Clondulane Railway Station Staff

Clondulane Railway Station Staff

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In 1860 the Great Southern and Western Railway built a branch line from Mallow to Fermoy along the north side of the River Blackwater. There were no intermediate stations as Castletownroche and Ballyhooley were not built until 1861. In 1865 there were plans to build a railway from Fermoy to Lismore and on to Dungarvan and Waterford. But there were very few subscribers and the scheme failed to get beyond the drawing room. Thus from 1860 to 1872 Fermoy was a terminus station. In 1869 the Duke of Devonshire of Lismore castle decided to fund a railway from Fermoy to Lismore called the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. In January 1871 construction began from Fermoy station with intermediate stations at Clondulane, Ballyduff and Tallow Road before reaching Lismore. On 30^th July 1872 the F&L Railway Company declared the line complete but the Board of Trade inspector was unhappy with the works.[1] After extra works were done, on Friday, 27^th September 1872 the first public trains travelled on the line with a service of three trains per day going in each direction and one service on Sundays.[2]

The first full day of traffic began on Tuesday, 1^st October 1872. In the first four days 93 people used Clondulane station. These were made up of one first class, four second class and twenty-four third class single fares along with two first class return, one second class return and twenty-nine third class return. The station income was £3 12s 10d. All the trains at the beginning of the service were passenger trains with the first goods trains running on 8^th November. On the week ending 22^nd November a small amount of coal was delivered to Clondulane station.[3] Clondulane was mainly a freight station with passenger numbers in the 1870s averaging about 35 per week generating about 12s income whereas goods traffic earned the station between £14 and £30 per week. In the three months of January to March 1874 an average of 77 tons per week entered the station with 32 tons going out.[4] Indeed when the line was been constructed in 1871 Clondulane was seen as a freight station to serve Clondulane mill with passenger trains only flagged down if needed.[5]

Clondulane station is 19½ miles from Mallow station. The sole platform was on the down side and measured 301 feet.[6] The site of the station was previously just a green field. The station was bounded immediately on the west side by a public road and a level crossing gates were operated there. Beside the level crossing was a small gatekeeper’s hut which in the circa 1900 Ordnance Survey map was called a signal cabin. It is possible that when the Cork to Rosslare line was opened in 1906 the signal box in Fermoy took over the signals at Clondulane with the point into the goods siding worked by a ground signal. On the platform was the station house with the goods shed a distance to the east on the platform. The platform ended before the water tower beyond which was the siding into the freight yard. Shortly after entering the siding a point directed you westwards around the back of the platform towards the goods shed. The freight siding continued on straight to the large grain stores behind the station, owned by the Clondulane flour mill. An overhead cable car system on pillions connected these stores with the flour mill over a mile away to the north by the banks of the River Blackwater. The water tower was possibly built in August 1876 when Francis Currey of the F&LR approached GS&WR, who operated the line on behalf of the F&LR, to allow the free carriage of materials and workmen over the line to built the water supply.[7]

In about 1910 Clondulane was classified as a class 4 station.[8] In the early twentieth century the Clondulane flour mill used the railway connection to import Manitoba wheat through Cork to mix with the local Irish wheat to produce a top quality flour. The railway also brought in coal to power the mill at times of the year when the River Blackwater had gone low. The railway transported the finished flour around the country. On the 19^th September 1932 Clondulane station was downgraded to a halt under the supervision of Fermoy station.[9] In the 1930s Clondulane briefly lost a big freight customer with the closure of the Clondulane flour mill but it also gained new customers such as supplying sugar beet to the factory in Mallow. During the sugar beet season from October to January two or three wagons a day were loaded at Clondulane depending on the harvest. These were taken to Fermoy station by the local shunting locomotive where they were collected by the special beet train coming from Dungarvan. The flour mill closed in 1931 after struggling to survive since the late 1920s. It reopened in 1934 under the firm of T. Hallinan & Sons and behind import duties on foreign wheat and flour. The Hallinan family had a lease on the mill since 1875. By the 1950s the Cork Milling Company owned the mill and in 1953 they closed it.

As early as 1949 Córas Iompair Éireann had marked the Mallow to Waterford line for closure. By the early 1960s only the halt keeper was employed at Clondulane.[10] The station at Clondulane always had very few passengers as it was built to serve the Clondulane flour mill with a railway connection. As the fortunes of the mill rose and fell between 1931 and 1953 so did the level of activity at Clondulane station. On the week ending 8^th April 1962, only one passenger got off at Clondulane.[11] On 25^th March 1967 the Mallow to Waterford railway was closed and the demolition of the line began on 11^th January 1968 east of Lismore. In late 1968 the lifting train began taking up the line west of Lismore. By 31^st March 1969 the lifting train had reached Fermoy leaving Clondulane as an abandoned station without a track.[12] The train service was replaced by a bus leaving Clondulane at 10.57am for Fermoy and returning at 3.15pm. Today (2023) the station house is still standing along with the goods shed along and the water tower, plus the station master’s residence. The platform also still stands.  

Clondulane station house with goods shed in rear and flour store with green roof behind (author photo)

Station master

The station master was in charge of all activities at Clondulane station. He lived in a part of the station house for which he paid the railway company 5s 10d per week. In the 1920s this rent was recalculated at £15 per year.[13]

Michael Sullivan, station master: on 12^th January 1874 Michael Sullivan was appointed station master at Clondulane.[14] He was possibly the station master in June 1878 when the station was broken into and a number of unspecified items were taken. Francis Currey of the F&LR complained to GS&WR of the unprotected nature of the station.[15]

Patrick Lurgan, station master: in 1880 Patrick Lurgan was station master at Clondulane according to Slater’s Postal Directory of 1881. The directory was published in 1881 based on information gathered in 1880. Thus Lurgan was replaced in April 1880 by Thomas Power but it is Lurgan who appears in the 1881 published directory.[16] Nobody by the name of Lurgan appears in the 1901 and 1911 census. The 1861 English census has a Patrick Lurgan (born 1841) from Ireland living in Islington as a theatrical actor.

Thomas Power, station master: on 1^st April 1880 Thomas Power was appointed station master. Thomas Power continued as station master until 7^th May 1904 (Shepherd incorrectly said June).[17] Thomas Power had previous to 1880 served with the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway.[18] In 1901 Thomas Power (aged 40) lived at Clondulane railway station in the townland of Clondulane South townland. He was born in County Waterford as was his wife Bridget. Three sons and three daughters were born in County Waterford, ranging in ages from 5 to 13. A further two sons were born in County Cork Thomas and Bridget could both speak Irish and English. The eldest son, Nicholas Power, served as porter at Clondulane from 1903 to 1906. The dwelling house had six rooms and was owned by the railway company. They had two outbuildings; a piggery and a fowl house.[19]

As station master at Clondulane Thomas Power received £52 per year. On 7^th May 1904 Thomas Power was dismissed as Clondulane station master for unknown reasons.[20] In the 1911 census Thomas Power was living at Magnolia Terrace in Cork city as a clerk. Three of his sons were railway porters; Nicholas (23), Thomas (18) and Richard (15). Boarding with the family in 1911 was another railway porter, Patrick Anderson from Offaly.[21] Nicholas Porter had served as railway porter at Clondulane station from 1903 to 1906. Thomas and Bridget Power were married for twenty-five years and had nine children of whom eight were alive in 1911. Five sons and two daughters were living with Thomas and Bridget. All the children except Nicholas could speak Irish and English. In contrast to the information given in 1901, the 1911 census says that all the family including Bridget were born in County Cork with only Thomas Power senior born in County Waterford.[22]

Edmund Hannon (Edward Hannan), station master: in 1867 Edmund Hannon was born.[23] On 24^th March 1891 Edmund Hannon joined the railway service.[24] In the 1901 census Edward Hannan (aged 33) was living at number 18 Old Street in Queenstown (Cobh), Co. Cork, as a head porter on the railway. He was born in County Limerick while his wife Anne (aged 31) was born in Tipperary. They had two daughters, Anne (aged 3) and Mary (aged 2), both born in County Cork. They had a female servant, Kate Higgins. The house had four rooms.[25] On 16^th May 1904 Edmund Hannon was appointed station master at Clondulane where he received 20shillings per week.[26] On 30^th November 1906 Edmund Hannon was dismissed from the railway.[27] In the 1911 census Edmond Hannan (aged 44) was a paint mixer living at Small Well lane in Queenstown. His wife Anne was aged 40 and they were married for fourteen years with eleven children born of whom seven were alive in 1911. The children in 1911 were: Mary (aged 13), Annie (aged 12), James (aged 8), Edmond (aged 6), Patrick (aged 5), John (aged 4) and Alice (aged 1).[28] It is possible that Edmond junior and Patrick were born in Clondulane. The house in Small Well was a tenement building in which the Hannan family had two rooms. There were seven other families in the building each with two rooms.[29]

Thomas Aherne, station master: on 19^th June 1855 Thomas Aherne was born in County Cork. On 15^th September 1877 he joined the railway service.[30] In the 1901 census Thomas Aherne (aged 44) was living at 15 Albert Place in Fermoy where he worked as a railway porter. With him on census night was his wife, Mary Aherne (aged 48) and their son, William (aged 12), a schoolboy. Also in the house were three boarders; John Murphy (National school teacher), Joseph Reynolds (railway porter) and John Singleton (labourer). The house had four rooms and one outbuilding (a potato house).[31]

The railway records say that Thomas Aherne was a parcel’s porter at Fermoy station, earning 15/6 per week which was raised to 20s per week. On 30^th January 1905 Thomas Aherne was transferred to Tralee station.[32] On 1^st January 1907 Thomas Aherne was appointed station master at Clondulane after the station was without a master for over a month. His salary was 20s per week.[33] Thomas Aherne’s staff number was 1716.[34] In 1911 Thomas Aherne (aged 55) lived at Clondulane railway station in the townland of Clondulane South townland. Living with Thomas was his wife, Mary Aherne (aged 57). They were married for twenty-six years and had one child. The dwelling house had six rooms and was owned by the railway company with two outbuildings (a fowl house and a turf house).[35]

In 1912 the salary of Thomas Aherne increased to 23s per week and in May 1915 they were 26/10 per week. On 1^st August 1919 his salary was given as £230 per year.[36] On 22^nd November 1926 the salary was reduced to £210 as part of a general reduction in the wages of railway staff following the formation of Great Southern Railways in 1925. Thomas Aherne was then a class 4 station master. On 31^st March 1928 Thomas Aherne retired from the railway with a pension of £143 15s per year.[37]

Michael James Killeen, station master: on 6^th August 1889 M.J. Killeen was born in County Mayo.[38] In the 1901 census Michael James Killeen (aged 11) was living at Carrowhall, Co. Mayo, near Ballyglass. Michael was living with his widowed mother, Sarah (aged 40), a farmer. Also in the house were Michael’s four brothers (Thomas, John, Patrick and Anthony) and one sister (Sarah Delia). The dwelling house had three rooms within and three outbuildings.[39] On 5^th April 1910 M.J. Killeen joined the railway service.[40] In the 1911 census Michael James Killeen was aged 20 and a railway clerk living at 20 Railway Road in Cavan town. The hotel building had four other railway clerks living there.[41] Previous to Clondulane M.J. Killeen served at station 82. On 30^th April 1928 M.J. Killeen was appointed the station master at Clondulane. Killeen was a class 5 station master. On 1^st March 1932 M.J. Killeen transferred from Clondulane to station 175.[42]

Martin McMahon, halt keeper/porter–in-charge: In the 1930s railway staff book the halt keeper at Clondulane is called Simon Mahon.[43] But in the 1920s staff book he is called Martin McMahon.[44] In the 1901 census he calls himself Martin McMahon and he lived in Abbeyfeale where he worked as a railway guard. He was 22 years old and born in Co. Limerick.[45] In the 1911 census Martin McMahon (aged 30) was living in Listowel with his wife of two years, Margaret (aged 23) and their son, Matthew. Martin said he was born in County Kerry.[46] It would appear that Clondulane had no station master from March to September 1932 when Martin McMahon was appointed halt keeper at Clondulane. Martin McMahon formerly worked at Birdhill railway station in County Limerick on the Limerick to Ballybrophy line. As of 2023 the Birdhill station is still in use. At Clondulane Martin McMahon was paid 43s 9d per week along with free rent on the station master’s house.[47] On 1^st May 1942 Martin McMahon retired from the railway and received his pension.[48]

John Cahill, porter-in-charge: on 2^nd July 1900 John Cahill was born.[49] There are about twenty people called John Cahill in the 1901 census aged one ear and less. A possible contender for our John Cahill is the son of Jeremiah Cahill, railway porter, living in Chapel Lane in Mallow. This John Cahill was eight months old on census night, 4^th April. The dwelling house had two rooms for Jeremiah (aged 40), his wife Ellen (aged 34), and their two daughters Mary (aged 7) and Elizabeth (aged 5).[50] In the 1911 census the family were living in Dealyard Lane, Mallow, in a house with two rooms. Jeremiah Cahill was now a railway shunter and the family had another daughter, Ellen (aged 7). Jeremiah Cahill said he was 55 years old and that he was married 18 years with 4 children.[51] On 25^th November 1919 John Cahill joined the railway service (staff number 2747). On 1^st May 1942 John Cahill came to Clondulane station as a porter in charge on 43s 9d per week. By November 1952 his wages had risen to 109s per week. On 14^th September 1953 he transferred to Clonmel station.[52]

Peter Egan, halt keeper: on 23^rd May 1911 Peter Egan was born. As he was born after the 1911 census we will have to wait upon the 1926 census to find his family history. On 22^nd July 1924 Peter Egan joined the railway service. After serving at other stations including station 170, on 16^th September 1953 Peter Egan was appointed halt keeper at Clondulane at 109s per week.[53]

Frank Somers, halt keeper: Frank Somers was the son of Michael Somers, halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross in the 1940s. Michael Somers came from County Kerry, possibly the Farranfore area. His wife was from County Wexford. In the 1911 census Michael Somers was a railway signalman living at Assaly in Wexford near Killinick.[54] In 1917 Frank Somers was born in County Wexford. By the early 1920s Michael Somers was halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross station. Michael Somers died suddenly in 1942 and Frank Somers succeeded him as halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross. In about 1961 Frank Somers was transferred from Carroll’s Cross station to Clondulane as halt keeper. On 25^th March 1967 Frank Somers was in charge at Clondulane to witness the last passenger train on the Mallow to Waterford railway with his young nephew, Gabriel Carton. A number of goods trains ran on the last day, and over the following few days, to collect wagons and materials rather than do any freight business.[55]

After 1967 Frank Somers was transferred to Charleville railway station where he worked in the stores and parcel office. He also looked after the signals and the points. Frank Somers like to go cycling in the countryside when not at work. He was a very witty man and his Bob Newhart style of delivery had any room in stitches of laughter. Frank Somers also liked doing impressions of famous people and could do a very good take on President Richard Nixon. Frank Somers died suddenly on 14^th May 1981 and was buried at Tagoat in County Wexford. The large crowd in attendance spoke highly of the man.[56]

Clondulane goods shed (author photo)

Railway porter

In about 1900 Clondulane station was allowed to have two porters and a lad porter at any one time. One of the porters was to receive 2shilling per week extra for night duty at the station.[57]

David Twomey, railway porter: in March 1893 David Twomey joined the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway.[58] In June 1892 the WD&LR took over operation of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway.[59] Sometime before 1899 David Twomey was appointed as a porter at Clondulane at 14s per week. On 26^th December 1899 David Twomey resigned from the railway.[60]

Thomas Arnold, railway porter: On 27^th April 1879 Thomas Arnold was born.[61] On 10^th August 1893 Thomas Arnold joined the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway (staff number 1688 and later 1950). In the late 1890s Thomas Arnold was appointed as a lad porter at Clondulane at 7s per week. In 1900 he wages increased to 12s per week; 13s on 1^st July 1901, 14s on 1^st July 1902, 14/9 on 1^st July 1903 and 15/6 on 1^st July 1904.[62] In 1901 Thomas Arnold (aged 22) lived in Clondulane South townland with his parents Thomas (aged 60), mill labourer, and Anne Arnold (aged 58). Also in the family was John Arnold (aged 30), railway labourer, and Bridget (aged 28), domestic servant. The house had two rooms and two outbuildings and was rented from William Jones.[63] In 1911 Thomas Arnold was still a railway porter at Clondulane station. He was recently married to Hannah Arnold (aged 27). Thomas’s brother, James Arnold (aged 34), a unemployed labourer, lived with the family. The house had two rooms and two outbuildings.[64] In December 1911 the wages of Thomas Arnold increased to 16s per week. On 30^th July 1918 he moved to station 131.[65]

John Sweeney, railway porter: On 1^st or 10^th January 1880 John Sweeney was born.[66] On 2^nd April 1900 John Sweeney joined the railway service (staff number 1690 and later 1952) and his first job was as a porter at Clondulane station at 14s per week.[67] In 1901 John Sweeney (aged 22) lived in Clondulane South townland as a lodger in the house of Julia Heskin, mother of Edmond Heskin, later porter at Clondulane station. John Sweeney was born in County Waterford.[68] On 1^st July 1901 John Sweeney’s salary increased to 14/6 and 15s in 1902 and 15/6 in July 1903.[69] In 1911 John Sweeney was still a railway porter at Clondulane station. By 1911 he was married to Julia Heskin, sister of Edmond Heskin, for five years and they had three children of whom two were alive in 1911; Kate (aged 2) and Mary (11 months). Julia his wife was a dressmaker.[70]

In December 1911 John Sweeney’s salary increased to 16s per week and in May 1922 became 45/6 per week in line with a general increase in all railway wages.[71] But in 1926 the new Great Southern Railways reduced the wages of the railway workers over the following years. John Sweeney went from 41s 6d in 1926 to 37s 9d by June 1927. In October 1933 he transferred to station 298.[72]

Nicholas Power, railway porter: in the 1901 census Nicholas Power gave his age as 13 so born circa 1889. Nicholas Power was the eldest son of Thomas and Bridget Power. In 1901 Thomas Power was station master at Clondulane. In the 1901 census Nicholas was born in County Waterford and in the 1911 census it said County Cork. As his father was station master at Clondulane since 1880 then County Cork is possibly the correct location.[73] On 2^nd April 1903 Nicholas Power joined the railway service (staff number 2160) and was appointed as lad porter at Clondulane. But for some unknown reason Nicholas Power refused to take up the appointment. After some discussion with management Nicholas Power agreed to start work as a lad porter at Clondulane at 7s per week. On 2^nd September 1904 his wages were increased to 9s per week and 11s per week from 7^th February 1905.[74] On 7^th February 1906 his wages were increased to 12/6 per week. On 20^th June 1906 Nicholas Power left Clondulane station.[75] In the 1911 census Nicholas Power was living at Magnolia Terrace in Cork City with his father, Thomas Power (aged 49, clerk) and his mother Bridget Power (aged 48) along with his four brothers and two sisters.[76] His father was formerly station master at Clondulane station.

