benefitted from about £3½ million in local supply contracts.

Before the Ballinacourty factory closed in 1982 the volume of magnesite transported to Cork/Tivoli by rail had decreased with an increasing amount carried by road as there were difficulties offloading the railway wagons at Tivoli.[29] By 1982 the Quigley-Magnesite Company discovered magnesium carbonate in East Asia that could be extracted cheaper by open cast mining. The seams at Bennettsbridge were still available and further seams of dolomite limestone were available at the Ballyellen quarry on the east side of the River Barrow. The manufacturing process could also be done cheaper in Asia.[30] Another consideration was that the factory had outlived the ten year obligatory period for state grant aid. Thus the company announced the closure of the factory in 1982. The last railway traffic serving the factory was made on 28th July 1982.[31] Inspection cars and the occasional locomotive without any wagons travelled the line until 1990.   

In August 1993 the Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company announced that they intended to abandon the railway between Waterford West junction and milepost 49 on the Waterford/Ballinacourty railway. The 1½ mile rail line from milepost 49 to the former Ballinacourty factory was owned by C.I.É. The crossover at Waterford West was discounted and the signals were removed. On Sunday 21st November 1993 the line at Waterford West was converted into a railway siding.[32] The track was lifted using diggers and excavators. Much of the track was recycled for use elsewhere on the railway network.[33] In 1997 a group was formed in Waterford with the purpose of building a narrow gauge railway between Kilmeaden and Waterford. In 2002 the group took on their first passengers as the Waterford and Suir Valley Railway with the line extending from Kilmeaden to Bilberry by 2004.[34] In the 1990s the Gold Coast Golf Club purchased the derelict Quigley-Magnesite factory. The site was cleared of its industrial past and the Club’s previous 9-hole golf course was expanded into an 18-hole one.[35]

Weed spray train at Ballinacourty (Waterford County Museum photo)

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[1] Waterford County Museum, photo image, No. UK2530

[2] Power, Patrick C., A history of Dungarvan Town and District (Dungarvan, 2000), p. 294

[3] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An illustrated history (Newtownards, 2015), pp. 161, 162

[4] Cantwell, Eddie, The Way it Was, Ballinacourty, Ballinroad & Clonea: The Families & their History (Dungarvan, 2004), pp. 14, 16

[5] Barry, Michael, Tales of the Permanent Way: Stories from the Heart of Ireland’s Railways (Dublin, 2009), p. 87

[6] Flaherty, Cian, William Fraher, Julian Walton & Willie Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway: a history of Dungarvan, Abbeyside, Stradbally, Kilmacthomas, Portlaw & Waterford City (Dungarvan, 2018), p. 254

[7] Dáil Éireann debates, Vol. 235, No. 4, 5th June 1968, oral questions and answers, Mallow-Waterford Railway Line.

[8] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 162

[9] Dáil Éireann debates, Vol. 235, No. 4, 5th June 1968, oral questions and answers, Mallow-Waterford Railway Line.

[10] Baker, Michael H.C., Irish Railways Since 1916 (London, 1972), p. 151

[11] Barry, Tales of the Permanent Way: Stories from the Heart of Ireland’s Railways, p. 87

[12] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 294, based on information given by Frank O’Riordan to Patrick C. Power, 21st March 1999

[13] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 254

[14] www.irishrailwaymodeller.com questions and answers, Waterford Station, answer posted 17th October 2014 by Junctionmad who occasionally travelled on the dolomite train and saw it stop at Carroll’s Cross (accessed 8th November 2021)

[15] www.irishrailwaymodeller.com questions and answers, Waterford Station, answer posted 17th October 2014 by aclass007 (accessed 8th November 2021)

[16] Baker, Irish Railways Since 1916, pp. 171, 188

[17] www.irishrailwaymodeller.com questions and answers, Waterford Station, answer posted 10th October 2014 by aclass007 (accessed 8th November 2021)

[18] Irish Railway Record Society, film, Irish Railway Film Show-“From Cork to Mayo and the Suir Valley” by Joe St Leger/Ciarán Cooney as seen on YouTube

[19] Irish Railway Record Society, film, Irish Railway Film Show-“From Cork to Mayo and the Suir Valley” by Joe St Leger/Ciarán Cooney as seen on YouTube

[20] Irish Railway Record Society, film, CIÉ-Freight Trains @ Ballinacourty to Waterford Railway (1982) as seen on YouTube

[21] Irish Railway Record Society, film, Irish Railway Film Show-“From Cork to Mayo and the Suir Valley” by Joe St Leger/Ciarán Cooney as seen on YouTube

[22] Irish Railway Record Society, film, Irish Railway Film Show-“From Cork to Mayo and the Suir Valley” by Joe St Leger/Ciarán Cooney as seen on YouTube

[23] Irish Railway Record Society, film, CIÉ-Freight Trains @ Ballinacourty to Waterford Railway (1982) as seen on YouTube

[24] www.irishrailwaymodeller.com questions and answers, Waterford Station, answer posted 17th October 2014 by aclass007 (accessed 8th November 2021)

[25] O’Neill, Jack, Engines and Men, Irish Railways: a View from the Footplate (Portlaw, 2005), p. 63

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, film, CIÉ-Freight Trains @ Ballinacourty to Waterford Railway (1982) as seen on YouTube

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, film, CIÉ-Passenger + Freight trains @ Waterford West (1971) as seen on YouTube

[28] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 294

[29] www.irishrailwaymodeller.com questions and answers, Waterford Station, answer posted 18th October 2014 by aclass007 (accessed 8th November 2021)

[30] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 294

[31] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 18, No. 123 (February 1994), pp. 353-363, at p. 359

[32] Anon, ‘Irish Railway News’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 18, No. 123 (February 1994), pp. 353-363, at p. 359