Edmund Heskin, railway porter: In the railway records he is called Edward Heskin while in the census records Edmund calls himself Edmund Heskin. On 20^th April 1890 Edmund Heskin was born.[77] In 1901 Edmond Heskin was living at Clondulane South with his widowed mother, Julia Heskin. Also in the house were Edmond’s brother, John (aged 20) and his two sisters; Hannah (aged 30) and Julia (aged 16). The family had three boarders in the house including John Sweeney, railway porter. The dwelling house had two rooms with one outbuilding and was rented from George Montgomery of Careysville House.[78] On 22^nd June 1906 Edmund Heskin joined the railway service (staff number 852) and his first job was a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In June 1907 his wages increased to 9s per week and in 1908 increased to 11s per week.[79]

In 1911 Edmund Heskin (aged 20) was living in Clondulane South townland with his mother Julia and his sister Julia along with four boarders who worked in the Clondulane mill. Julia Heskin had married about 1906 to John Sweeney, railway porter, and they had three children of whom two were alive in 1911; Kate and Mary. The Heskin house in 1911 had five rooms and three outbuildings and was still rented from Montgomery of Careysville.[80] On 25^th August 1911 Edmund (Edward) Heskin moved to station 217 (Fermoy).[81] At Fermoy Edmund served as a porter on 14s per week. On 4^th December 1911 he left the railway service. But on 28^th May 1913 Edmund Heskin rejoined the railway as a signalman in Fermoy on 16s per week. On 14^th May 1915 he was dismissed for unknown reasons.[82]

Michael Barry, railway porter: on 25^th November 1896 Michael Barry was born.[83] Michael Barry was possibly the lad of that name, aged 4 in the 1901 census, and living in Clondulane South. He was the son of Stephen (aged 26) and Mary Barry (aged 25) and had a younger sister Lizzie (aged 3). Stephen Barry worked as a general labourer.[84] In the 1911 census Stephen Barry said he was 46 and his wife Mary was 40. They were married 15 years and had five children who were all alive in 1911. Stephen Barry worked as a labourer at Clondulane mill. The children were Elizea (aged 14), John (aged 10), James (aged 9) and Margaret (aged 3). The absent child was Michael Barry.[85] There was a Michael Barry, aged 16, living as a boarder in the Watercourse Road in Cork where he was training as a machine boy under Joseph O’Connell, a machine cooper.[86] It is not known if this is the same Michael Barry who later joined the railway service at Clondulane. On 9^th February 1913 Michael Barry joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In June 1914 he got 9s per week and 11s in 1915 rising to 16s in 1916. On 7^th February 1917 Michael Barry transferred to station 218 (Fermoy).[87] At Fermoy Michael Barry worked as a signalman but his stay was short as on 19^th March 1917 he left the railway service.[88]

Thomas Moloney, railway porter: on 29^th June 1901 Thomas Moloney was born.[89] In 1911 Thomas Moloney was living in Clondulane South with his father, Patrick Moloney, a railway labourer. Patrick Moloney was a widower and had been married for seven years with four children born and still alive in 1911. Living with them in the house was Eliza O’Neill (aged 37, born Co. Wexford), an unmarried sister-in-law of Patrick Moloney. The house had two rooms and one outbuilding (a fowl house) and was owned by the railway company.[90] Patrick Moloney was a milesman from 1903 until 1907 and afterwards a ganger until 1925 when he retired followed an accident.[91] On 20^th March 1917 Thomas Moloney joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 6s per week. In 1918 he got 9s per week and on 29^th June 1919 this was increased to 11s but on the same day directions were given to increase Thomas’s wages to 16s per week as a full porter. On 29^th August 1919 Thomas Moloney retired from the railway service as he was incapacitated due to an accident.[92]

David Swaine, railway porter: on 15^th March 1903 David Swaine was born.[93] In the 1911 census David Swaine (aged 8) was the son of Thomas Swaine of Careysville (aged 36), a labourer at the Clondulane flour mill. Thomas was married to Julia Swaine (aged 33) for 17 years and they had 9 children of whom 7 were alive in 1911. The children were: Jane (aged 12), John (aged 11), David (aged 8), Norah (aged 6), Charlie (aged 5 and future porter at Clondulane), and Francis (aged 1). John Swaine (aged 40) was the brother of Thomas Swaine and also worked at Clondulane mill as a labourer. John Swaine lived in his brother’s house since before 1901. John Carmody (aged 76) was the father-in-law of Thomas Swaine and was a widower since before 1901 and lived with his daughter’s family before 1901.[94] In 1911 the eldest child of Thomas and Julia, Maggie Swaine (aged 17) worked as a domestic servant in the house of Kate Rice at Strawhall just to the south of Fermoy.[95] In 1901 Thomas Swaine and John Carmody gave their occupations as general labourer.[96] On 18^th July 1919 David Swaine joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station on 7s per week. In March 1920 his wages were increased to 9s per week and in March 1921 he was made a full porter on 16s per week. On 28^th March 1921 David Swaine transferred to station 328.[97]

William Murphy, railway porter: on 29^th October 1901 William Murphy was born.[98] On 16^th January 1917 William Murphy joined the railway service. On 10^th November 1919 William Murphy came to Clondulane station as a full porter on 16s per week. In May 1922 his salary was increased to 45/6 in line with a general increase in wages for railway workers. In line with other porters at Clondulane William Murphy got an additional 2s per week for night duty. On 23^rd July 1922 William Murphy was called up for service in the new National Army as the civil war got under way. But it seems that William Murphy was not a fully pledged supporter of the new state and on 28^th February 1923 he was arrested by the military. After the civil war ended William Murphy rejoined the railway service and on 2^nd June 1924 was transferred from station 378 to station 377.

John Flannery, railway porter: on 1^st July 1902 John Flannery was born. On 16^th January 1919 he joined the railway service (staff number 3322). He served at station 328 before transferring to Clondulane. On 25^th August 1924 John Flannery was appointed porter at Clondulane station at 45/6 per week.[99] In 1926 Great Southern Railways reduced John’s wages to 41s 6d and to 37s 9d by 1927 as part of a general reduction in wages. On 16^th September 1929 John Flannery transferred to station 263.[100]

Charles Swaine, railway porter: on 27^th January 1907 Charles Swaine was born.[101] Charles Swaine was the son of Thomas and Julia Swaine of Careysville in the 1911 census and younger brother of David Swaine, Clondulane station porter noted above.[102] On 25^th July 1924 Charles Swaine joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 23s per week.[103] On 5^th March 1926 Charles Swaine resigned from the railway.[104]

Henry (Harry) Jones, railway porter: on 1^st May 1887 Henry Jones was born.[105] It is difficult to identified Henry Harry Jones in the 1901 census but there was a Harry Jones aged 12 living in Princess Street, Fermoy, in 1901, who was the son of Francis Jones, labourer.[106] In 1911 Henry Jones was living in Quarry Lane, Fermoy, with his parents with his three brothers and three sisters. Henry worked as a building labourer while his father, Frank, was a gardener. All the family were born in County Cork. With the family on census night was James Roche, brother-in-law of Frank Jones.[107] On 23^rd October 1916 Henry Jones joined the railway service. On 16^th September 1929 Henry Jones was appointed porter at Clondulane station at 37s 9d per week. On the same day Henry Jones was given the company’s cottage at Clondulane rent free on the condition that his wife operates the level crossing gates. But his stay at Clondulane was brief as on 20^th September 1929 he transferred to station 219 from station 331.[108]

James O’Donnell, railway porter: on 4^th July 1894 James O’Donnell was born.[109] There are a good number of children in the 1901 census called James O’Donnell aged about 6/7 and it is difficult to identified which one was the later railway porter at Clondulane. On 10^th May 1920 James O’Donnell joined the railway service. On 20^th September 1929 James O’Donnell came to Clondulane as a porter at 37s 9d per week. On 14^th January 1931 James O’Donnell transferred to station 446 but this was changed to station 217 where he had served before Clondulane.[110]

William Curtin, railway lad porter: on 2^nd May 1909 William Curtin was born.[111] William Curtin was the son of William Curtin, a railway porter at Glanworth station circa 1910. In the 1911 census William Curtin junior was known as Willie Curtin and lived in Glanworth with his parents and two older brothers and one sister.[112] Later William Curtin senior was the station master at Ballindangan from April 1914 to November 1918.[113] On 3^rd September 1926 William Curtin junior joined the railway service as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 21s per week. In 1927 he got 22s 4d. On 26^th September 1927 William Curtin got a transfer to station 477.[114]

John Sweeney, railway lad porter: John Sweeney was born in May 1912. He was possibly the son of John Sweeney, railway porter at Clondulane noted above. On 3^rd February 1925 John Sweeney joined the railway service. On 26^th September 1927 he was appointed as a lad porter at Clondulane station at 10s per week. By 1931 his wages had increased to 27s per week. On 6^th June 1932 John Sweeney was paid off and left the railway service.[115]

Clondulane water tower (author photo)

Level crossing gate keeper

You often read that one of the biggest criticisms of the Mallow to Waterford railway was that it had far too many level crossings for the seventy-four miles of track and that because of their great number, trains had to travel at a slower speed compared to other lines. But the Duke of Devonshire and the Fermoy & Lismore Railway instead spent upfront capital on building under pass and over pass bridges between Fermoy and Lismore such that there were only two level crossings on the line. One level crossing was immediately adjacent to Clondulane station on the west while the other level crossing was a short distance to the east of Clondulane up a short road leading to the Church of Ireland church and the national school. A small gate keeper’s cottage was built beside this crossing in which the Neill family lived in around 1900.

James Neill, railway gate keeper: in 1901 James Neill (aged 58) lived in Clondulane South townland. He was born in County Cork. James Neill couldn’t read or write while his wife Catherine (aged 60) could read only. Their son, James Neill (aged 24) was a railway milesman and lived in the house with his sister Margaret Neill (aged 22). Both children could read and write. The house had two rooms and was owned by the railway company. It had three outbuildings; a turf house, a piggery and a fowl house.[116] The 1911 census mentions a James O’Neill (aged 34) as a train examiner living in Morgan Street, Waterford city with his wife of eleven years, Catherine O’Neill. They had four children of whom three were alive in 1911, namely; Anastasia (aged 10), James (aged 8) and Catherine, an infant. James O’Neill was born in County Waterford while the rest of the family were born in Waterford city.[117] It is unclear if they are the same man.

====================

End of post

==================

---

[1] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 68 (October, 1975), pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[2] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[3] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[4] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[5] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An Illustrated History (Newtownards, 2015), p. 43

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, pp. 203, 265

[7] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 44

[8] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 150

[9] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 131

[10] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, Mallow to Waterford Railway Closure File

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, Mallow to Waterford Railway Closure File

[12] Murray, D., ‘Mallow to Waterford’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 18, No. 121 (June, 1993), pp. 236-250, at p. 250

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 150

[14] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 273

[15] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 45

[16] Slater’s Commercial Directory of Ireland, 1881, Munster, p. 139

[17] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 273; Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[18] Irish Railway Record Society, GSWR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[19] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[20] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[21] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, aged 23

[22] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, aged 23

[23] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[25] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Hannan, railway employee in Cork

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[28] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Anne Hannan

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, house 1 in Small Well, Queenstown

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[31] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Thomas Aherne

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 227

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[39] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Michael James Killeen, aged about 11

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[41] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael James Killeen, railway employee

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 315

[45] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Mahon, aged about 24, railway man

[46] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Martin McMahon

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Dept, p. 131

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[50] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, John Cahill, one year and less

[51] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Jeremiah Cahill, railway employee, born Co. Cork

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[53] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[54] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael Somers, railway employee

[55] Murray, ‘Mallow to Waterford’, in Journal I.R.R.S., Vo. 18, No. 121 (June, 1993), pp. 236-250, at pp. 245, 247

[56] Information to the author from Gabriel Carton, nephew of Frank Somers, 5^th March 2023

[57] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[58] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[59] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 46

[60] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[61] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[62] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[63] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[64] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[65] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[66] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, pp. 129, 150

[67] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[68] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[69] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[70] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[71] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[72] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[73] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Nicholas Power, County Cork

[74] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 369

[75] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[76] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Nicholas Power, railway employee

[77] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[78] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Heskin, County Cork

[79] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 129

[80] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[81] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[82] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 217

[83] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[84] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Michael Barry, aged about 4

[85] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Stephen Barry, Clondulane

[86] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Michael Barry, aged about 14, boarder

[87] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[88] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 218

[89] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[90] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Coole DED, railway employees

[91] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Department, p. 236

[92] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[93] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[94] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, David Swaine

[95] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Maggie Swaine

[96] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Thomas Swaine

[97] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[98] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[99] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[100] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[101] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[102] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Charles Swaine

[103] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 150

[104] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[105] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[106] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, Harry Jones, aged about 14

[107] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Henry Jones, aged about 22

[108] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[109] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[110] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[111] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[112] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, Willie Curtin, aged 2

[113] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers & Servants in Traffic Dept, p. 81

[114] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[115] Irish Railway Record Society, GSR, Register of Officers & Servants in the Traffic Dept, p. 315

[116] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online, railway employees Clondulane area

[117] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online, James O’Neill, aged about 34

Advertisement

Ballindangan Railway Station Staff, 1901-1932

Ballindangan Railway Station Staff, 1901-1932

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

In 1838 Mitchelstown was on the line of the proposed Dublin to Cork railway but instead of coming south from Thurles the Dublin line went south-west to Charleville and Mallow.[1] In 1860 the Great Southern & Western Railway built a line from Mallow to Fermoy. In 1872 the Fermoy and Lismore Railway Company opened the Fermoy to Lismore line while in 1878 the Waterford, Dungarvan and Lismore Railway built a line between those towns to connect with the existing line at Lismore. In 1882 there was an application to Parliament to build a railway from Fermoy to Mitchelstown. After a few years of debate in 1885 Parliament passed the Tramways (Ireland) Provisional Order (Mitchelstown & Fermoy) Confirmation Act, 1885. This Act allowed for the formation of the Fermoy and Mitchelstown Railway Company with a share capital of £60,000. In 1887 construction began on a 12 mile route via Grange Cross, Glanworth and Ballindangan to terminate at Brigown on the south side of Mitchelstown. On 23^rd March 1891 the branch line opened for traffic with about 200 people travelling on the first passenger train from Fermoy to Mitchelstown leaving the former at 7am. The Great Southern & Western Railway operated the line on behalf of the Fermoy & Mitchelstown Railway Company.[2]

Two specially constructed 23 ton locomotives were used on the line as the permanent way was only lightly laid down.[3] The first seven years saw four passenger and one goods service per day. The line was frequently used by the military travelling from Fermoy to the Kilworth Camp firing range. A halt was built across the Mitchelstown to Fermoy road (1 mile before Mitchelstown station) to allow the soldiers to alight from the train and march to the Camp instead of going all the way into Mitchelstown station.[4] The halt was known as Brigown station in the railway books and opened on 8^th May 1899. The porter in Mitchelstown station got 2s extra per week to mind Brigown station and when Kilworth camp was closed, the porter worked at Mitchelstown station.[5]

In the first year of operation, 23^rd March to 31^st December 1891 the railway carried 26,118 passengers, 7,535 of general merchandise and 4,493 of goods traffic. The Company revenue was £2,670 plus £240 from other sources. There were suggestions of a railway extension via Kildorrery and Doneraile to Buttevant but there was little local appeal. The extension to Cahir also failed to materialise. In 1900 GS&WR officially purchased the F&MR.[6] By 1910 there were five passenger trains and one freight train working each way per day. In the Great War (1914-18) period the line was well patronised by soldiers going to the Kilworth camp for training before going to France.[7]

Great Southern Railways was formed in 1925 by the amalgamation of nearly all the railway companies in the Irish Free State. Although the GSR temporary reduced the wage bill in 1926 and 1927 the advent of the Great Depression forced the Company to increase wages so all to help the railway families with the hard times. The 1920s also saw the ever increasing use of road transport by car, bus and lorry with a consequential reduction in railway patronage. In 1927 the Fermoy to Mitchelstown railway achieved its peak in terms of passenger and freight traffic.[8] In October 1931 the line experience a tragic accident when the young daughter of Mrs. Sullivan was killed at Ballykearney level crossing by an empty goods train travelling to Mitchelstown for the pig fair. The train approached too fast and Mrs Sullivan had only one gate closed before the train passed through hitting the second gate behind which was the young child who had gone out to help her mother.[9] 

In 1932 the GSR asked the Minister for Industry and Commerce on 4^th June 1932 for permission to reduce services on the Fermoy to Mitchelstown Railway as, in 1931, the line made a loss of £332.[10] A public inquiry was convened with Mitchelstown Trade Association and the parish priest of Mitchelstown as the main objectors. To help their case the GSR said that in the line lost £539 in the first six months of 1932. Even with the reduction in service the line was still left go neglected. In 1938 the chief railway engineer informed the public that no investments would be made on the line such as re-laying rails or sleepers and so the maximum speed limit on the line was reduced to 25 miles per hour.[11] By 1941 only a half mile of track was relayed.[12] Passengers recalled that they were able to pick blackberries along the side of the track as the train travelled so slowly. Yet the use of mixed trains from 1933 proved successful and in 1938 the line made a profit of £672.[13]

On 13^th July 1941 the passenger service was cancelled because of fuel shortages. On 29^th June 1942 due to the continued shortage of coal, GSR reduced the goods traffic on the Fermoy to Mitchelstown to just livestock on the monthly fair day in Mitchelstown and the beet season in the October to January period. In April 1944 the Fermoy to Mitchelstown railway was closed and did not reopen until 22^nd January 1947.[14] On 1^st January 1945 Córas Iompair Éireann took over from the GSR. On 11^th January 1945 the last beet special was run over the Fermoy and Mitchelstown railway with eight loaded wagons from Mitchelstown and four at Glanworth along with two empty pulp covered wagons from each station.[15] During the fuel shortage of 1947 all trains were cancelled.[16] In 1945 passenger services were restored but were totally cancelled in 1947.[17]

By 1952, as a result of thirty years of non-investment the track was in a very bad state and CIE applied to the minister for an order to close the line. Cork County Council opposed the closure and a public inquiry was due to be held in Cork on 23^rd October 1952 but two days before the event the Council withdrew its objections and on 1^st December 1952 the line was officially closed. CIE lost no time in removing the entire railway as the demolition train arrived in Mitchelstown just ten days later.[18] By December 1953 the track and railway fixtures had been removed.[19] Most of the fabric of the stations at Mitchelstown, Ballindangan and Glanworth has been removed including all the buildings although a raised platform does exist at Glanworth. A few railway embankments survive and in a few places the track way can be seen where it is now used for farmer access passages.

Ballindangan station = the platform under the earthen bank = the railway on the right along the now farm track = level crossing gate post on left with the station behind the post (author photo)

Ballindangan station

Ballindangan railway station is located on the connection road between Ballindangan Cross on the south and Ballindangan village on the north in the townland of Flemingstown. The station was on the east side of the road south of a small steam on a plot of ground measuring 0.237 acres. In 1840 there was a small cottage on the site adjacent to the road, possibly occupied by Cornelius Fenton who rented from the Earl of Kingston. The station was just over 8¼ miles from Fermoy. There was a signal post about 1,200 feet away from the station on the Mitchelstown side. About 2,400 feet on the Fermoy side was another signal post. The station had a single platform on the down side of 82 feet long.[20] The station had a ticket office and a separate toilet building on the platform. Behind the platform and beside the road was a square dwelling house with a separate rectangular building to the east of the house.[21] In 1917 it was proposed to build a goods siding on the up side but the costings were considered to be beyond any potential return. In 1946 Ballindangan consisted of a lamp room, a parcels store and a dwelling house.[22] In 1914 fifty people boarded a special train at Ballindangan on their way to a football match in Fermoy. Mitchelstown provided 609 passengers for the train and 31 people got on at Glanworth.[23]

On 1^st September 1922 Ballindangan station was reclassified as a class 6 station from a class 5 station.[24] On 14^th August 1929 Ballindangan was converted to a halt under the supervision of the station master at Mitchelstown. This was changed at a later time to have Ballindangan under the supervision of the Glanworth station master.[25] On 6^th December 1929 Ballindangan was made a halt under Mitchelstown supervision.[26]

The halt keeper was expected to keep a Halt Train Cash Book to record issued passenger tickets and excess fare receipts. The Cash Book also recorded any receipts for outward parcels. Each day, by the appointed train, the Cash Book and any money were to be sent to the supervisory agent, in this case, the station master at Mitchelstown. Inward parcels to a halt were to be recorded in a Halt Inwards Counter Book. Any outward goods at a halt were to be weight and money collected on pre-book goods. On other goods, an invoice was to be sent to the destination station. The supervisory agent was expected to visit the halt periodically and at least on the close of the month to check the books against his own records.[27]   

On 4^th November 1932 all clerical duties relating to Ballindangan station were assigned to Glanworth station and the halt keeper, Mrs. O’Mahony was made keeper of the adjacent level crossing.[28] Nothing remains of the station building today. By about 2005 it was just a green field site. In recent years somebody attempted a new building on the site but only got as far as the foundations. The track way on the south side of the station site is used as a farmer access passage. A level crossing posts is possibly the one indication that a railway once existed here. 

Station master

Thomas Hackett, station master: Thomas Hackett was born in 1849.[29] On 10^th February 1897 Thomas Hackett (staff number 1638) joined the railway service as the level crossing keeper (11s per week) at Curraheen No. 2 under Ballindangan station. On 1^st April 1901 Thomas Hackett was appointed to Ballindangan as station master. Denis Mellerick took the Curraheen LC job. Thomas Hackett’s initially salary was 15s per week which increased to 17s 6d on 6^th October 1902.[30] In the 1901 census, taken on 16^th April, Thomas Hackett was living in Ballindangan townland and gave his occupation as railway servant. Thomas Hackett was born in County Kilkenny and was 54 years old. His wife, Annie Hackett, was 51 years old and born in County Tipperary and gave her occupation as housekeeper. The couple had three daughters (Mary, aged 21; Rosanna M., aged 17; and Margaret, aged 12), and one son (Patrick J., aged 8). The eldest daughter was born in County Tipperary and all the other children were born in County Cork. The dwelling house had three rooms and two windows in the front elevation along with two outbuildings.[31]

In the 1911 census Thomas Hackett had moved house and was living in Flemingstown where he was a railway employee. Thomas and his wife Hannie (different spelling compared to 1901) were married for 34 years and had six children of whom five were alive in 1911. Living with their parents in 1911 was; Mary (aged 30), Margaret (aged 20) and Patrick John (aged 18), all unmarried. The dwelling house had two rooms and three windows in the front elevation along with two outbuildings. The house was owned by the GS&WR.[32] In 1911 no railway employee lived at the station dwelling house in Ballindangan and so it is likely that Thomas Hackett was still station master there. As Patrick Hackett was still a scholar at 18 years would suggest that the family downsized house and took on the additional job of keeper the level crossing at Flemingstown to help give Patrick the best education opportunities possibly. The two girls didn’t give an occupation and so may have helped their parents with the railway jobs. On 5^th February 1914 Thomas Hackett died.[33]

William Curtin, station master: on 25^th March 1877 William Curtin was born and on 8^th June 1896 he joined the railway service (staff number 1633).[34] In the 1901 and 1911 census William Curtin gave his age as 26 and 36, respectively, which would say that he was born in 1875 but the various railway staff books are consistent with 1877 as his birth year. In 1901 William Curtin, aged 26, was the level crossing keeper at Boherash, near Glanworth. He lived in Glanworth town with his wife Mary, aged 25, and his aunt, Jane McGrath, aged 69 years. Their house had two rooms and was rented from Denis Frazer.[35] In March 1904 William Curtin (staff number 668) became the porter at Glanworth station at 15s 6d per week.[36]

In the 1911 census William Curtin, aged 36, was living in Glanworth with his wife, Mary, aged 36, and their four children (Daniel, aged 10, Patrick, aged 8, Kathleen, aged 6 and Willie, aged 2).[37] William Curtin gave his occupation as loading porter, presumingly at the railway station but not necessarily. In the railway staff book, circa 1915, William Curtin worked as a porter at Glanworth station under Patrick Kelly, the station master, up until 14^th October 1910 when he transferred to another station.[38] On 27^th April 1914 William Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan. William’s starting salary was 18s 6d per week but this was reduced to 17/6 before increasing on 1^st May 1915 to 20s per week. In 1918 Ballindangan was a class 8 station with the master on £70 per year.[39] On 8^th November 1918 William Curtin transferred to another station.[40]

Site of the station dwelling house on visable foundations which appear to be of a later date than the closure of the railway in 1950s = station platform under the earthen bank on the left = photo facing west (author photo)

Michael Curtin, station master: on 29^th September 1875 Michael Curtin was born and on 31^st January 1905 joined the railway service of Great Southern & Western Railway (staff number 1719).[41] His first job was as a porter at Ballyhooley station.[42] On 31^st August 1905 Michael Curtin moved to station 170.[43] The 1911 census records a Michael Curtin, aged 35, as living at Killahane in Molahiffe, Co. Kerry, where he gave his occupation as road steward. He was married to Mary, aged 25, a shop keeper. They had a daughter Margaret, aged 2 and a son Patrick.[44] On 25^th November 1918 Michael Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan. His opening salary was 20s per week which was converted in August 1919 to £180 plus £1 allowance. On 25^th November 1920 this increased to £190 and on 1^st January 1922 increased again to £200. Out of his salary Michael Curtin paid 5s per week for the rent of the dwelling house beside the station. This rent was later converted to £13 per year.[45]

Michael Curtin was allowed to retain his salary of £200 as a class 5 station master on the reclassification of Ballindangan as a class 6 station. The reclassification would only apply to new appointments. On 14^th August 1929 Michael Curtin transferred to Glanworth station.[46] At Glanworth Michael Curtin was a class 5 station master but he didn’t stay long as on 26^th November 1929 he died.[47]

Mrs. Sullivan, halt keeper: on 14^th August 1929 Mrs. Sullivan was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan. She was the widow of the late agent at Buttevant. As caretaker Mrs. Sullivan was allowed to issue tickets and other railway duties. She could live in the station house for a rent of 2shillings per week. Mrs. Sullivan didn’t stay long at Ballindangan as on 5^th December 1929 her transferred was cancelled and she was reassigned to station 255. It would appear that Mrs. Sullivan wasn’t happy with this move and on 25^th June 1930 she was sent to station 261 instead.[48]

William Coughlan, porter in charge: On 24^th April 1881 William Coughlan was born and joined the railway service on 3^rd June 1896.[49] In the 1901 census, William Coughlan was a railway porter in Killarney and aged 19 years. His father, Michael Coughlan, aged 42, was also a railway porter and was his brother, Michael Coughlan, aged 18. Michael senior was born in County Cork while the two boys were born in County Limerick. Their mother Margaret, aged 40, was also a Limerick woman. William had a younger brother, Edward, aged 14, and two sisters, Hannah, aged 20, and Maggie, aged 15. The dwelling house had three rooms and located a few doors away from the railway station.[50] William Coughlan doesn’t appear in the 1911 census.

On 5^th December 1929 William Coughlan, a spare signalman at Clarecastle, was assigned to Ballindangan station as a porter in charge. He was to retain his signalman salary of 45s 3d per week and have the tenancy of the station house at 2s per week.[51] But this transfer was cancelled as it didn’t take place.[52] On 30^th June 1930 William Coughlan got a new appointment to Ballindangan with tenancy of the station house at 2s per week. On 11^th January 1932 William Coughlan was transferred to station 256.[53] This transferred was also dated 18^th January 1932.[54]

Mrs. Quirke, porter in charge: on 18^th January 1932 Mrs. Quirke (wife of Mr. Quirke, porter at Glanworth) was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan at 5s per week. The railway clerk though she was the wife of milesman Quirke but changed it to the wife of porter Quirke.[55] The Glanworth station staff, as recorded in the railway books, doesn’t mention anybody called Quirke and so milesman Quirke may be the correct identification. There was a person called Philip Quirke who worked in 1932 as a porter at Fermoy station and from 1945 was the goods porter at Fermoy and he could possibly be the husband.[56] Mrs. Quirke was to receive the station house free of rent in consideration of her duties at looking at the adjacent level crossing and other duties at Ballindangan.[57]

Mrs. O’Mahony, halt keeper: sometime before the 4^th November 1932 Mrs. O’Mahony was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan station at 5s per week. But on 4^th November 1932 her duties as halt keeper ceased and she was instead assigned the duties of gate keeper at Ballindangan level crossing beside the station. The 5s per week also ceased and instead the 2s per week rent for the dwelling house was cancelled. Glanworth station was to handle all clerical duties pertaining to Ballindangan.[58] It is not known for how long Mrs. O’Mahony continued to operate the level crossing at Ballindangan.

Porter

Patrick John Curtin, porter: on 17^th March 1903 Patrick John Curtin was born.[59] He was the son of William Curtin and Mary Curtin. In the 1911 the family were living at Glanworth where William Curtin, aged 36, was a loading porter at the local station. Mary Curtin was 36 years old. They were married for twelve years and had four children (Daniel, aged 10, Patrick, aged 8, Kathleen, aged 6 and Willie, aged 2). All the family were born in Co. Cork.[60] In 1914 William Curtin was appointed station master at Ballindangan.[61] On 18^th February 1921 Patrick Curtin (staff number 805) joined the GS&WR and his first job was as a lad porter at Ballindangan station. His starting salary was 9s per week but this quickly increased to 16s per week on 17^th February 1921, the same day he was transferred to another station.[62]

General area map of Ballindangan Station

Ballindangan Station plan

======================

End of post

=====================

---

[1] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 169

[2] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[3] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 169

[4] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[5] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 232

[6] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 197

[7] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 18

[8] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 19

[9] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 171

[10] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 19

[11] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 198

[12] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 21

[13] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 21

[14] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 177

[15] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 22

[16] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 198

[17] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 170

[18] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), pp. 198, 199

[19] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 23

[20] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 27

[21] Evidence from examining the Ordnance Survey 25 inch map of circa 1900

[22] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 27

[23] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 22

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[25] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[27] Córas Iompair Éireann, Accounts Instruction Book (Dublin, 1954), pp. 24, 25

[28] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[29] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 231

[31] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[32] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 230

[37] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 224

[39] J. O’Meara, ‘Mallow-Fermoy-Mitchelstown’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vol. 22, No. 153 (February 2004), pp. 17-33, at p. 28

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 223

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 86

[44] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[46] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 171

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[50] National archives of Ireland, Census 1901, online

[51] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[53] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[54] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[55] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[56] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[57] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[58] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[59] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[60] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911, online

[61] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

[62] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 81

Women Staff on the Mallow to Waterford and Mitchelstown Railway

Women Staff on the Mallow to Waterford and Mitchelstown Railway

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Railways in Ireland have been historically staff overwhelmingly by male workers. Yet the number of female staff has increased in recent times. The recent 2022 gender report by Irish Rail shows that there were 474 female employees on the railway out of a total staff number of 4,231, i.e. there was 3,757 male employees.[1] In 2019 there were four female train drivers in a pool of five hundred train drivers.[2] The average take home pay for the female staff in 2022 was €52,212 compared to the male figure of €57,332 which gives the impression that men have more pay than women. Yet as the female employees work an average of 1,880 hours per hours compared to the male average of 2,195 the rate of take home pay per hour is €27.77 for women and €26.12 for men. About 15% of upper grade jobs are filled by women, 5% at lower middle grade and 9% at the lower grade.[3]

In previous years the pay gap between women and men was substantially more and weighted heavily in favour of male staff. In 1964 a female class 2 clerk in her first year got £7 per week or £364 per year as against £980 for a class 2 male clerk. In her third year the female clerk got £416 against £1,140 for the male clerk. A third year female class 1 clerk got about £787 versus a male clerk at £1,215 for his third year.[4]

Even with a lower salary female staff were expected to contribute a greater proportion of their salary to the company pension fund. In the 1951 Córas Iompair Éireann pension scheme for example a male employee aged 16 contributed 4½% of his salary while a female age 16 contributed 5%. A male aged 23 to 26 years contributed 6% while a female employee gave 7¼%. A male aged 52 to 55 years gave 7½% while a female of 49 to 50 years gave 10½%.[5] It is presumed that the higher contributions expected of female employees to the pension fund was made on the basis that generally females lived longer and so the fund needed to be big enough to pay the longer pension. In the 1951 C.I.É. pension scheme a male employee was expected retired between the ages of 60 and 65 while a female employee was to retire between 55 and 60 years old.[6]

Women staff on the Mallow to Waterford railway

The Mallow to Waterford railway and its branch line to Mitchelstown employed a few hundred workers in the varied periods of operation from 1860 to 1982. The exact number employed is difficult to calculate as many early staff records are lost. Yet it is safe to say that the number of male employees on the line were well into the 90s; 97 or 98% would not be far off the mark. Most female employees were gate keepers at various level crossings with a small number working briefly within a select few railway stations. Most railway stations, like Ballyduff, Ballyhooley, Cappoquin, Castletownroche, Kilmacthomas and Mitchelstown had no recorded female staff. One woman was a station master while a few served as halt keepers.

Hannah Fitzpatrick, Irish Rail Customer Services, photo by Nick Bradshaw

Station Master

Only one woman was a station master on the mallow to Waterford railway. Elizabeth Quinn was station master at Carroll’s Cross from 5^th September 1894 to her retirement on 30^th September 1900. Records say that she joined the railway service on the same day that she was made the station master at Carroll’s Cross. Elizabeth Quinn received 40s per week while her successor, Michael Power, got 52s per week. As well as doing her job as station master, Elizabeth also worked the adjacent level crossing gates at Carroll’s Cross.[7] Later male station master got an extra 12s per week for the level crossing but it seems that Elizabeth didn’t get any extra pay.[8] Records from the 1890s show that Carroll’s Cross was mostly a passenger station with little or no freight transactions. About 100 people per week used the station in the September/October 1895 when Elizabeth was the station master.[9] it is not clear if Elizabeth Quinn got the job at Carroll’s Cross in succession to her husband or father or if she was appointed on her own merits. In the 1901 census Elizabeth Quinn cannot be identified and the only extra information we known about her was that on 7^th February 1895 her seven month old son William died. Elizabeth Quinn informed the local registrar in Kilmacthomas, J.L. Walsh and gave her occupation as station master.[10] In 1924 when Michael Somers became station master at Carroll’s Cross his wife got 7s 2d for operating the level crossing gates.[11] In the 1950s Frank Somers was the halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross (in 1942 the station was downgraded to a halt) and his mother operated the adjacent level crossing. In the 1960s Mrs. Kelly from Cork, a widow of a railway man, was the last halt keeper at Carroll’s Cross in 1967. In the early 1970s Noelette Whelan came to Carroll’s Cross to operate the level crossing gates for the dolomite trains to Ballinacourty and remained in her position until the line closed in 1982.[12]

Women as halt keepers

From the late 1920s a number of stations on the Mallow to Waterford railway and the branch line to Mitchelstown were reduced in status from a station to a halt. Mrs. Kelly was the half keeper at Carroll’s Cross in the 1960s as mentioned above. On 14^th August 1929 Mrs. Sullivan, possibly Mrs. O’Sullivan, was appointed halt keeper at Ballindangan station on the Mitchelstown branch line. The station was a class 6 station up to her appointment but was downgraded to a halt on 14^th August 1929. Mrs. O’Sullivan was the widow of a railway agent at Buttevant station. Her Christian name was not recorded. Ballindangan station is located on a country road with no houses immediately surrounding it. Mrs. O’Sullivan possibly felt lonely there as on 5^th December 1929 she transferred to another railway station.[13]

Mrs. O’Sullivan was succeeded by William Coughlan, a spare signalman at Clarecastle station, who served as porter-in-charge at Ballindangan from December 1929 to January 1932 when Mrs. Quirke became halt keeper/porter-in-charge at Ballindangan.[14] The staff clerk recorded Mrs. Quirke as the wife of milesman Quirke but then changed his mind and said she was the wife of porter Quirke at Glanworth station. Staff records mention nobody at Glanworth called Quirke but there was a Philip Quirke who worked as a porter at Fermoy station in the 1920s and 1930s.[15] William Coughlan was allowed to retain his signalman salary of 45s 6d per week when at Ballindangan but Mrs. Quirke was paid only 5s per week for her position of porter-in-charge. Mrs. Quirke was allowed to live in the station dwelling house rent free in consideration of her duties as gate keeper of the adjacent level crossing at Ballindangan. On 4^th November 1932 Mrs. Quirke was succeeded by Mrs. O’Mahony as halt keeper at Ballindangan. Mrs. O’Mahony was initially to receive the same 5s per week that Mrs. Quirke was paid but this was changed to having the dwelling house rent free (normal rent of 2s) as Glanworth station was given the job of managing the paper work and account books of Ballindangan.[16]

Female staff within railway stations

One of the earliest female employees on the Mallow to Waterford railway was recorded in 1878 when Elizabeth Cunningham was the telegraphist at Dungarvan station. In September 1902 Elizabeth Cunningham resigned her position with no new appointment. Elizabeth Cunningham was the wife of Patrick Cunningham, the station master at Dungarvan from 1878 until his death in May 1902.[17] In the 1901 census it says she was 40 years old and born in Limerick City and her husband was aged 50 and born in County Meath. In the census Elizabeth Cunningham gave her occupation as telegrapher.[18]

It would appear that most of the female employees within the line railway stations held their position because they husband, father or other family relation had a job in the same railway station. In 1903 a Miss King was appointed a clerk at Dungarvan station for an unknown salary.[19] In December 1911 she resigned her position. Richard King, the station master at Dungarvan retired at the same time and Miss King was possibly his daughter.[20] Richard King is not recorded in both the 1901 and 1911 census returns and so it is difficult to know the true family relationship. In November 1906 John Flynn, the station master at Durrow, was allowed to employ his daughter, at 8s per week, to operate the telephone in the signal cabin.[21] The record says telephone but it was possibly as telegraph as Durrow had no telephone facilities up to its closure in 1967.[22] The daughter’s position ceased when John Flynn left Durrow in August 1908.[23] The daughter’s name was not recorded. In the 1901 census John Flynn (aged 50) was a widower and station master at Durrow where he was lived with his three daughters, Mary (aged 20, house-keeper), Ellie/Ellen (aged 17, dress-maker) and Bridget (aged 15, scholar).[24] In 1911 the family lived at Fiddown, Co. Kilkenny where John was a toll collector. Living with him was his daughter Ellen, aged 26 with no occupation recorded. Also in the house was John’s daughter Mary who was married to a Mr. Halpin and had a daughter Ellen Halpin. Mary Flynn Halpin was aged 30 with no occupation recorded and was married for seven years with five children of whom four were alive in 1911.[25]

Fermoy station had two female employees between 1905 and 1938 and both were related to other male station staff. In 1905 Mrs. Swanton was appointed as ladies attendant at Fermoy railway station at 5s per week.[26] Mrs. Swanton was possibly the wife of James Swanton, porter at Fermoy.[27] In April to June 1908 James Swanton was a porter at Mitchelstown.[28] Mrs. Swanton didn’t get any job there. In 1911 James Swanton was porter at Cashel station where his wife is called Johanna Swanton and they had three daughters and one son. They were married in 1901 and lived with James’s mother Anastasia. Johanna Swanton was born in Co. Limerick.[29] Mrs. Swanton position at Fermoy was left unfilled. It is not known if Mrs. Swanton was any relation of Mary Beatrice Swanton from Co. Cork who was living in Park Drive in Rathmines (Dublin) in 1911 and gave her occupation as ‘vendor of “Votes for Women” paper’.[30] In 1938 Fermoy station employed Miss McDonagh as a typist for four months and was paid off in January 1939, a month before her father, J.P. McDonagh left his position as station master.[31]

Another female employed at a railway station appears to have got her job by some unknown family relationship with the station master. On 21^st March 1910 Elizabeth Savage joined the railway service as an office assistant at Lismore station at 10s per week. Since December 1908 John Savage was the station master at Lismore.[32] It is not clear what the relationship between Elizabeth Savage and John Savage was. On 17^th January 1911 Elizabeth was discharged when John Savage was transferred to station 245.[33] In the 1911 census John Savage appears as station master at Kildare with his wife Sarah Roche Savage and their five daughters, the eldest of whom was just sixteen. The daughters were name Emmie Victor, Mary Eleanor, Dorothy Frances, Ruth Lilian and Kathleen Jocelyn. The couple were married 17 years and had 8 children of whom 5 were alive in 1911.[34] John Savage was born in County Cork and the 1911 census records a person called Elizabeth Savage (aged 38), born in County Cork, as living in North Leinster Street, Dublin. She was unmarried and a member of the Church of Ireland like John. She didn’t give her occupation and was living with her brother, Andrew Savage.[35] The 1901 census records Elizabeth Savage as the daughter of Anne Savage (widow) and she was living on Carlingford Road, Drumcondra in Dublin. Elizabeth said she was born in Carrigaline, Co. Cork.[36] Again her relationship to John Savage the station master is unknown.