[33] Barry, Tales of the Permanent Way: Stories from the Heart of Ireland’s Railways, p. 87

[34] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, pp. 173, 174

[35] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 294

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Biography, Cork history

Rev. Henry Harrison of Castlelyons

Rev. Henry Harrison of Castlelyons

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In Burke’s Irish Family Records, 1976 (facsimile edition 2007) page 294 Rev. Henry Harrison is described as rector of Rathcormac parish in the diocese of Cloyne in the early decades of the eighteenth century. Church records show this not to be the case. Instead Rev. Henry Harrison held a number of parishes in the neighbourhood of Rathcormac and some livings in other dioceses. From 1671 to 1677 he held the vicarages of Skerke, Clarage and Dungarvan in the diocese of Ossory. In 1677 Rev. Henry Harrison was the rector and vicar of Nathalash; vicar of Kildorrery, vicar of Castlelyons, vicar of Clondulane, and the rector of Britway, all in the diocese of Cloyne. He held these livings until his death in 1747.[1] The Clondulane vicarage was joined to the vicarage of Castlelyons from 1661 to 1759.[2] The vicarage of Kildorrery was held with Nathalash from 1661 to 1863. [3] In 1727 William Spratt of Mitchelstown became curate at Castlelyons and in February 1748 succeeded Henry Harrison in the vicarage at Castlelyons. In 1685 Rev. Henry Harrison became vicar of Ahern and Ballynoe which he held until 1747.[4] In 1747 the rectory of Britway was joined to the vicarage of Ahern.[5]

Castlelyons church

Rev. Henry Harrison had two brothers, John Harrison of Castlelyons and Samuel Harrison of Carrigabrick.[6] In 1736 Mary, daughter of Samuel Harrison, was the prospectus bride of John Peard of Castlelyons. As part of the marriage settlement John Harrison gave the lands of Ballyhamshire to Samuel and Rev. Henry Harrison for life while retaining the rents and after his death, John Peard would receive the rent.[7] Rev. Harrison’s sister, Priscilla Harrison, married Henry Peard of Coole Abbey and left issue including Priscilla Peard.[8] In 1731 John Harrison was a trustee for Priscilla Peard in the lands of Coole, Brown’s Land, Grange and Francistown. The other trustee was Daniel Keeffe of Ballyglisane.[9] Another sister, Mary, married William Nason. In May 1715 Henry Harrison was a witness to the grant of land and a dwelling house at Bowling Green Marsh in Cork City for 993 years between Richard Harrison, carpenter of Cork City and John Harrison of Castlelyons.[10] In June 1716 Rev. Henry Harrison was a witness to the lease of land at Maharry between Francis Price of Castlelyons and John Harrison of Castlelyons.[11]

In May 1681 Rev. Henry Harrison was one of four witnesses to the will of Richard Vowell of Castlelyons.[12] In 1719 Rev. Henry Harrison was one of the witnesses to the marriage settlement made between Edward Norcott (son of John Norcott, Ballygarret, Co. Cork) and Mary Vowell (second daughter of Christopher Vowell of Ballyovane, Co. Cork). John Harrison of Castlelyons was a trustee of the marriage settlement.[13] In 1733 Mary Vowell married Hawnby Longfield, merchant of Cork City.[14] In 1724 the will of Christopher Vowell of Ballyoran in the parish of Castlelyons described himself as brother-in-law of Henry Peard of Coole and John Harrison of Castlelyons.[15]

In 1736 Rev. Henry Harrison was the lessor of various unspecified lands around Lismore, Co. Waterford.[16] In September 1737 Standish and David Barry of Leamlara, Co. Cork, gave unspecified lands to Rev. Henry Harrison.[17] In December 1737 Thomas Grant of Kilmurry, Co. Cork, gave a lease to Rev. Henry Harrison of various lands in County Waterford.[18] In October 1748 the executors of Rev. Henry Harrison released the lands of Inchinleamy for £1,000 to Stephen Bernard of Prospect Hall, Co. Waterford. These lands were previously released to Rev. Harrison by Thomas Grant of Kilmurry for £1,000 subject to redemption.[19]

Rev. Henry Harrison got married and had a son called Henry Harrison (born c.1681). Henry Harrison junior entered Trinity College Dublin in May 1698 and was a scholar in 1702. In July 1705 Henry Harrison junior was prebend of St. Michael’s parish in the diocese of Cork.[20] Henry Harrison junior died in 1711 without issue.[21] In 1716 William Nason of Killavullen married Mary, the sister and heiress of Rev. Henry Harrison. Their son, John Nason inherited his uncle’s property at Newtown near Ballynoe.[22] By his marriage to Elizabeth Keeffe, John Nason had a son John Nason who inherited Newtown which remained in the Nason family until the early twentieth century.

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[1]Albert Eugene Casey & Thomas O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 6, p. 812

[2]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 819

[3]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 844

[4]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 812

[5]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 805

[6]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 677

[7]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 132, Page 385, Memorial 89676

[8]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 677

[9]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 108, Page 12, Memorial 74266

[10]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 31, Page 75, Memorial 18242

[11]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 29, Page 440, Memorial 18245

[12]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 635

[13] Registry of Deeds, Vol. 47, Page 537, Memorial 31783

[14]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 75, Page 209, Memorial 52608

[15]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 14, p. 678

[16]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 91, Page 474, Memorial 64899

[17]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 87, Page 349, Memorial 62028

[18]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 89, Page 158, Memorial 62637

[19]Registry of Deeds, Vol. 132, Page 385, Memorial 89673

[20]Casey &O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 812

[21]Cork Past and Present, Vol. 1, p. 291

[22]Burke’s Irish Family Records, 1976 (facsimile edition 2007) p. 294

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