Women as level crossing keepers

In the 1890s many of the level crossings were operated by men.[37] But as the decades rolled on women increasingly came to operate the various level crossings on the Mallow to Waterford line and also on the branch line from Fermoy to Mitchelstown. In the 1901 census Kate Flynn was the gate keeper at Ballymacmague level crossing and Margaret Neill was the gate keeper near Cappagh station.[38] In the 1911 census Rose Fox was gate keeper at Shandon level crossing and Ellen Heelan was gate keeper at Ballysaggartbeg level crossing while Kate Flynn was still at Ballymacmague.[39] The 1901 census for County Cork doesn’t record any woman directly employed on the railway. Mary Curtin in Glanworth is described as a ‘railway gateman’s wife’ to her husband, William Curtin, a level crossing gate keeper. In 1901 Patrick Cahill described himself as a railway officer and living in Fermoy. He also described his wife Margaret and daughter Margaret as railway officers.[40] But none of these people appear on the staff records of Fermoy station.

In the 1920s Mrs. Mary O’Sullivan was gate keeper at Grange level crossing on the Mitchelstown branch and in the 1930s Mrs. Mary Dolan held the same position.[41] In 1952 Mrs. Anne Moylan was gate keeper at Knock level crossing with free tenancy of the dwelling house.[42] In the 1970s many women operated the level crossings for the Ballinacourty trains such as Mrs. Mini Mackey at Kildermody; Joan Bagge at Ardeenloun; Lil Donnelly at Greenan; Mrs. Jim Kirwan at Ballybrack and Mary Barry at McGrath’s Cross in Faha. Mrs. Jim Kirwan was the wife of Jim Kirwan who was employed as the signalman at Kilmacthomas station during the Ballinacourty trains and they lived at Ballybrack.[43]

A number of women became gate keepers at various level crossings as the wife or daughter of a male employee. In 1928 Robert Louden was appointed as a porter at Dungarvan station and his wife was made the gate keeper of the nearby level crossing.[44] In 1929 Harvey Jones, the porter at Clondulane station, was given the nearby railway cottage, free of rent, on the understanding that his wife would operate the level crossing gates.[45] The job of gate keeper at a level crossing was not a simple task of closing the two gates against the public road whenever the train was due.

It was a partially tasking job if the level crossing was on a major public road. Mrs. Mackey operated Kildermody level crossing in the 1970s where the railway crossed the main Waterford to Dungarvan road. She sometimes enquired of her work colleagues about what should she do if the train was late and an ambulance was waiting on the main road. The telephone system that was in use only connected with the next level crossing in the direction of the train and so Mrs. Mackey couldn’t ring Waterford station to ask why the train was late.[46] Thus if she opened the gates for the ambulance, the train may arrive at the same time, and cause an accident of greater proportions than just letting the ambulance wait on the road.  

Working a level crossing can also be dangerous for the woman involved or her family. In October 1931 Mrs. Sullivan was in charge of the Ballykearney level crossing on the Mitchelstown branch line. An empty goods train was travelling to Mitchelstown for the pig fair. But it is not clear if the train was late or if Mrs. Sullivan delayed too long helping her daughter with her school work. The train approached too fast and Mrs Sullivan had only one gate closed before the train passed through hitting the second gate behind which was the young child who had gone out to help her mother. The impact of the train on the gate caused the young girl to lose her life.[47]

Some women became gate keepers in succession to their husband and were in turn succeeded by their daughters. In 1913 Denis Mellerick became gate keeper at Clifford level crossing and in 1939 was succeeded by his wife Mrs. D. Mellerick. Denis was receiving 38s per week for the job and his wife got 28s but this was reduced 20s on the day of her appointment in return for getting free tenancy of the dwelling house besides the crossing. In 1942 Miss Patricia Mellerick succeeded her mother as gate keeper on 20s per week. Her salary increased over the following years to 42s per week in 1952.[48]

In November 1949 Miss Margaret Christina Lehane was appointed gate keeper of the level crossing in Cappoquin in succession to deceased father John Lehane (appointed 1936). She was paid the same 54s per week that John Lahane was paid when he died.[49] In 1937 Mrs. Moran was appointed gate keeper at Ballymacmague level crossing but was laid off in 1943 following an accident. In February 1944 Miss Kathleen Elizabeth Moran became the gate keeper and resigned in October 1946. In January 1947 Teresa Bernard Moran became the gate keeper.[50]

Mrs. B. McCarthy was the gate keeper at Boherwillin level crossing, near Cappagh station, from 1919 to 1953 when she retired.[51] Mrs. Kathleen Flanagan became gate keeper at Boherwillin in November 1953.[52] Both women were paid about 10 to 20 shillings less than their male counterparts for doing the same job.

Women associated with railway stations

Some women were also employed in the railway service but not necessarily on the railway. In 1911 Jane Ward Shiss (aged 26), was a railway clerk at Shandon, Dungarvan, where her father, Robert Shiss, was a railway agent.[53] Robert Shiss does not feature on the list of railway staff at Dungarvan station and he must have worked out of his own office in the general Shandon area.

Beyond the Mallow to Waterford railway yet connected to it we also find a few women employed. In the 1940s the Waterford station goods department had two female employees; Miss B. Donnelly the telephonist and Miss R. Caravan the typist. In the 1950s they were replaced by Miss M.E. Brazil the telephonist and Miss M. Donnelly the typist.[54]

Conclusion

This survey of women employed on the Mallow to Waterford railway is far from complete as many of the level crossing keepers are not recorded in the railway staff books. Also many of the railway staff books before 1900 do not survive while staff books in the 1950s usually just record the station master in each station without giving the names of porters or signalmen and so a number of other railway women may be found. Yet it is clear that the overall number of women employed on the railway between 1860 and 1982 were few in number. It is not known if Elizabeth Quinn became the station master at Carroll’s Cross in succession to her husband or father. Most of the other women employed by the railway appear to have got their job by way of a family relationship to a male employee and in the case of work within a railway station, the women lost their job when the male relative moved on to another station. At level crossings the exact relationship of the women employed to other male railway workers is unclear in a number of cases. Where more information is available it seems that most women became gate keepers at level crossings in succession to their husbands or fathers and that in some places daughters succeeded their mothers as gate keepers. Had the railway continued to exist to our present time it is likely that more women would be employed on the railway and that they would be so employed on their own merit rather than by association with any male employees.  

=================

End of post

================

---

[1] Irish Rail Gender Pay Gap Report, June 2022 as reported by Mairead Sheehy in the Irish Examiner, 21^st December 2022

[2] RTE News, 2^nd January 2019

[3] Irish Rail Gender Pay Gap Report, June 2022 as reported by Mairead Sheehy in the Irish Examiner, 21^st December 2022

[4] Transport Salaried Staffs Association, Rates of Pay and Conditions of Service of Salaried Staffs employed by Public Transport Undertakings in Ireland (Dublin, 1964), pp. 3, 4

[5] Córas Iompair Éireann, C.I.E. Superannuation Scheme, 1951: Rules of the Scheme (Dublin, 1964), pp. 14

[6] Córas Iompair Éireann, C.I.E. Superannuation Scheme, 1951: Rules of the Scheme (Dublin, 1964), pp. 15, 16

[7] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 360

[8] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 114

[9] Waterford City and County Archives, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/788

[10] Waterford County Library, Online Resources, Online Local Studies, Family History Databases, Death Registers, no. 23,020, Cert. no. 258

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 129

[12] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[14] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, p. 93

[15] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[16] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 163

[17] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, p. 363

[18] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Elizabeth Cunningham, County Waterford

[19] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 169

[20] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 201

[21] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 172

[22] Information by Paddy Joe Maher to the author, 25^th October 2022

[23] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 172

[24] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, John Flynn, County Waterford

[25] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, John Flynn, born County Waterford

[26] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 181

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 182

[28] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 285

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, James Swanton

[30] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Swanton

[31] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Clerical Staff in Traffic Department, p. 165

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 257

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, p. 310

[34] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, John Savage, station master

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Elizabeth Savage, born in County Cork

[36] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Andrew Savage, born in County Cork

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern and Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, pp. 222, 229, 360

[38] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[39] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[40] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, women in Cork via railway in occupation title

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 457

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 433

[43] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 422

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 315

[46] Information by Noelette Whelan to the author, 23^rd February 2023

[47] Bill Power, Another side of Mitchelstown (Mitchelstown, 2009), p. 171

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 290

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 256

[50] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 423

[51] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 255

[52] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railways, Register of Officers and Servants in Traffic Department, p. 255

[53] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, women in Waterford via railway in occupation title

[54] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, General Manager’s Register of Staff, p. 251

Tallow Road Railway Station Staff

Tallow Road Railway Station Staff

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

Tallow Road Station

On 17^th May 1860 the Great Southern and Western Railway opened a 17 mile railway to Fermoy from Mallow at a cost of £109,000 or costing £6,411 per mile.[1] In 1865 two railway companies were formed to connect Fermoy with Waterford city. The Waterford, Lismore and Fermoy Railway proposed to connect Waterford to Dungarvan and Fermoy to Lismore. The other company, the Clonmel, Lismore and Dungarvan Railway was to bridge the gap between Lismore and Dungarvan with a connecting line to Clonmel from Dungarvan. At Clonmel the line would join the Waterford and Limerick Railway for the onward journey to Waterford. None of the two companies succeeded in attracting enough investment money. Late in the 1860s the Duke of Devonshire decided to build his own railway line between Fermoy and Lismore. In June 1869 The Fermoy and Lismore Railway Act was passed. On 26^th July 1872 the Duke of Devonshire made the first private railway journey on the line from Fermoy to Lismore and it was officially opened for business on 1^st October 1872. In 1878 the Waterford, Dungarvan and Lismore Railway built the line to connect Lismore to Waterford and so establish the through line from Mallow to Waterford.

Tallow Road station was located about two miles north-east of Tallow town on the old road to Glencairn. A new road was built to make a direct connection between the station and Tallow Hill. The station building was a single story ticket and waiting room area with a two story section on the eastern side. A good shed was a short distance from the building. Although the station had distance and home signal posts, it had no signal box. The signalling was controlled from Lismore.

Early business reports for the Fermoy and Lismore Railway in the 1870s show that about 5 tons of goods were deposited at Tallow station per week while one ton was loaded onto passing trains. Some weeks could see up to 18 tons goods at the station while at other times it could be as low as a few hundred weights. The summer months usually saw about ten tons offloaded at Tallow and seven tons placed on trains. In the 1890s about 90 to 150 people used the station on a weekly basis with up to 200 on some weeks.[2] Slater’s Postal Directory in 1881 mentions the existence of Tallow Road station two miles from Tallow but didn’t record the name of the station master.[3] In the period 1910 to 1920 Tallow Road was a Class 5 station.[4] In the 1960s the station was reduced in status to just a halt site.

Sometime in the 1870s or 1880s a certain Miss Anthony from Tallow boarded a train, possibly at Tallow Road station, without purchasing a ticket. She was the daughter of a deceased Tallow merchant and from a family with old merchant money and so thought the train was her personal carriage. She lived in the grand house in Convent Street, now known as St. Patrick’s Hall. A railway guard discovered she had no ticket and ejected her from the train onto the platform where she is said to have suffered injuries. Miss Anthony took the railway company to court and a young lawyer called Edward Carson successfully defended her and by so doing made a name for himself as a formable defence lawyer. The railway company appealed the case and lost a second time to Miss Anthony.

In a report on railway rationalisation in 1950 C.I.E. proposed closing the Mallow to Waterford railway but the powers that be said no. In 1966 C.I.E. tried again to close the line and was successful. On 25^th March 1967 the last passenger train stopped at Ballyduff and the line from Mallow to Waterford was closed. Demolition of the railway began almost immediately from Cappoquin towards Dungarvan and in 1968/9 from Cappoquin westwards to Mallow. The fixture and fittings at Tallow station were removed and the station building was sold. The building was left idle for a number of years and fell into ruin. It was later rebuilt by new owners with stone faced additions on both the east side.

The single platform was 300 feet long; the shortest on the Fermoy to Lismore network with Clondulane at 301 feet, Ballyduff 320 feet, Lismore 404 feet and Fermoy 775 feet.[5] The platform was on the up side as was the facing connection for the goods shed.[6] Another siding faced the goods siding on the east and connected with the cattle pens and sugar beet loading platform in the south-east corner of the station yard.

Tallow Road Station c.1970 after closure

Station master

William Hedderman, station master = It is said that William Hedderman was appointed station master on 28^th November 1849 but this year is clearly an error.[7] In 1893 William Hedderman was the station master at Tallow Road station as quoted by Guy’s Postal Directory.[8] But the Directory was out of date as on 3^rd November 1892 William Hedderman died when station master at Tallow Road. William Hedderman was married at the time and 70 years old. Mary Hickey was present at death which occurred after just 18 hours of illness from haemorrhage apoplexy.[9] 

John O’Keeffe, station master: On 22^nd September 1879 John O’Keeffe joined the railway service.[10] John O’Keeffe was the station master at Tallow Road Station in the 1890s. His salary was £52 per year. On 18^th December 1899 he transferred to Queenstown station (page 334).[11] At Queenstown John O’Keeffe was a head porter on 22s 6d per week but he didn’t stay long as on 27^th December 1899 he was discharged.[12] The 1901 census records two people of interest called John O’Keeffe. One was a railway station master living at Manserghshill, Co. Tipperary, aged 40 and married while the other was a railway ganger, aged 43 and unmarried living at Longford, Co. Tipperary. It is unclear if any of these two men were the John O’Keeffe who was at Tallow Road.

William Ottley, station master by error: William Ottley joined the railway service on 14^th September 1877. In 1899 he was serving at station 149 when on 18^th November 1899 he was recorded as the new station master at Tallow Road station. But this was an error by the scribe as Tallow still had John O’Keeffe as the master and William Ottley was instead supposed to have transferred to station 364.[13] Station 364 was Cappagh where William Ottley was station master in 1899.[14]

Christopher Duffy, station master: on 16^th February 1875 Christopher Duffy joined the railway service. On 19^th December 1899 he transferred from station 29 to be station master at Tallow Road at £60 per year. But his time at Tallow was brief as on 4^th June 1900 he transferred to Kingsbridge station, now Heuston station (page 31).[15]

James Sheedy, station master: James Sheedy was born on 21^st August 1860.[16] On 17^th November 1885 James Sheedy joined the railway service. On 1^st July 1900 he transferred from station 310 to become station master at Tallow Road where his salary was £52 per year.[17] The railway staff book of 1900-1910 stated that James Sheedy transferred to Tallow from station 367 but station 367 was Tallow in the railway staff book relating to the 1890s.[18] Thus the scribe was simply writing into the new staff book that James Sheedy was already at Tallow Road.

In the 1901 census James Sheedy (aged 36) was described as a railway servant and lived at Ahaunboy North. James was born in County Tipperary. In the house in 1901 were his daughters, Mary (aged 10), Anne (aged 5) and two sons, William (aged 8) and James (aged 4). James was a widower by 1901. Also in the station house in 1901 were Johanne Quinn (aged 22), a visitor who worked as a milliner, and Norah McNamara (aged 60), a domestic servant and cook. Johanne Quinn (written as Johanna) was visiting Thomas Barry at nearby Glenbeg House and was recorded on the census form there. Earlier in the day, or after coming from Glenbeg, James Sheedy asked her to fill in her details on the census form, thus Johanne was counted twice in the one census. The house had five rooms and six outbuildings, a stable, a coach house, a fowl house, a store shed and two waiting rooms. The house was rented from John Wood.[19]

In the 1911 census James Sheedy described himself as the station master at Tallow Road Station and lived on the premises in Ahaunboy North townland. James Sheedy was then aged 51 and was born in County Tipperary. By the 1911 census James was a widower with three sons, William (19), James (14) and David (12). The three boys were all born in Corn City. On census night they had a visitor, Johanna Quinn from Cork city. Johanna was then aged 30 years and didn’t give her occupation and was unmarried.[20] It is not clear if Johanna Quinn was again visiting Thomas Barry at Glenbeg house. She was only counted once in the 1911 census.

Peter Carroll, station master: on 21^st June 1874 Peter Carroll was born and on 1^st October 1895 entered the railway service (staff number 1606).[21] In the 1901 census Peter Carroll was living in house number 3 in Power’s Court townland near Newbridge, County Kildare. He was unmarried and worked as a railway porter. Living with him was his brother, Denis Carroll (aged 24) who also worked as a railway porter and their uncle, Michael Carroll (aged 41), a farm labourer. Peter Carroll said he was born in county Limerick.[22] In the 1911 census Peter Carroll was the station master at Ballyduff and lived in the station house in the townland of Marshtown. Peter was 36 years old. He could read and write and was a Roman Catholic. He was married to Anastasia Carroll (aged 35) for nine years and they had two children of whom one was living in 1911, Margaret (aged 4). Anastasia was born in County Limerick while Margaret was born in County Kildare. The station house had only one room for the family to live in and three outbuildings, a piggery, a fowl house and a store.[23]

On 12^th September 1911 Peter Carroll became station master at Tallow Road at 20s per week. In 1912 his salary was increased to 23s per week and in 1915 became 26/10 per week. In 1919 his salary was £200 per year with a £5 allowance which was later cancelled. By 1924 his salary was £210 per year.[24] On 1^st March 1942 Peter Carroll retired from the railway after over thirty years as station master at Tallow Road. His grade on retirement was as a class 5 station master.[25] After retirement Peter Carroll lived in Chapel Street, Lismore. He died on 9^th November 1960 and was predeceased by his wife. He was buried in Lismore.[26]

John Joseph Callaghan, station master: on 17^th October 1898 John Callaghan was born.[27] He was possibly the son of Daniel Callaghan of 13 School Street, Wexford town in the 1901 census as John was two years old and his father was a railway guard. Daniel Callaghan, aged 36 was born in County Wexford as was his wife, Mary. They had two daughters (Maria J. and Margaret A.) and two sons (Daniel H. and John J.). The house had four rooms as did most houses on the street except that of Eliza Redmond which had fourteen rooms.[28]

In 1911 Daniel Callaghan and family were living at house 29 in Ballygillane townland as part of Ballygeary village in St. Helen’s District Electoral Division, County Wexford. Daniel was a railway checker, his son Daniel Henry was a railway clerk and the daughter, Maria Jane, was a railway telegraph clerk. John Joseph Callaghan was still at school. Daniel and Mary Callaghan were married for twenty-four years and had five children of whom four were alive in 1911. Their house in 1911 had five rooms.[29] On 24^th October 1916 he joined the railway service. Before coming to Tallow John Callaghan worked at station 221.[30] On 27^th March 1942 John Callaghan was appointed a class 5 station master at Tallow Road.[31] On 24^th July 1944 he transferred to station 278.[32]

Thomas Cooke, station master: on 16^th February 1884 Thomas Cooke was born. On 25^th June 1905 he joined the railway service. On 14^th May 1943 Thomas Cooke was working at station 100. On 24^th July 1944 Thomas Cooke was appointed as a class 5 station master at Tallow Road at £190 per year. In 1945 the salary was £200 and £210 in 1946.[33] Later Thomas Cooke was made a class 3 station master.[34] In 1947 his salary was £350 per year. On 1^st March 1949 he retired from the railway.[35]

Denis Barry, station master: on 16^th March 1892 Denis Barry was born. On 14^th November 1914 he entered the railway service. In December 1924 Denis Barry was working at station 194. In June 1927 Denis Barry was earning £210 per year. On 19^th March 1949 Denis Barry was appointed as a class 5 station master at Tallow Road.[36] This was later changed to a class 3 station master. Denis Barry died on 13^th August 1952.[37]

Later notes

By the early 1960s the station master at Tallow Road was reduced to that of a halt keeper. Of the former Fermoy and Lismore Railway only Fermoy had a station master in 1962 with the person in charge of Clondulane, Ballyduff, Tallow and Lismore reduced to halt keepers and thus could be paid a lower wages than a station master.

Ground plan of Tallow Road Station

Porter

The railway staff book of 1900 to 1910 allowed Tallow Road station to have two porters.[38] The railway staff book of 1910 to 1920 allowed the porter 5s 10d per week for extra duties.[39]

John Scanlan, porter: John Scanlan was born on 23^rd February 1873.[40] On 30^th January 1894 John Scanlan joined the railway service. It seems he started worked at Tallow Road or transferred there shortly after entering the railway service. His staff number was initially 1686 but was later changed to 1948. In 1900 John Scanlan was paid 14s per week. On 1^st July 1901 this increased to 14/6 and became 15s in July 1902 before increasing to 15/6 in July 1903.[41] On 3^rd September 1908 John Scanlan transferred to station 101.[42]

John Kearney, porter: on 21^st March 1870 John Kearney was born.[43] On 1^st March 1899 John Kearney joined the railway service with staff number 1322.[44] His first job was as a porter at Tallow Road station where he received 14s per week. On 1^st July 1901 his salary increased to 14/6, on 21^st June 1902 to 15s and on 1^st July 1903 to 15/6.[45] On 5^th March 1910 John Kearney left Tallow Road but the record doesn’t say where he went.[46] Sometime afterwards John Kearney returned to Tallow Road to resume his job as a porter. In 1920 his salary was 16s per week and this increased to 45/6 on 15^th May 1922 in line when the increase for all railway workers.[47]

John Murray, porter: John Murray was born in 1884 and on 16^th September 1907 joined the railway service (staff number 2207). On 3^rd September 1908 he was appointed porter at Tallow Road at 14s per week which salary was increased to 15/6 on 16^th September 1909. On 5^th March 1910 he transferred to station 257 and subsequently was discharged from the railway.[48]

David Spillane, porter: on 13^th March 1892 David Spillane was born. On 20^th April 1910 he joined the railway service (staff number 775) and his first job was as a porter at Tallow Road at 11s per week.[49] In 1911 his salary increased to 12/6 and to 15s in 1912, 16s in 1913 and in May 1922 to 45/6 per week.[50]

The goods shed platform and the sugar beet platform in the distance

===========================

End of post

==========================

---

[1] Bill Power, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), page 194

[2] Information from the archive of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway in the Waterford City and County Archives at Dungarvan Library

[3] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1881, Munster, page 200

[4] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[5] Ernie Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company (Newtownards, 2015), page 265

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 203

[7] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 273

[8] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1893, County Waterford, page 55

[9] Waterford City & County Library, Online Local Studies, Family History Databases, Death Register, Record ID 5832, Certificate No. 386

[10] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 334, Queenstown Station

[11] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[12] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 334, Queenstown Station

[13] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[14] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, page 273

[15] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[16] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[17] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[18] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[19] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, Ahaunboy North, County Waterford

[20] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, Ahaunboy North, County Waterford

[21] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[22] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, Power’s Court, County Kildare

[23] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, Marstown, County Cork

[24] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[25] Irish Railway Record Society, Córas Iompair Éireann, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[26] Waterford City and County Library, Local History Online, Lismore Burial Register

[27] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[28] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1901 Census, 13 School Street, Wexford town

[29] National Archives of Ireland, Census online, 1911 Census, 13 School Street, Wexford town

[30] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[31] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[32] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[33] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[34] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[35] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[36] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern Railway, Register of Clerical Staff, Traffic Department, page, 263, Tallow Road Station

[37] Irish Railway Record Society, CIÉ, General Manager’s Register of Staff, page, 239, Tallow Road Station

[38] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[39] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[40] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[41] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[42] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[43] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[44] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[45] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Traffic Department, Register of Officers and Servants, page, 367, Tallow Road Station

[46] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[47] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

[48] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[49] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 332, Tallow Road Station

[50] Irish Railway Record Society, GS&WR, Register of Officers and Servants in the Traffic Department, page, 409, Tallow Road Station

Danesfort Catholic Church, Co. Kilkenny

Danesfort Catholic Church, Co. Kilkenny

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The parish church of Danesfort is located in the townland of Dundarark in the parish of Danesfort, barony of Shillelogher, in Co. Kilkenny and about three miles south of Kilkenny city on the west side of the Kilkenny to Waterford road. The cruciform church is built on a raised platform and orientated east-west with the altar at the east end. As the Gospel of Matthew says at 5:14 ‘A city that is set on a hill cannot be hid’ so it is with Danesfort church. The surrounding land is generally flat and thus the church stands up above the landscape on its raised platform. The raised church with its simple cruciform design invites people coming along the road to stop and come in for a visit.

Danesfort west view point

The church was built about 1812 with a two bay double height nave and a single bay double height north and south transept. Interestingly the nave is only lit by two south facing windows and the west gable window. The north wall of the nave has no windows. The north transept does have a north window but no west facing window. At the western end of the nave is a gallery lit by a west gable window and a porch extends from the western gable. The chancel area is simple, yet striking, with two doorways with pointed arches flanking each side of the tabernacle. The four corners of the crossing join each other with sloping edges. The wooden pews have lovely crossed legs. The whole character of the church is a delight and invites people to listen to the word of God and not get distracted as one could in the churches of the post Catholic Emancipation period with their great displays of architecture and colour.

In the lower ground to the west of the church is a car park with a cemetery to its west. In 2005 a new community centre and primary school were built on the low ground to the north of the church. A public road running east-west bounds the church on the south side.

South-west view point

Danesfort modern parish 

The Roman Catholic parish of Danesfort was established in the 1620s-30s under the episcopal of Bishop David Rothe of Ossory as part of the organisation of the parish network in the diocese. The new parish was a union of a number of smaller medieval parishes with parts of other parishes. In 1837 Samuel Lewis said that Danesfort parish was the union of the former parishes of Annamult, Ennisnag, Grove, Grane Abbey, and Killahane along with parts of Ballybar, Ballyreddin, Burnchurch and Kells.[1] In 1655 there were four Catholic priests operating within the new Danesford parish.[2] The penal laws as applied after the 1690s only allowed for one registered Catholic priest in each parish with no curate.[3] Before 1714 there were thirty two mass houses or chapels in the diocese of Ossory. Many of these were between 1660 and 1690 with a few built up to 1714. Between 1714 and 1732 another eighteen chapels were built.[4] County Kilkenny retained a few strong Catholic landowners, particularly the extended Butler family, into the eighteen century while the Catholic clergy had a generally good relationship with the Protestant Church of Ireland clergy to allow a good Catholic parish structure to exist in the diocese of Ossory with priests and chapels/mass houses. In the 1760s a few chapels in the diocese had gallerys.[5]

Wemys family

The medieval parish church of Danesfort was located in the townland of Danesfort.[6] In the eighteen century the Wemys family developed Danesfort townland into a demesne for their new big house. The Wemys family were Protestants from Scotland that were settled in the Danesfort area as tenants of the Earl of Ormond in the 1630s. The family renewed its lease of the estate from the Butler family in 1711 and 1790. In the nineteenth century the family sold part of the estate at various times to cover their financial difficulties. In 1896 Danesfort House was sold which sale included the ruins of the medieval church.[7]

Old church falls and two new churches replace

In 1732 there was one church/mass house in Danesfort parish. By 1788 there was a church in Danesfort and a chapel at Cuffesgrange.[8] For much of the eighteen century that church was located in the townland of Ballyda. By 1800 the fabric of the church was in serious decline and in 1811 the building collapsed. Rather than rebuild the old church it was decided to build a new church in the townland of and a short distance west of Danesfort crossroads. But parishioners living in the district of Cottrelsrath complained that this location was too far to travel for them to attend divine service. They wanted the new church to be built at Ladyswell which would be near the holy well of Ladyswell and in the same townland of Ballyda as the ruined church. The parish priest, Fr. William Swift (P.P. of Danesfort 1790-1817) appears not to have been able to establish his authority over the issue.[9] Both sides of the parish would not give way to the other and from 1811 both proceeded to build what they considered to be the proper parish church. It is suggested that both churches were built by 1812.[10]

With both churches claiming to be the proper parish church, conflict within the parish only intensified as each church told parishioners to come to them for baptism, marriage and funerals. The conflict spread beyond the parish to Bishop Marum of Ossory but he was unable to resolve the situation. By 1820 the archbishop of Dublin was asked to help. On 31^st July 1820 the archbishop, J.T. Troy, wrote to both sides of the parish, Rath and Danesfort. He first said that the people of Cottrelsrath had the better claim and the church at Ladyswell should have been the parochial church. But the archbishop said that the people in the Danesfort area had built their church at ‘considerable expense’ and were told by many superiors that their church was the parochial church and thus their church should not be declared a chapel of ease. Instead the archbishop declared both churches to be regarded as an independent parochial church. The parish priest was obliged to celebrate baptisms, marriages and services at both in equal standing.

Church rivals

The rivalry between the churches at Danesfort and Ladyswell continued for many years afterwards. During the so-called Tithe War of 1830-1838 the chapel bells at Danesfort and Ladyswell rang at fifteen minute intervals to warn the locals that Sergeant Coburn was in the district in November 1832 to execute warrants for the payment of the tithes.[11] Both churches wished to help their parishioners but clearly one church didn’t want the other church to take the credit. In 1837 Samuel Lewis recorded Catholic churches/chapels in the parish at Danesfort, Ladyswell, Bennettsbridge, Grange and Kells-grange.[12] Rev. Kavanagh kept one book for all the people of the parish to record baptisms regardless of which church the baptism took place. This register was started in 1819.[13]

Danesfort church in 1850

In 1850 the townland of Dundaryark was held by the Court of Chancery. Therefore Rev. Edmond Kavanagh rented the site of the church and national school from the Court while also renting from the Court a house, outbuildings and 31 acres of land to the east of the church as his residence. The house and buildings were worth £6 5s for the payment of rates.[14] Most of the parish priest who succeeded Rev. Kavanagh were buried at Danesfort church rather than at Ladyswell.[15]

Decline of Ladyswell church

In 1892 when the parish lost its second curate the church at Ladyswell was closed by order of the bishop. Some parishioners were furious at this and ceased attending any mass in the parish. In the 1920s the Ladyswell church was repaired in the hope that it would be reopened but it stayed closed. In 1947 some of the pews were removed to Cuffesgrange and in 1954 the remaining pews went to a convent in Kilkenny city. In 1954 the bell was sold to a church in Nigeria. In 1955 the roof fell in and the side walls quickly fell into disrepair with the structure turned into a cattle pen.[16]   

Danesfort church in the 20^th Century

Meanwhile the parochial church at Danesfort continued to offer divine service as it does to the present time. After the Second Vatican Council the interior of the church was remodelled to reflect the new liturgy. From 1817 to his death in 1857 Rev. Edmond Kavanagh was parish priest of Danesfort.[17] He helped build a national school to the north of the entrance door of Danesfort church. He also promoted the national school in Bennettsbridge.[18]  

The present parish of Danesfort has churches at Danesfort, Cuffesgrange, Kells and Newtown with Fr. Mark Condon as the parish priest in 2023. The church at Danesfort is dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel.[19] Danesfort church is not just a treasure for the people of Danesfort but is also for the wider kilkenny community and for church architecture in Ireland.

The font

=======================

End of post

========================

---

[1] Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (London, 1837), Danesfort

[2] Ó Fearghail, Fearghus, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, in William Nolan & Kevin Whelan (eds.), Kilkenny: History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin, 1990), pp. 197-249, at pp. 200, 201 Fig. 9.1

[3] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at p. 222

[4] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at pp. 226, 227

[5] Ó Fearghail, ‘The Catholic Church in county Kilkenny – 1600-1800’, pp. 197-249, at p. 238

[6] Breen, Mary, ‘Religion and Conflict in Danesfort’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 5 (1996), pp. 83-89, at p. 86

[7] O’Dwyer, Michael, ‘The Estate of John Otway Wemys, Danesfort House – 1896’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 6 (1998), pp. 107-111, at pp. 107, 110

[8] Carrigan, Rev. William, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory (1905), vol. 1, pp. 147, 204

[9] Carrigan, Rev. William, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory (1905), vol. III, pp. 397, 398

[10] National Inventory of Architectural Heritage, Danesfort

[11] O’Hanrahan, Michael, ‘The Tithe War in county Kilkenny – 1830-1834’, in William Nolan & Kevin Whelan (eds.), Kilkenny: History and Society: Interdisciplinary Essays on the History of an Irish County (Dublin, 1990), pp. 481-505, at p. 504

[12] Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of Ireland (London, 1837), Danesfort

[13] National Library of Ireland, Catholic Parish Registers, Danesfort, Microfilm 05025/05

[14] Griffith’s Valuation, Danesfort parish, Shillelogher barony, Co. Kilkenny

[15] Carrigan, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, vol. III, p. 398

[16] Breen, Mary, ‘Religion and Conflict in Danesfort’, pp. 83-89, at p. 88

[17] Carrigan, The History and Antiquities of the Diocese of Ossory, vol. III, p. 398

[18] Doyle, Joe, ‘Education in Bennettsbridge in the 19^th Century’, In the Shadow of the Steeple, No. 3 (1992), pp. 4-8, at pp. 4, 6

[19] Danesfort Parish Newsletter, 22^nd January 2023

First days of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway October 1872

First days of the Fermoy and Lismore Railway October 1872

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

At the beginning of 1872 Ireland had 2,006 miles of railway operated by 23 different companies across 18 lines of track. By the end of the year Ireland had 2,091 miles of railway, of which 501 miles were double track, over 21 worked lines and 22 railway companies. The new lines were the Enniscorthy to Wexford extension (14¾ miles) by the Dublin, Wicklow & Wexford Railway; the Navan & Kingscourt Railway (16 miles) and the Fermoy & Lismore Railway (15¼ miles).[1]

In 1860 the Great Southern & Western Railway had completed the Mallow to Fermoy railway line. In the autumn of 1862 the GS&WR did consider an extension from Fermoy to Lismore and surveyed a possible route.[2] But the Company considered the expected revenue to be insufficient for the project and the idea was shelved. The Duke of Devonshire saw this development yet was influenced by others in 1865 to consider linking Lismore to the railway network via a line south from Clonmel. But the Clonmel, Lismore & Dungarvan Railway went no further than having the route way marked out.[3] In 1868 F.E. Currey, agent for the Duke at Lismore approached the GS&WR to build and operate an extension from Fermoy to Lismore of their existing line but the request was declined.[4] The GS&WR would not provide capital or construction crews but would operate the line for 40% of receipts or run three trains per day for 1s 6d per mile.[5] In 1869 the Duke decided not to wait for others to act and put forward the money to build his own railway under the name of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. Thomas Brassey was awarded the construction contract in 1869 but due to ill health (he died in December 1870) no works of any consequence were commenced.[6] In April 1870 John J. Bagwell got the construction contract and in July Joseph Fishbourne was negotiating the purchase of the necessary land.[7] After the GS&WR approved of the track plan in January 1871 construction began from Fermoy station.[8]

Lismore Railway station, 2006,

photograph by Niall O’Brien

On 30^th July 1872 the line was declared complete by the Fermoy & Lismore Railway Company. On that day the directors of the GS&WR travelled on the line to inspect it and on their arrival in Lismore were sumptuously entertained by the Duke of Devonshire. On 24^th August Lt. Col. Hutchinson on behalf of the Board of Trade inspected the line with its 28 bridges, one level crossing and the seven-span Carrickabrick Viaduct over the River Blackwater. The 69lb rails were laid in lengths of 17 to 23 feet on Baltic cross sleepers on a stone track bed. But Lt. Col. Hutchinson didn’t consider the line to be complete and ordered further works before giving any licence to operate.[9]

These works included a second platform at Fermoy East station with loop points and signals to be interlocked. At Lismore a track crossing was ordered to be removed so that incoming and outgoing trains would use the same track and avoid any facing points which could cause an accident. On 24^th September the line was re-inspected and got authorisation to open for traffic provided the stations had clocks that were visible on the station platforms and from passing trains. At a few places track was lifted to lay down more ballast.[10] By an agreement in August 1871 the GS&WR provided locomotives and rolling stock for the new line and operated the trains for a ten year period which was renewed in February 1883. The Fermoy & Lismore Railway provided facilities such as turntables, engine sheds, cattle pens and water tanks.[11] On Friday, 27^th September 1872 the first public trains travelled on the line with a service of three trains per day going in each direction and one service on Sundays.[12]

The first few days of the train service appears to be free as the accounts department didn’t begin work on Tuesday, 1^st October. These first few days may have been more testing the system and the time table before beginning formal operations. The first day of charging money for passenger tickets occurred on 1^st October. The accounts ran until Friday, 4^th October which was the end of the first week of business. The first full week of business ran from Saturday, 5^th October to Friday, 11^th October 1872. The early trains carried passengers, parcels, a few dogs and horses loaded at Lismore. Goods traffic didn’t begin until the week ending 8^th November 1872. The first cattle movement was not until the week ending 15^th November. On the week ending 22^nd November a small amount of coal was delivered to Clondulane station. On the week ending 6^th December 1872 a delivery of ten tons of coal was received at Fermoy station.[13]

In first four days of the Fermoy & Lismore Railway 430.5 people purchased rail tickets. The half person was possibly a children’s ticket. Allowing for those who purchased return tickets the total passenger number was 534 people with an income of £29 10s 8d. The Fermoy & Lismore carried 9,751 passengers in its first four months to the end of 1872. Further income came from Excess fares, parcels, dogs and horses which brought the total income for the first four days to £33 11s 10d. The Fermoy & Lismore didn’t retain all this income as £6 13s was deducted by the railway clearance house to pay other railway companies, mainly the GS&WR. Therefore net income was £26 18s out of which running expenses had to be paid.[14] Yet still, after all the effort since 1860 and before to connect Lismore and west Waterford with the national railway network, a working railway was now in operation. The Fermoy & Lismore, started on that 1^st day of October 1872 would continue under different companies to provide a train service until 25^th March 1967 when the last passenger and freight trains graced the line, making smoke and blowing their horns.

Fermoy & Lismore Railway
Statement of Traffic
Showing the Number of Passengers Booked, and the Accounts Received for Passengers, Parcels, &c respectively at each Station
4 Days ending 4th day of October 1872
	Fermoy	Clondulane	Ballyduff	Tallow Road	Lismore	G.S. & W. Co.	Total
1st Class	9	1	3	4	25	2	44
2nd Class	11	4		2	14	4	35
3rd Class	37	24	78	13	85.5	10	247.5
1st Class Return	3	2	2	4	2	1	14
2nd Class Return	4	1		1	4	2	12
3rd Class Return	21	29	2	6	15	5	78
Officers
Soldiers
Total	85	61	85	30	145.5	24	430.5
Amount	£7-18-3	£3-11-10	£2-14-10	£1-6-5	£11-18-9	£2-0-7	£29-10-8
Excess Fares	1s 8d	1s	3d	3s 6d			£0-6-5
Parcels			2s 7d	8d	£1-6-8		£1-9-11
Excess Luggage
Horses					£2		£2
Carriages
Dogs	2s		1s		1s		£0-4-0
Goods
Coal
Cattle
Station Totals	£8-1-11	£3-12-10	£2-18-8	£1-10-7	£15-6-5	£2-0-7	£33-11-0
Total							£33-11-10
Clearing house deductions							£6-13-0
Total income							£26-18-0
			J.W. Elirior
SOURCE: IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810

==================

End of post

==================

---

[1] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 1’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 66 (February, 1975), pp. 36-43, at p. 36

[2] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1860, part 1’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 6, No. 31 (Autumn, 1962), pp. 183-200, at pp. 184, 185

[3] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company: An Illustrated History (Newtownards, 2015), p. 41

[4] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, p. 216

[5] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1868, part 2’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 9, No. 53 (October, 1970), pp. 278-285, at p. 283; Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1869, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 10, No. 56 (October, 1971), pp. 121-131, at p. 129

[6] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 42

[7] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1870, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 11, No. 60 (February, 1973), pp. 31-41, at p. 38

[8] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 42

[9] Mahon, G.R., ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, in the Journal of the Irish Railway Record Society, Vo. 12, No. 68 (October, 1975), pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[10] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[11] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, pp. 42, 43

[12] Mahon, ‘Irish Railways in 1872, part 3’, pp. 139-150, at p. 141

[13] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

[14] Waterford City and County Archives, Lismore Castle Papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/810, Fermoy & Lismore Railway Statement of Traffic, 11^th October 1872 to 31^st December 1875

The Mallow to Waterford Railway during the Irish Civil War

The Mallow to Waterford Railway during the Irish Civil War

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Irish civil war from June 1922 to May 1923 was a very destructive time for railways in Ireland. The Mallow to Waterford railway suffered in those nearly twelve months of war with attacks on infrastructure and disruption of services. In fact the Mallow to Waterford railway and on to Rosslare via the South Wexford line was the only major rail line in the country to virtually cease to operate for most of the civil war. This was after a decade of pressure for Irish railways. The outbreak of the World War 1914-18 led the British government to introduce an Order of Control on British railways which gave financial guarantees on wage bonuses in return for railways serving the war effort. But in Ireland no such guarantee was given in return for the high level of activity which Irish railways were expected performed in the war. For example the Great Southern & Western Railway operated 170 specials between the 5^th and 21^st August 1914 to get men and supplies to France which no financial reward beyond the normal income.[1] In a local impact on the Mallow to Waterford, the Admiralty commandeered the three steamers servicing the Fishguard to Rosslare run, namely the St. Andrew, the St. Patrick and the St. David.[2]

For the first two years of the war the railway staff continued their work even with increased work. After the 1916 Rising railway workers said they would go on strike to receive better government support but it was not until August 1919 that a British based Ministry of Transport was established with H.G. Burgess appointed as Director-General of Transport for Ireland with absolute control of Irish railways. This it will be observed was after the end of the Great War on 11^th November 1918. But still railway companies were given a guaranteed income based on 1913 traffic while railway workers got a pay rise of 7s per week. The period of government control ended on 21^st August 1921 following a period of peace after the July truce ended the War of Independence. In the payout of compensation the GS&WR received £1,043,000. The end of war found the railways companies with empty bank accounts, worn out equipment, damaged infrastructure and having to deal with the new eight hour day secured by railway workers.[3]

At local level the War of Independence on the Mallow to Waterford railway saw a number of incidences. Following the imposition of a nationwide curfew order on 20^th February 1920 from midnight to 5am train crews that ended up in some rural station could not go to homes or lodging houses and had to sleep in the station house.[4] In November 1920 the British issued an order stopping passenger trains between Dungarvan and Lismore as part of their attempts to break the munitions strike by railway workers. Only goods trains were allowed in that section of the line. Passenger trains such as the Rosslare Express could only travel as far as Lismore or Dungarvan. It couldn’t go round by Limerick Junction as the entire line from Waterford to Limerick was totally closed. The strike was called off on 21^st December 1920 but it allowed road transport to establish itself beside the Mallow to Waterford line.[5] On 10^th December 1920 the British declared martial law in Counties Tipperary, Limerick, Kerry and Cork. The following night, 11^th December, train driver James Lawlor was shot in Lismore because he failed to respond to a challenge to stop.[6] In February 1921 the IRA attacks on trains began with about 25 varied attacks between then and the July 1921 truce.[7] On 3^rd March 1921 the IRA hoped to stop the 7.30am Dungarvan to Waterford train at Millarstown near the Durrow tunnel and remove the jurors on their way to the spring assizes. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) had established a road block near Ballyvoile viaduct to prevent troops from Dungarvan from coming to the rescue but they had no counted on a special military train that was accompanying the passenger train. The ensuing gun battle lasted the whole day until nightfall allowed the IRA to slip away.[8]

 In mid January 1922, only days after the formation of the Provisional Government, railway workers threaten to go on strike because of a disappointing pay compensation issued by an arbitration tribunal.  The government stepped in on 14^th January to suspend the pay award for six months and support railway companies. This support was extended until 31^st December.[9] 

The Civil War would prove to be a very challenging time for Irish railways. The disruption of train services, the destruction of trains, bridges and the permanent way gave road transport an opening which it never left go. The Great War had left a surplus of road vehicles and these were used to transport people and goods where and when the railways could not. Road transport continued to advance after the War and even today questioned the need for having any railways at all. The Baronial Guarantee, which financially supported railways in rural areas, also increased the rates bill in many counties above what it would be without the railway support. People began to ask why I have to pay higher rates to support a railway system I don’t use, or rarely use, as road transport became more convenient.

Dungarvan railway station

April 1922

On Tuesday, 4^th April 1922 heavy snowfall in the Dungarvan area disrupted train services for a time.[10] On Sunday, 9^th April 1922 a large Pro-Treaty demonstration was held in Wexford town with General Michael Collins, Chairman of the Provisional Government and Alderman Corish, TD and mayor of Wexford, as the keynote speakers. Special trains from Dublin, Gorey and Waterford were arranged to take people to Wexford town but only the Gorey train made it. The Dublin train was stopped at Woodenbridge where rails had been removed and when workers tried to repair the line their implements were thrown into the Avoca River by armed men. At Enniscorthy the train driver was kidnapped but a replacement was found with the train eventually reaching Wexford by late evening.

The two special trains from Waterford travelled via two different routes with the GS&WR train going by Campile and the D&SER train going by New Ross but it only got as far as the latter station when the driver was kidnapped causing the train to proceed no further. The goods clerk at New Ross, Mr. O’Brien, was later commended for filling the unattended boiler which prevented a possibly explosion. The GS&WR train had to stop at Bridgetown as rails between there and Killinck were torn up. The damaged was quickly repaired only for the communication wires to be cut. The train crew considered it unsafe to proceed and the train returned to Waterford. The damaged to the line was not fully repaired until Monday morning with the result that the Rosslare Express could not precede beyond Rosslare Strand Junction and passengers had to wait around at the country station until Monday evening when the Express could finally proceed to Cork.[11]

May 1922

On Sunday, 14^th May 1922 Cork were playing Dublin in the hurling All Ireland Final (Dublin 4-9 to Cork 1-3). Special trains leave Fermoy and Mallow and other places without disruption.[12]

June 1922

The General Manager of the GS&WR told the Railway Commission that the wages of railwaymen was 45s 6d per week for 48 hours work and 48s per week in urban areas. Drivers and firemen were paid the same rate for working a heavy train or a light train. Drivers and guards on branch lines were paid the same rate as those working heavy mainline passenger or goods trains. The station masters of country stations were expected to work longer than an eight hour day as they didn’t have continuous work to do.[13]

July 1922

The Anti-Treaty forces take over Cork city and declare it the headquarters of all Irregular forces in Munster. Newspapers and train stations in the city are put under pressure to only serve the Anti-Treaty cause.[14] Across Munster the Irregulars seized control of most of the towns and cities like Limerick, Waterford, Dungarvan, Fermoy, Mitchelstown, Mallow and Tralee along with occupying a number of large houses like Mitchelstown castle and Lismore castle.

Early in July 1922 the Free State army held Dublin, Kildare and central Kilkenny with a few other scattered outposts across country. General Prout was in charge of the Kilkenny garrison and had plans to head south into Tipperary and Waterford but wanted to know where the Anti-Treaty forces were garrisoned first. Thus he sent Tommy Ryan, a former member of the 3^rd Tipperary Brigade to reconnoitre the area. Ryan reached Waterford city without any difficulty and stayed in the Munster Arms Hotel which was one of the Anti-Treaty barracks in the city. Next day Ryan walked around town and observed the military situation but the Irregulars, as the Anti-Treaty forces are sometimes called, also observed him. Ryan went over the bridge to the railway station and got a ticket for the first train to leave which was a passenger train for Cork on the Mallow to Waterford line. Ryan got into one carriage while a group of four Irregulars got into another carriage further back.

There were no connecting corridors on trains back then and so everyone had to sit and wait for developments. At Cappoquin station Tommy Ryan dashed out of the train and into the toilets from where he observed the four Irregulars on the platform looking around and into each carriage. Ryan had his gun ready but the Irregulars didn’t think to look in the toilets. As the train was pulling out Ryan made a successful dash into one of the carriages. About two miles towards Lismore Ryan pulled the emergency cord and jumped out of the stopping train. Down by the River Blackwater he found a boat and rowed across to the north bank and made his way to Mount Melleray where he got a meal and rest. With the light of a summer moon Ryan crossed the Knockmealdown Mountains to Clogheen from where he made his way back to Kilkenny.[15]

Early in July the Irregulars had damaged the Cork to Dublin railway north of Limerick Junction to prevent Free State troops from using the train to rapidly move down from Dublin into Munster. On 12^th July 1922 train services from Cork to Dublin were redirected at Limerick Junction down to Waterford and up the east coast D&SER railway to Dublin following the restoration of the line between Charleville and Mallow. This circular route was continued for more than five weeks into mid-August.[16] This information seems to be questionable as on 13^th October 1922 the Waterford News said the railway line around Carrick-on-Suir was put out of action and that no train entered or left Carrick for four months.[17] Railway crews working on repairing bridges on the Clonmel to Waterford line said that the line from Carrick to Clonmel would be opened by 20^th October and the line to Waterford by the end of October.[18]

The fact that the service between Cork and Dublin didn’t go by way of the Mallow to Waterford railway line would suggest that this line was blocked in some way. Yet train services between at least Cappoquin and Waterford appeared to be still running. On 17^th July a small force of Irregulars came to occupy Cappagh House between Dungarvan and Cappoquin. After a few days, with no sign that the Irregulars were going to leave, Emily Ussher and her husband, Beverly Ussher, decided to take a break and go to a flat they had at Milltown in Dublin. The two walked to Cappagh railway station, a short distance from the house, with two little clocks and a few valued trifles. As they passed the gate the labour union had a picket on one side and the Irregulars with a sentry post on the other side. At the station the Ussher’s were able to catch a train heading for Waterford on what would be one of the last trains over Ballyvoile viaduct.[19] As well as a civil war entertaining the country in 1922 there was also a labour strike between labourers and the farmers over pay and conditions. Most workers returned to work in July/August 1922.[20] Yet the labourer strike flared up and down over the succeeded months and didn’t finally end until December 1923 when the workers returned to work having gained very little.[21]  

On Wednesday, 19^th July 1922 a Free State force of 700 men under Colonel Prout reach Waterford city and launch an attack on the Anti-Treaty forces in the city. The Free State force shells the city with artillery fired on the cliffs above the railway station. The Suir railway bridge was locked in the open position for four days which prevented any train services on the Mallow to Waterford railway. Only the self-contained Waterford to Tramore railway is able to provide any normal service. On the 20^th the Free State artillery was moved onto the railway line to give covering fire to its forces fighting on the Quay on the south side of the Suir.[22] Among the Anti-Treaty side defending the city was Moses Roche who later retreated with his active service unit to Dungarvan and the Comeragh Mountains. Back on 3^rd March 1921 Moses Roche was a railway porter at Kilmacthomas railway station when the IRA stopped a train at Durrow taking jurors to the Waterford assizes. Moses was sent along the line from Kilmacthomas by his station master to see where the delayed jury train was. He got catch up in the gun battle between the IRA and a second military train ex Dungarvan but eventually was able to walk back to Kilmacthomas.[23] On the 21^st the Free State forces took the city and the Irregulars retreated to Butlerstown, Whitfield, Mount Congreve and Curraghmore. Both sides then halted their movements until 3^rd/4^th August.[24] On 29^th July Colonel Prout advanced his troops not in a direct assault on the east Waterford big houses but up the River Suir. On 4^th August Carrick-on-Suir fell and on the 9^th Clonmel fell to the Free State forces.[25]

During July 1922 one of the arches of the Taylorstown viaduct on the South Wexford line was blown up. Over time three further arches collapsed and the line remained closed for through traffic until 29^th December 1923 when the restored viaduct was re-opened.[26] On 24^th July the GS&WR issued a month’s notice to clerical staff that it intended to reduce their wages to three days per week because the civil war caused a reduction in services and work.[27] On 28^th July 1922 the staff at Rosslare Harbour were put on temporary leave with half pay as the port came to a standstill. A few days later the chairman of the D&SER reported that income was down £2,500 per week due to the war effecting services and the difficulty in station masters getting receipts to head-office.[28]

August 1922

On Thursday, 3^rd August, the chief engineer of the GS&WR, John Sides, told the Minister of Economic Affairs, Kevin O’Higgins that the company was running short of permanent way tools due to Irregular raids of their stores and stealing from the men out on the per way.[29] Not only were the Irregulars taking permanent way equipment but Operation Order No. 4 issued by Liam Lynch on 27^th July 1922 told his forces to remove vital parts of locomotive engines to prevent the government was quickly restoring services on repaired lines.[30]

On Friday, 4^th August 1922 the road and railway viaducts at Ballyvoile were blown up cutting train services between Dungarvan and Durrow. The noise of the two explosions in the Dalligan valley was heard for a considerable distance.[31] Mike Mansfield led the demolition party. It was planned by some that they would make a defence line on the Dalligan valley but news that the Free State had landed at Cork cause the Irregulars to continue their westward retreat.[32] The road viaduct was damaged but saved from total collapse by timber supports.[33] On 5^th August General O’Duffy, O/C Eastern Command, issued an order to his troops to fire on anybody attempting to destroy bridges or railway lines.[34]

John Bowen, the County Surveyor, afterwards told the Kilmacthomas District Council, that the destruction of the railway viaduct meant that passengers and a great amount of heavy goods had to go by road between Dungarvan and Waterford. He said people were using cars, carts, heavy lorries and motors but more seriously were driving at excessive speeds on unfit roads.[35] The loss of Ballyvoile viaduct meant that people were left to find any means of transport, be it walking, cycling, hiring a car or sit in the back of a lorry to get between Waterford and Dungarvan. In early August Beverly Ussher tried to get back to Cappagh house, occupied by the Irregulars. He got a lift to Waterford from a travelling salesman and got to Dungarvan in the back of Moloney’s meal lorry. In Dungarvan he was told thirty men had previously taken mattresses to Cappagh house with the possible idea of burning it. By the 14^th August Beverly finally got home to find the house still standing and the Irregulars had disappeared.[36] 

On 5^th August Ernie O’Malley, Assistant Chief-of-Staff of the Anti-Treaty forces issued a letter to the railway workers that they would all be shot for collaborating with the Provisional Government. Two days later E.P. Hart of the Amalgamated Transport and General Workers Union denounced the letter at the annual conference of the Irish Labour Party.[37]

On Tuesday, 8^th August the Anti-Treaty garrison in Dungarvan decided to evacuate the town on the approach of Free State troops. The Cork No. 1 Brigade, under Mick Murphy, commandeered two trains standing at Dungarvan station to make good their escape. At Cappoquin they were joined by other Anti-Treaty forces for the great escape to the west. After crossing over the River Blackwater they blew up the road bridge and railway viaduct to prevent the Free State troops from giving them pursuit.[38] Mick Mansfield said it was the local Cappoquin Anti-Treaty force that blew the railway viaduct to stop the Cork No. 1 Brigade from coming back as they didn’t think much of the Cork men as fighting soldiers and only interested in gathering loot.[39] The viaduct did collapse but the road bridge only suffered cratering in the roadway.[40] The Free State army had successfully landed a strong military force in Cork Harbour the day before and landed at Youghal on 8^th August with 200 men from the Helga.[41]

On Wednesday, 9^th August, the Anti-Treaty forces at Mallow blew up the ten arched Mallow railway viaduct over the River Blackwater.[42] It was known locally as ‘Ten Arch Bridge’.[43] Three arches were initially destroyed but the rest of the viaduct subsequently collapsed into the river.[44] The Irregulars tried to blow the road bridge at Mallow but the parish priest and the rector stood on the bridge and said they would have to blow them with the bridge. The Anti-Treaty forces backed down.[45] After the Free State troops had captured Mallow a temporary railway station was constructed south of the river from where people walked through the town to the regular Mallow railway station north of the river.[46]

On 12^th August Eamon de Valera arrived in Mitchelstown to inspect his troops of the mid-Limerick Brigade. There were only about ninety in the castle and the town with no transport or communication. Several bridges were blow in the area while telegraph and telephone communications were destroyed.[47] Yet the idea of no transport is suspect as other sources say that streams of ‘motor lorries and cars’ went to and fro from Mitchelstown over the previous week emptying the castle of all its contents. On the night of the 12^th/13^th August the Anti-Treaty forces left Mitchelstown by the light of the burning castle after having looted its contents.[48] Apparently stealing art was more important than trying to win a war.

On Tuesday, 15^th August, General Liam Tobin led a force of Free State troops from Cork into Fermoy. The Irregulars had held the town since the start of the civil war and although most of the Irregulars had left the town a few still stayed around the neighbourhood. On 12^th August the Irregulars had burnt the two large former British military barracks in Fermoy along with the military hospital. It would appear the railway station was not harmed and the Irregulars left the town using every means except by train. But a few days later the Irregulars returned to attack the Free State troops in the town. Another group attacked Carrigabrick viaduct bringing mines with them with the intention of blowing up the viaduct. Free State troops guarding the bridge returned fire. One Irregular was killed and another wounded. In their retreat the Irregulars threw their bombs into the river. A military guard house was placed at each end of the viaduct which the soldiers called the ‘Viaduct Hotel’.[49]     

On Thursday, 17^th August, the remaining arches of the Ballyvoile railway viaduct collapsed into the Dalligan River.[50] That same day Free State forces arrived in Mitchelstown from the Tipperary direction.[51] Meanwhile General Liam Tobin led a force of Free State troops from Fermoy to take Tallow and Lismore. It was said that the Irregulars evacuated Lismore castle by the back door as the Free State troops entered by the front. The castle had been covered with straw and oil with the intention to burn it but didn’t have time. Afterwards the Irregulars returned to attack the castle from time to time such as in early February 1923.[52] 

Free State troops arrived in Kilmacthomas on 23^rd August and took over the local workhouse. Most of the Irregulars had left but a few remained and shooting filled the streets for a day or two.[53] It is said that on 22^nd August the Free State army entered Dungarvan under Paddy Paul.[54] Others said it was the 16^th August.[55] Yet the address of welcome by the chairman of the Urban Council to Paul spoke of the ‘lamented death’ of General Michael Collins and thus putting the date after 22^nd August at least.[56] The Irregulars had burnt the military buildings in Dungarvan castle and the coast guard station at Ballinacourty but it seems most of the town was spared along with the railway station.[57]

On 24^th August Ernie O’Malley of the Anti-Treaty army told Liam Lynch that we will have to destroy the railways and put the railway staff out of work if they don’t stop carrying Free State troops. O’Malley said it will be their own fault if they are out of work.[58] On 25^th August the Coal Channel Bridge at Drinagh, south of Wexford town was blown up and so cutting off Rosslare Harbour from the rest of the country and stopping the Rosslare Express.[59]

On Friday, 25^th August, a body of Anti-Treaty forces seized a permanent way train at Mitchelstown with all its tools and equipment.[60] The train was driven south towards Fermoy from the terminus station at Mitchelstown but the group were not planning to repair the permanent way but to destroy parts of it and stop or slow down the pursuit of the Free State forces.

On Wednesday 30^th August the government began a fast boat service between Cork and Dublin with two to three sailings per day for passenger and goods, including livestock, until direct rail services were restored.[61] On the same 30^th August Ernie O’Malley of the Anti-Treaty forces asked Liam Pilkington, Officer Commanding of the 3^rd Western Division, if he knew of any train drivers or guards who would take messages between headquarters in Dublin and the troops out in the countryside.[62] On 31^st August Liam Lynch, chief-of-staff of the Anti-Treaty side, told all divisional and independent brigade commanders how unnecessary it was to emphasise the importance to continue destroying all railway lines used by the enemy as well as cutting railway telegraph lines.[63]

Ballyvoile road bridge & railway viaduct

September 1922

On 3^rd September 1922 Ernie O’Malley told Liam Lynch, chief-of-staff of the Anti-Treaty side, otherwise known as the Irregulars, that he knows certain people in the transport trade union to put pressure on rail workers not to carry Free State troops or handle military stores. Otherwise he will tell the unions that not to obey will mean the ‘destruction of railways’, cause unemployment and be of general inconvenience to the public. O’Malley asked will it be sufficient to our cause if railway workers obey and don’t cooperate with the Provisional Government or are we going to destroy the railways for economic reasons and force the ‘people to beg for peace’.[64] On 12^th September Liam Lynch replied that destroying the railways to make the people beg for peace was one of the main reason for destruction but there were also other, unspecified reasons, for the ‘complete destruction of Rail Communications’. Lynch to O’Malley to keep destroying the railway network and leave the trade unions to their own ideas.[65]

On 4^th September a Helvick motor trawler, under Mr. Meehan, transported students from Waterford to the Irish College at Ring. Although the passage took six hours, the Waterford News newspaper considered that others would increasing use the sea route to connect Waterford city and wet Waterford until railway services were fully restored.[66] Two Dungarvan merchants, Moloney & Co. and Williams & Co. hired two steamers, the Lady Belle and the Cargan to bring food and supplies into Dungarvan.[67]

On 9^th September with the Ballyvoile viaduct destroyed and little hope of rebuilding it in the immediate term, GS&WR laid off the linesmen that previous worked on the section of line between Dungarvan station and Ballyvoile. These workers remained unemployed until June 1924 when the viaduct was rebuilt.[68] On Tuesday, 12^th September, law and order in Waterford city was considered to be fully restored such that the curfew regulations, imposed upon the city, were lifted. Even with the freeing up of travel it appears that few people availed of the railway services in and out of the city.[69]

In mid September Anti-Treaty forces were instructed to burn any and all railways stations within their area of operations.[70] At the same time Sean Lemass of the Anti-Treaty forces (Taoiseach 1959-66) was hoping to use the railways to send small quantities of arms, ammunition, explosives and supplies around the country.[71] Ernie O’Malley was hoping that friendly railway staff could pass on information about Free State garrisons at terminal and intermediate stations or give information on communication codes and copies of the Free State army newspaper, An t-Óglach,[72]

On 20^th September the first train to run between Thurles and Limerick Junction was able to complete the journey after the line was closed for nearly thirteen weeks. But on the same day a passenger train is seized at Bansha station where the passengers are told to walk to Cahir or go back to Tipperary. The Irregulars had planned to seize a goods train coming up from Cahir and bring both trains into a head-on collision but the goods train never came. Instead the Irregulars burnt the train while the damaged engine was able to make good its escape back to Tipperary.[73]

On 28^th September it was reported that the South Wexford line between Waterford and Rosslare was still closed to traffic.[74] The Anti-Treaty forces particularly liked targeting the South Wexford line as it ran through mostly rural countryside far from the centres of Free State forces. Between July and December 1922 virtually all the signal cabins on the line were destroyed.[75] On the same 28^th September Liam Lynch asked Ernie O’Malley has he any ideas on how to stop the train drivers who are assisting the Free State with moving troops and supplies.[76] On about 28^th September 1922 Con Moloney said that although the Irregulars were pushed out of most of the towns in Munster, he felt that they could retake Mallow and Fermoy. He said the Fermoy garrison was only 40 soldiers and the officers in both places were inexperienced.[77]

October 1922

On 2^nd October Sean Lemass reported that he had an effective communications system through the train services operating between Belfast and Mallow and west to Athlone, Longford and Sligo.[78] On Thursday, 5^th October, it was announced that the line between Clonmel and Waterford was reopened for traffic.[79] It is not clear for how long the line was previously closed. Liam Lynch in September 1922 was also unsure which railway line was working or not. He was giving out to the communications department for not publicising the destruction of the railways and that road and railways were being restored without comment.[80] 

On 6^th October train drivers in Cork petitioned the GS&WR to allow them to borrow from the Engineman’s Fund as many of the drivers were in financial difficulties owing to the fact that many railway lines in and out of the city were out of action. On the same day the construction company of Sir William Arrol & Co. said it could rebuild the Mallow viaduct in stone for £18,125 if agreed. A few days later the contract is given to Armstrong Whitworth of Newcastle-upon-Tyne who submitted a plan for a steel viaduct.[81] In early October train services between Cork and Buttevant were all but stopped with passengers travelling between the two places by motor bus and goods by motor lorry.[82]

On 16^th October traffic staff in the Dublin area go on strike for more money to recover their take home pay as their hours of work were reduced due to the reduction in train services caused by wartime disruption of the railway network. The strike continued for a number of weeks with the suspension of all train services even though train drivers and fireman continued to report for duty. On 30^th October the Inchicore Works closed with 1,500 workers laid off due to the strike. Many railwaymen in the south of Ireland had no pay at all because train services had totally stopped. Some of these men did get employment later in the month to repair the permanent way.[83]

On 17^th October the restored Coal Channel Bridge at Drinagh in Wexford was again attacked with Rosslare and the Rosslare Express again cut off from the rest of the country.[84] This, and other, attacks on the railway system by the Anti-Treaty soldiers were sometimes in contradiction with the war strategy of its leaders. On 21^st October Ernie O’Malley told Sean Lemass that it was important to develop road, rail and sea transport links for the Anti-Treaty war effort.[85]

On 30^th October 1922 Mallow railway station was attacked by Irregular troops with the main station building completely burnt along with the stationmaster’s house.[86] On the same day the 3^rd Anti-Treaty Brigade around Athlone told Ernie O’Malley that they were making suitable mines to blow up bridges and had a scheme drawn up to destroy railway and road communications so as to make it impossible for the Free State to move around troops.[87]

November 1922

On Saturday, 4^th November, Anti-Treaty forces place mines on the South Wexford line at milepost 78 and 79 with posted notices announcing death to any who attempt to remove the mines. Later in the day the obstacles were removed without any shots fired and train services were resumed by the end of the day.[88]

On 5^th November the signal cabin at Grace Dieu Junction on the Mallow to Waterford railway was burnt.[89] The junction separated traffic on the line, sending occasionally goods trains south into the old terminus of the Waterford, Dungarvan & Lismore Railway at Bilberry, while sending the majority of goods and all passenger traffic eastwards towards the Suir railway bridge and into the Waterford North station.  The cabin was never restored and the cabin at Kilmeaden station was given the release controls for the Suir Bridge.[90] From July to December 1922 five signal cabins between Grace Dieu Junction and Ballyduff were destroyed.[91]

On 10^th November 1922 the Fishguard and Rosslare Railways and Harbours Company was told that train services on the South Wexford line had completed ceased due to continued war activity in the area. The GS&WR said that the D&SER had agreed to allow FRRHC services to travel between Rosslare Harbour and Waterford via New Ross. After consideration the FRRHC board declined the offer.[92] The rejection was possibly a good idea as over the following few weeks the D&SER around Macmine Junction and New Ross faced a series of attacks which destroyed track, engines, trains and permanent way facilities.[93]

On 21^st November the Irregulars attacked Durrow & Stradbally station and destroyed the signal cabin by fire.[94]  On 24^th November a railway bridge between Cahir and Clonmel was blown up by a large force of Anti-Treaty troops. They afterwards captured the passenger train from Limerick, and having evicted the passengers, drove the train at speed towards the damaged bridge; further destroying the bridge and wrecking the train and burning the coaches.[95]

24^th November 1922 a meeting at the Railway Clearing House in Kildare Street, Dublin, of many of the railway companies in ‘Southern Ireland’ under the chair of Sir William Goulding, chairman of the GS&WR. It is resolved to create a unified railway company within a short time with a report on the process of amalgamation to be presented by June 1923. Six companies reserved their position on the one company idea including the Waterford & Tramore Company.[96]

On the 24^th November the D&SER train arrived in Waterford at 10.50pm from Dublin. the Waterford News reported that the same train arrived at various times in the previous week from 1am to even 5am.[97] On 24^th November 1922 the impressive 64 level signal cabin at Waterford North station, located on a gantry over the platform track, was completely destroyed by fire.[98] On 25^th November linesmen along the Mallow to Waterford line were paid off and made redundant due to ‘malicious damaged to the line’. This included milesmen operating within four and eight miles out from Mallow and within six miles of Waterford. Many of the employees were out of work until the 26^th August 1923.[99]

 On Tuesday, 28^th November Sir William Goulding met Gordon Campbell, acting for the sick Minister of Industry & Commerce, Joseph McGrath, on railway amalgamation. The government hoped the companies could work out their own scheme as the government didn’t have the experts to formulate a scheme. On the same day President Cosgrave spoke in the Dáil about the railway estimates and noted that some lines were expensive to operate. He said the Dublin & Blessington line had varied gradients with many twists and turns which make the line expensive to maintain.[100] Without saying it the President was taking about line closures at the very start of the independent new country.

December 1922

On 2^nd December 1922 the Anti-Treaty forces issued Operation Order No. 13 on the destruction of railway communications. It told its forces to first issue a warning to station masters and railway employees that trains will be fired upon unless a guarantee was undertaken that trains wouldn’t carry government troops, intelligence officers, supplies or communications. But these warnings didn’t mean the railways would be spared destruction. Army companies were told destroy 40 yards of wires, remove the wires and cut down the poles to stop communication. They were then to destroy 50 yards of rails and seize the railway repairing tools so it couldn’t be restored. Locomotives and rolling stock were to be wrecked to destroy enemy communications.[101]

Many Anti-Treaty members used the railways in their normal work or were railway employees and it needed to be explained to them why this destruction was required. One reason was the attacks would delay troop reinforcements and supplies. It would force the enemy/government to use the roads more than the railways. The government would have to deploy some of their troops to guard the railways and so allowing fewer troops to be available to fight the Anti-Treaty forces. The attacks would prevent intelligence officers and government spies for travelling as well as holding up the general administration of the country.[102]

On 3^rd December 1922 the FRRHC decided to accept the D&SER offer to run the Rosslare Express through Wexford and New Ross to Waterford by way of Macmine Junction.[103] Loco numbers 143, 158, and 174 operated the Cork to Rosslare train between Waterford and Wexford through Macmine Junction until December 1923 when the Taylorstown viaduct was restored.[104]

On 4^th December the GS&WR informed the government that they were not prepared to continue operating the South Wexford line between Waterford and Rosslare until proper armed protection is given to the crew working the Barrow Bridge.[105] On 6^th December 1922 the Irish Free State, Saorstát Éireann, officially came into existence and issues its first postage stamp. The next day the government told the railway companies that they had six months to formulate a merger or the government will do it.[106] On 14^th January 1923 the railway companies favour two big railway companies with the Galway to Dublin line as the divide.[107] On 7^th December the 17.05 out of Waterford was derailed at milepost 55 but was shortly after put back on the rails.[108]

On Sunday, 10^th December the GS&WR goods shed along with the D&SER goods stores at Waterford railway station were attacked and severely damaged. A small Free State force was operating in the Ferrybank area searching for Irregulars when the fire was reported. Two quick thinking and able soldiers got the only loco in the engine shed under steam and managed to pull out five full length trains from the burning GS&WR goods shed. Yet still some 22 freight wagons, two passenger coaches, one horse box and five ballast wagons were destroyed in the GS&WR building. Meanwhile the soldiers drove the engine through the D&SER store to try a retrieve some wagons but the building and the wagons within were burning too fiercely to retrieve any. The city fire brigade didn’t arrive until an hour and a half after they were told and very few railway staff came to help. A number of railway workers were arrested as active Irregulars. District Superintendent Purdon and Inspector Scott were one of the few railway staff to help put out the fires.[109]

The rural railway junction of Macmine Junction on the Waterford to Wexford line where it joins the Dublin line is the location of numerous attacks to trains over the previous six months. On 8^th December the 21.15 Wexford to Waterford passenger train was held up and the engine, no. 32, was detached at Killurin where it was driven into the river to join no. 18 loco which was ditched from a previous attack. On 20^th January 1923 the 6.30 goods train from Waterford was seized along with the 9.45 passenger train going to Waterford. The Irregulars drove both trains into a head-on collision which destroyed both engines (no. 61 & no. 68) beyond repair.[110]

On Friday, 15^th December 1922 the 18.15 ex Durrow station passenger train was fired upon as it left Kilmeaden station for Waterford. The driver was forced to stop the train which was driven back into Kilmeaden where the passengers were taken off. As they left the station, a Free State soldier was relieved of his overcoat and let walk to Waterford city with the other passengers. The Irregulars then set the train on fire and sent it burning towards Waterford. Further up the line a few rails had been removed which caused the burning train to derail where nothing was left but its burnt skeleton frames.[111]

On Sunday night of 17^th December armed men called to the residence of the Durrow station master, located some distance from the station, at about 1am. They ask for the keys to the station and tell the station master to go back to bed. The next morning, after a possible restless night, the master went to the station to find the entire building burnt out. The raiders had burnt the booking office, waiting room, and lamp rooms along with the goods store.[112] The signal cabin was damaged on a previous attack.

Even with the virtually destruction of Durrow station the railway staff did great work in a short time to restore some form of facilities to served passengers and freight that came and went from the station. With the destruction of the Ballyvoile viaduct Durrow became the terminus station between there and Waterford. On the other side Dungarvan became a terminus station for the line heading west but it is unclear if there were any trains on this section of the line as the Cappoquin viaduct was destroyed and the line beyond to Mallow was also damaged at a few locations like the damaged Carrig viaduct.

Before Christmas 1922 about 25 to 30 people used the train from Durrow to Waterford. A fleet of cars carried these people between Durrow and Dungarvan. Daniel Crotty who had a garage in Dungarvan employed cars everyday to go between the stations. Crotty also collected the mails from the train. On 23^rd December Daniel Crotty sent three cars to Durrow to meet the train and a fourth car belonging to another person was there. The least full car had two ladies and five gentlemen as well as the driver crowded in. this was the last train before Christmas and so about 27 passengers came on the Waterford train. Edward Walsh from Tallow was one of these passengers returning home for Christmas. He worked as a bank clerk at the National Land Bank in Waterford. Because the car was full Edward Walsh had one leg in the car and other outside. On the Dungarvan side of Ballinvade school house the car was met by a runaway horse and trap. The car tried to avoid the horse but the shaft of the trap hit Edward Walsh in the stomach and he was seriously injured but not really appreciated by the people there. He was first brought to Lawlor’s Hotel to recover but complained of pains and was taken to Dungarvan hospital but internal injuries had taken there hold and died on the night of 28^th December.[113]

On Christmas Eve 1922 railway workers in Dublin and Cork, attached to different railway companies, reject a proposal for a flat rate of pay of 3s 6d per week with many suffering a reduction in pay.[114]  On Sunday, 31^st December 1922 the 17.05 train between Waterford and Durrow was derailed.[115] Other sources say this derailment happened at milepost 52 on 29^th December.[116] Because of this and the other incidents during December the GS&WR decided to close the line until further notice.[117]

January 1923

On 3^rd January 1923 the Minister of Industry & Commerce told the Dáil that the government favours one unified railway company for the while country and will introduce legislation to make this happen if the existing railway companies didn’t ‘voluntarily’ united.[118] Motor lorries were used to bring freight between Waterford and Dungarvan to replace the disrupted rail service. But coastal sailing schooners were also employed to bridge the gap. On 12^th January the Golden was recorded bring flour from Waterford to Dungarvan.[119] On 16^th January the signal cabin at Castletownroche station was destroyed by fire. This cabin was located near the level crossing on the Fermoy end of the platform. The replacement cabin was built on the platform between the station master’s house and the station building.[120] Other sources say not only was the signal cabin burnt but the goods shed and station house was also damaged by fire.[121]

On 22^nd January 1923 Liam Lynch said the best protection for the Anti-Treaty was the destruction, and to permanently destroyed, of the road and railway system to hamper government troop concentrations and rapid troop movements.[122] On 27^th January five trains are wrecked in a multiple pile up around Killurin and Macmine Junction as the Irregulars seized a number of trains causing collisions and derailments.[123] Two months before the civil war began, Joe Griffin, Intelligence Chief at the GHQ of the Anti-Treaty forces asked each divisional intelligence officer to gather a list of people who will spy for them in the new government departments of the Provisional Government, in the new Civic Guard, the Post Office, ports, docks, newspapers and on the railways.[124] On many occasions, like at Killurin, the people who captured these trains in the name of the Anti-Treaty forces seem to be great knowledge on how the trains work and how to rig the signals to get trains to stop. A nice number of these people had to be active train drivers or recently retired to know how to start a runaway train. Near the start of the war Liam Lynch told his forces to locate locomotive engineers or others who knew how to operate locomotives to effectively carry out the dismantling operations.[125]

Despite the decision of the GS&WR on 31^st December to close the Durrow to Waterford railway until further notice, it appears that in early January the line was re-opened but train services were not without incident. At some time a train derailed beyond Durrow, between the Durrow tunnel and the destroyed Ballyvoile viaduct, and caused some wreckage. On Wednesday, 31^st January a breakdown train was at the crash site engaged at removing the wreckage.[126] Other sources say it was 2^nd February that the breakdown train was on site.[127] Still again others say it was 21^st January. The Dungarvan photographer Thomas Keohan dated his photo of the derailment as 31^st January which is likely the correct date.[128]

At about 16.20 as the breakdown train was preparing to return to Waterford as the dark of the January evening was falling, it was surrounded by a group of armed men. The twenty GS&WR employees along with District Superintendent Purdon and Loco Superintendent Capsey were ordered off the train.[129] The Anti-Treaty men reversed the train back up the line and through the Durrow tunnel. On the north side of the tunnel the Anti-Treaty men built up steam on the loco, no. 189, before sending it off through the tunnel and on towards the destroyed Ballyvoile viaduct where the engine and tender fell over the edge. As the tender fell into the Dalligan valley, 200 feet below, the coupling to the first wagon broke which left the first wagon hanging over the edge of the destroyed pier and the rest of the train standing on the track.[130] A photo of the hanging wagon was taken by local photographer Thomas Keohan and he said that sales of the photo help pay for his wedding.[131] Over the following few days’ armed men came to the homes of drivers and firemen attached to the armoured train along the line and threaten them not to go to work.[132]  

It was initially considered that the engine was unrecoverable but still the insurance company insisted that the engine be recovered from the bottom of the valley. A temporary track was built down the east side of the viaduct and the wrecked no. 189 was pulled back up the valley side. After this incident the GS&WR closed the Durrow-Waterford line.

Train hanging over Ballyvoile viaduct

February 1923

On 2^nd February 1923 the GS&WR proposed to build a temporary cattle yard at Mallow station.[133] On the same day it was reported that the GS&WR was using about 1,500 to 2,000 tons per week of coal which was principally source from the Ebbw Vale Company in Wales at 27s 6d per ton.[134]

In County Waterford the guerrilla war continued. On 5^th February unknown Irregulars burnt the co-op store at Cappagh, across the road from the railway station.[135] On 6^th February the members of the Waterford branch of the Associated Society of Locomotive Engineers & Firemen threatened to go on strike because of having to live on half pay while risking their lives every day they went to work.[136]

On 9^th February 1923 the Government hoped that the South Wexford line would be re-opened soon but the GS&WR said the line was too seriously damaged to be re-opened.[137] Later in the month the Anti-Treaty forces attacked the Barrow Bridge as trains could still run east as far as Ballycullane. Instead of blowing up the bridge Peader Sinnott rowed out to the bridge in a cot and climbed the central span while it was open. Unobserved by a detachment of Free State troops Peader managed to remove the crown-pinion wheel from the opening mechanism and threw it into the river so that the bridge remained permanently open. Having completed his mission Peader went off into the night and the South Wexford line was closed to railway traffic.[138]

On 23^rd February the Minister for Industry & Commerce enquired of the GS&WR as to when the Waterford to Durrow line will be re-opened. The Company said they had no plans to re-open the line until the Ballyvoile viaduct was rebuilt.[139] On the same day Liam Lynch was telling his divisional and brigade commanders to forward form number 13 on the 10^th of each month. Form 13 was for reporting on the destruction of railway communications in each area. This was only one of at least 23 monthly reports to be sent to general headquarters in Dublin along with a number of weekly reports.[140] It seems that both sides wanted to know information. Yet in war, having information is one thing; knowing what to do with it is another.

At the Annual General Meeting of the GS&WR held on 28^th February 1923 at Kingsbridge Terminus (now Heuston Station) shareholders were told that in the period from 28^th June to 31^st December 1922 there were 200 raids on stations with goods stolen, 375 instances of damage to the permanent way, 48 over-bridges destroyed, 207 under-bridges destroyed, 71 signal cabins completely destroyed with 12 partially damaged, 13 buildings destroyed by fire, along with 47 instances of trains destroyed, derailed or damaged in some form.[141]

In that period from June to December 1922 the Mallow to Waterford railway suffered many of these attacks. Two under-pass bridges were damaged between Mallow and Castletownroche; an over-bridge was damaged between Fermoy and Clondulane; an under-bridge between Clondulane and Ballyduff along with two separate attacks on the permanent way. Ballyduff signal cabin was damaged and an under-bridge destroyed along with damage to the permanent way between there and Tallow Road. There were six locations between Kilmacthomas and Kilmeaden where the permanent way was damaged. Kilmeaden signal cabin was damaged along with four under-bridges between there and Waterford. the Fermoy to Mitchelstown branch line had two attacks on the permanent way, buildings burnt at Ballindangan and the signal box at Glanworth along with three damaged under-bridges.[142]

March 1923

While the horrors of war still continued on Sunday, 4^th March 1923, special trains left Munster for Dublin to be there for the postponed 1921 All-Ireland Hurling Final where Limerick defeated Dublin 8-5 to 4-2 and thus becoming the first holders of the McCarthy Cup.[143]

On 12^th March 1923 Tom Derring, Anti-Treaty adjutant-general told commanders of divisions and independent brigades to blow up a big railway bridge and two small bridges on each side. This was to prevent railway companies from running a train up to the one damaged bridge and transferring passengers and goods to another train waiting on the opposite side of the damaged bridge. Derring also wanted active mining operations against the Free State armoured patrol trains.[144] The Free State used armoured trains and armoured cars with track wheels to patrol the different railways and try to keep communications open. It is not known if these vehicles were used on the Mallow to Waterford railway. The absence of any reports of Anti-Treaty people attacking these vehicles on the line would suggest they were little used. As the line itself was closed nearly as many times as it was open it again suggests they were very infrequently used. Having said that, the GS&WR were maintaining the line out of Waterford to at least the 63^rd milepost by February and March 1923 with milesmen being re-employed.[145]

On 23^rd March President Cosgrave told the Dáil that progress on the Mallow viaduct was halted due to the GS&WR been unable to take debris out of the River Blackwater as the river was in flood and parts of the new bridge were held up in Cork due to a dockers strike.[146] On the same day in reply to a question by Michael O hAonghusa, TD, President Cosgrave said tenders for repairing Carrig viaduct between Mallow and Castletownroche were received and that a contract is due shortly, even at once. The President was aware how communities along the line were suffering because of no train service and the government was doing what it can to secure an early resumption of services.[147]

On 26^th March it was reported that the various railway companies had failed to agree on a plan of merger.[148]

April 1923

On 6^th April 1923 the GS&WR received £2,500 from the British government through the Disposal & Liquidation Commission in London in full payment of all rents due to the company for the use of the Waterford South Bilberry railway station as a shell factory during the Great War.[149]

In all this time the Mallow to Dungarvan line also remained closed.[150] For the railway staff on the line and on the Durrow to Waterford section these were hard times as they were mostly made unemployed. On 25^th April it was said that the Dungarvan to Castletownroche line was closed since July 1922 along with the Fermoy to Mitchelstown line.[151] On 27^th April the government told GS&WR that a contract to repair Carrig viaduct was signed.[152]

Bridge no. 457 on the South Wexford line was destroyed in early July 1922 and was not repaired until the end of 1923. Thus at the end of the civil war the Cork-Rosslare trains had to go round by Macmine Junction.[153] On 25^th April J.B. Whelehan, speaking for the Minister for Industry & Commerce that a design for the new Ballyvoile viaduct was received from the Consulting Engineer with tenders to be issue shortly and replies expected within a week.[154] As for repairing road bridges the GS&WWR said that was a matter for county councils while other railways rebuilt such bridges on a 50-50 basis with councils.[155] On 30^th April the Anti-Treaty side issued a ceasefire order but occasional fighting continued for another month.[156]

May 1923

The TD for Wexford Domhnall O Ceallachan asked the Assistant Minister for Industry & Commerce about reopening the South Wexford line and if Great Western Railway were going to resume ferry services. The Minister said it was unlikely that services would be resumed until the many damaged viaducts and bridges were repaired and rebuilt.[157]

On Thursday, 24^th May 1923, the most bloody and destructive civil war was declared at an end.[158] Frank Aiken, the new Anti-Treaty chief-on-staff since the death of Liam Lynch on 10^th April, issued an order to dump arms on that day.[159]

June 1923

In June 1923 the GS&WR began to re-employ linesmen and other staff between Durrow and Waterford as it increased train services.[160]

July 1923

On 6^th July Ernest Blythe, on behalf of the Minister for Industry and Commerce, told the Dáil in reply to a Dáil question on the reopening of the Mallow to Waterford line, that the rebuilding of Ballyvoile viaduct was delayed by a need for alteration in the plans to keep as much of the reconstruction work in the country. Between Mallow and Dungarvan all damage sections had been repaired except the viaducts at Carrig and Cappoquin. The government were repairing Carrig viaduct and had completed the timber frame contract and were in the process of concluding the masonry contract with a hope for the viaduct to be finished by 22^nd August. The GS&WR were repairing the Cappoquin viaduct and hoped to have it finished about the same time if no further dock strikes halt progress.[161]

August 1923

The month of August 1923 saw the reopening of the road viaduct at Ballyvoile with Thomas Beatty been first to cross the new road bridge with a load of goods from Durrow railway station. With peace restored work could begin without fear of guns or bombs at rebuilding Ballyvoile viaduct. Yet still soldiers guarded the work and slept in railway carriages near the works. The one remaining arch was blown up by the construction crew to make way for the new viaduct. The construction company was McAlpine of England.[162] The stone arch viaduct was replaced by a steel lattice structure on concrete piers.

On 20^th August 1923 the GS&WR re-employed the linesmen between Mallow and Fermoy that had been out of work since November 1922 when the company closed the line due to all the damage to the various bridges and track.[163] Train services as far as Fermoy resumed but traffic to Lismore didn’t resume fully until the end of the year.

September 1923

On 17^th September the GWR restarted the ferry steamers between Fishguard and Rosslare which were suspended since July 1922.[164] The re-opening was in different times. Passenger figures were not like what they had been before the Great War and although peace had come to southern Ireland the boat train to Fishguard passed by Aldershot to take on troop movements if required.[165]

October 1923

On 4^th October 1923 loco 4-6-0 no. 405 drew the first train over the new Mallow viaduct carrying W.T. Cosgrave, President of the Executive Council., with the GS&WR chairman Sir William Goulding.[166] The Cork Examiner reported the re-opening on its 16^th October edition which indicated the re-opening happened on 15^th October but most people remember it as the 16^th which suggests the Examiner ran a special edition. The new viaduct was built by Armstrong Whitworth of Newcastle-on-Tyne and cost £30,000. The dock strike in Cork meant that the steel came by rail from Fenit in Kerry and the nine month construction project started from the south bank with T.J. Moran of Cork getting the job of taking away the remains of the old viaduct.[167]

November 1923

In November 1923 the GS&WR announced that they had repaired all the under-bridges, either temporarily or permanently with the exception of the viaducts at Taylorstown and Ballyvoile.[168] The railway service between Dungarvan and Mallow was now fully restored but a full train service was not available.[169] Linesmen between Cappoquin and Dungarvan were re-employed from 5^th November 1923. But linesmen between Fermoy and Lismore were only hired on temporary basis which suggest that some restoration work was still needed for a full service.[170]

December 1923

At the beginning of December 1923 the Taylorstown viaduct was re-opened.[171]

June 1924

On 8^th June 1924 a test train was sent over and back long the new Ballyvoile viaduct.[172] On 19^th June 1924 the Ballyvoile railway viaduct was officially opened following its reconstruction in steel.[173] On the 18^th June the Cork to Waterford crossed over the Ballyvoile viaduct for the first time in two years. The opening was a low key affair but an important one to link the social and economic connections of East and West Waterford.[174] On the 24^th June normal pre-war train services could once again cross the viaduct. A photo was taken of a 0-6-0 engine with a three axle tender pulling a passenger coach with double axle bogie wheels followed by a six wheel coach followed at the end by a six wheel mail coach.[175]

Train over restored Ballyvoile viaduct 1924

July 1924

On 23^rd July 1924 the Railways Act of 1924 was passed in the Dáil which prescribed the amalgamation of all railway companies operating wholly within the Free State jurisdiction thus leading to the formation of Great Southern Railways on the 1^st January 1925.[176]

June 1925

On 25^th June 1925 Ernest Blythe, Minister for Finance, told the Dáil in reply to questions that a consulting engineer firm in London were paid £8,150 for various plans and works relating to the rebuilding of 358 railway bridges/viaducts, 123 signal cabins and 197 railway stations damaged or destroyed in the civil war. The total reconstruction cost was £834,186 and the consultant got 3½% fee on erecting railway bridges. The bridges included the viaducts at Mallow, Ballyvolie, Carrig, Taylorstown, Monard, Douglas and Belvelly.[177]

August 1925

On 18^th August 1925 the Great Western Railway ran an excursion train from various stations in South Wales to Killarney which was reached at 10.37am and returned at 6.15pm. Two weeks later an excursion train left Paddington at 7.50pm for the Fishguard boat train and onwards to Killarney with a return to London by 9.10am the following morning. About 500 passengers availed of this excursion for just 24s. The Killarney Urban District Council voted a unanimous vote of thanks to Sir Felix Pole, the General Manager of the GWR, for restarting the boat train.[178]

Conclusion

Any civil war is not good at the best of times. Old comrades, who once gave everything to help their fellow soldiers defeat a common enemy, could now see nothing but the righteous of their cause and the betrayal of the other side. The railways as one of the main channels of communication was heavily targeted by the Anti-treaty side in the belief of people like Liam Lynch that it would forced the people to beg for peace and then what. The Mallow to Waterford Railway and onto Rosslare via the South Wexford line passed through a part of the country where many leaders of the IRA believe the Anglo-Irish Treaty to be a betrayal of their idea of a republic. What kind of republic they were fighting for was as varied as the people who were out fighting. Some wanted a communist republic, others a socialist republic while others wanted a conservative republic while others, particularly the women of Cumann na mBan, wanted a republic where women would be equal with men.

During the War of Independence the railways were targets for attack by the IRA but not for destruction. The Civil War fighters particularly targeted the railways for destruction aided in some cases by some railway workers. Train services on the Mallow to Waterford railway seem to have suffered more than most with the line closed more times than it was open. After the line was fully restored in June 1924 it continued in operation until March 1967 as a passenger and freight line. After then it was solely an ore freight line between Waterford and Ballinacourty magnesite factory only with the line west of there, through Abbeyside and beyond, being closed, dismantled and in some areas totally removed from the landscape as to be unknown to all but a few that a railway ever existed. The civil war destruction of the railways gave an opportunity for rood transport to gain a foothold in the transport sector which it never left go and in time contributed to the closure of the Mallow to Waterford line. But fortunately the magnesite factory at Ballinacourty kept the line to Waterford open long enough even after the last train in 1982 to reach a time when people appreciated its communication and economic benefits and today (2022) the line is now a very successful greenway that has been extended westwards into Abbeyside and Dungarvan. The section of line between Kilmeaden and Waterford is served by the Waterford and Suir Valley Railway, a narrow gauge railway that is well worth a visit for all the family.     

==============

End of post

==============

---

[1] Share, Bernard, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23 (Wilton, 2006), p. 9

[2] MacDermot, E.T., History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Two, 1863-1921 (London, 1967), pp. 228, 238

[3] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 9

[4] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 10

[5] Rigney, Peter, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920: How Railwaymen and Dockers defied an Empire (Dublin, 2021), p. 38

[6] Rigney, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920, p. 38

[7] Rigney, The Irish Munitions Embargo of 1920, p. 41

[8] McCarthy, Pat, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford (Dublin, 2015), pp. 79, 80

[9] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 10

[10] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 17

[11] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 19, 20, 27

[12] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 27

[13] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 32

[14] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 34, 35

[15] Murphy, Seán & Síle Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24 (Kilmacthomas, 2003), pp. 135, 137

[16] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 39, 50

[17] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 67

[18] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 67

[19] Fraher, William, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period (Dungarvan, 2021), p. 86

[20] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 55

[21] Power, Patrick C., A history of Dungarvan Town and District (Dungarvan, 2000), p. 235

[22] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 42

[23] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, pp. 72, 73, 140

[24] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, pp. 94, 95

[25] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[26] Shepherd, Ernie, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company (Newtownards, 2015), p. 145

[27] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 45

[28] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 45, 46

[29] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 47

[30] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 522, Operation Order No. 4, 27^th July 1922

[31] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 47

[32] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[33] Flaherty, Cian, William Fraher, Julian Walton & Willie Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway: a history of Dungarvan, Abbeyside, Stradbally, Kilmacthomas, Portlaw & Waterford City (Dungarvan, 2018), p. 252

[34] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 48

[35] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 145

[36] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 86

[37] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 48

[38] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[39] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 143

[40] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 110

[41] Hopkinson, Michael, ‘The Guerrilla Phase and the End of the Civil War’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 703-15, at p. 704

[42] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[43] Power, Bill, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922 (Mitchelstown, 2022), p. 183

[44] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[45] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 183

[46] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 49

[47] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 184

[48] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, pp. 178, 186

[49] Power, Bill, Fermoy on the Blackwater (Mitchelstown, 2009), pp. 326, 327, 328, 329

[50] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 52

[51] Power, Doomed Inheritance: Mitchelstown Castle looted & burned August 1922, p. 190

[52] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 166

[53] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 147

[54] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 111

[55] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 228

[56] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 148

[57] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 111

[58] O’Malley, Cormac & Anne Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: The civil war papers of Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924 (Dublin, 2007), p. 118, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Lynch, 24^th August 1922

[59] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[60] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 54

[61] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 55

[62] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 131, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Pilkington, 30^th August 1922

[63] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 541, Liam Lynch to all divisional and independent brigade commanders, 31^st August 1922

[64] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Ernie O’Malley to Liam Lynch, 3^rd September 1922

[65] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 12^th September 1922

[66] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 57

[67] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 230

[68] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 681

[69] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 58

[70] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 58

[71] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 225, Sean Lemass to Ernie O’Malley, 25^th September 1922

[72] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 230, Ernie O’Malley to Sean Lemass, 27^th September 1922

[73] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 59

[74] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 61

[75] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[76] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 232, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 28^th September 1922

[77] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 235, Con Moloney memorandum on the general military situation, c.28^th September 1922

[78] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 253, Sean Lemass to Ernie O’Malley, 2^nd October 1922

[79] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 64

[80] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 233, Liam Lynch to Ernie O’Malley, 28^th September 1922

[81] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 65

[82] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 66

[83] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 67-69, 72

[84] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[85] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 289, Ernie O’Malley to Sean Lemass, 21^st October 1922

[86] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 72

[87] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 311, O/C 3^rd Brigade, 1^st Eastern Division to Ernie O’Malley, 30^th October 1922

[88] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 75

[89] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 76

[90] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 198

[91] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[92] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 78, 79

[93] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 79, 80

[94] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 200

[95] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 81

[96] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 81, 82

[97] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 82

[98] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 82

[99] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 644, 645, 684

[100] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 83

[101] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 530, Operation Order No. 13, 2^nd December 1922

[102] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 530, Operation Order No. 13, 2^nd December 1922

[103] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[104] Pryce, I., & McAllister, L., Steaming in Three Centuries: The Story of the 101 Class locomotives of the Great Southern and Western Railway (London, 2006), p. 67

[105] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 85

[106] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 85

[107] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89

[108] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[109] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 87, 88

[110] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 86, 87, 104, photo 36

[111] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89; Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[112] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 89

[113] Waterford News, 29^th December 1922, p. 5

[114] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 91

[115] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 92

[116] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[117] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 92

[118] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 93

[119] Waterford News, 12^th January 1923, p. 2

[120] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 204

[121] Anon, ‘Railways Campaign of Destruction’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 688-90, at p. 689

[122] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 532, Liam Lynch to O/C of all divisions, 22^nd January 1923

[123] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 106, 107

[124] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 21, Joe Griffin to the Intelligence Officer in each division, c.9^th April 1922

[125] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 522, Operation Order No. 4, 27^th July 1922

[126] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 107

[127] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 118

[128] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, pp. 146, 147

[129] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 105

[130] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 107, 108

[131] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 105

[132] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 107, 108

[133] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 109

[134] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 110

[135] Fraher, ‘The Bad Times’: Waterford Country Houses During the Revolutionary Period, p. 137

[136] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 16

[137] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 111

[138] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[139] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 115

[140] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 152, Liam Lynch to all O/Cs commands, divisional and independent brigades, 23^rd February 1923

[141] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 117

[142] Anon, ‘Railways Campaign of Destruction’, in John Crowley, Donal Ó Drisceoil and Mike Murphy (eds.), Atlas of the Irish Revolution (Cork, 2017), pp. 688-90, at p. 690

[143] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 119

[144] O’Malley & Dolan (eds.), ‘No Surrender Here’: Ernie O’Mahony, 1922-1924, p. 548, Tom Derring to all O/C’s of commands, divisions and independent brigades, 12^th March 1923

[145] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 683

[146] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 122

[147] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 2, No. 44, Friday 23^rd March 1923, Questions on railway bridges destroyed

[148] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 123

[149] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 124

[150] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, photo 66

[151] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 131

[152] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 134

[153] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 133

[154] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 133

[155] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 134

[156] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 168

[157] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, pp. 136, 137

[158] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 139

[159] Murphy, The Comeraghs “Gunfire & Civil War”: The Story of the Deise Brigade IRA, 1914-24, p. 168

[160] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, p. 682

[161] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 4, No. 4, Friday 6^th July 1923, question by Michael O hAonghusa on reopening the Mallow to Waterford railway line

[162] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, pp. 103, 105, 252

[163] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 650, 651

[164] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 147

[165] Nock, O.S., History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Three, 1923-1948 (London, 1967), p. 6

[166] Share, In Time of Civil War: The conflict on the Irish railways 1922-23, p. 144

[167] Myers, Kevin, ‘Railway Notes’, in the Mallow Field Club Journal, No. 19 (2001), pp. 108-116, at pp. 110, 111

[168] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[169] Power, A history of Dungarvan Town and District, p. 230

[170] Irish Railway Record Society, Great Southern & Western Railway, Engineer’s Dept, employee book, pp. 675, 677

[171] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[172] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 253

[173] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 146

[174] McCarthy, The Irish Revolution, 1912-23: Waterford, p. 127

[175] Flaherty, Fraher, Walton & Whelan (eds.), The Towns & Villages of the Waterford Greenway, p. 253

[176] Shepherd, Fishguard & Rosslare Railways & Harbours Company, p. 145

[177] Dáil Éireann debate, Volume 12, No. 14, Thursday 25^th June 1925, Committee on Finance, Estimates vote

[178] Nock, History of the Great Western Railway, Volume Three, 1923-1948, p. 43

Kilcoran townland in Knockmourne parish, County Cork

Kilcoran townland in Knockmourne parish, County Cork

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The townland of Kilcoran is situated on both sides of the ridge road that divides the watershed of the Rivers Blackwater and Bride. It lies in the civil parish of Knockmourne and in the Catholic parish of Conna. The road divides the townland into two divisions, Kilcoran North (83acres) and Kilcoran South (474acres).

Kilcoran in ancient times

The name Kilcoran is translated as Cil Chuaráin or Cuarán’s church.[1] Cuarán is also known as mo-Chuarán and was a saint of the 7^th century. The parish name of Knockmourne, Cnoc mo-Chuarán, means Cuarán’s Hill.[2] It is also possible that the area was called Coill Charáin or Cuarán’s wood as Kilcoran was well known in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries for its extensive woodland. A holy well in Kilcoran South, called Poll Dubh, was located beside a big fir tree on Foote’s farm (late twentieth century Bryan’s farm) but little else is known about the well.[3] Near the centre of a field called Pairc-a-gheata on the farm in Kilcoran South formerly owned by Paddy and Nelly Flynn (early twenty-first century by Liam Leamy), was until recently seen the faint outline of an arc circular fence. This was reputed to be an ancient church site, later called a cillín, which was called Ceall Garbain.[4]

The topographical poem, Crichad an Chaoilli, refers to a region within the Kingdom of Fermoy as the Leathbaile Hi Conchubair. Canon Patrick Power said this region extended eastwards along to south bank of the Blackwater to the present Cork/Waterford border.[5] But other scholars have questioned this and say that Clondulane and Carrigatoortane are the only identifiable places in Leathbaile Hi Conchubair.[6] It is more likely that the area in and around Kilcoran was once part of the Déise Kingdom of Waterford and was until the early twelfth century part of the Diocese of Lismore which extended as far as Cork Harbour. When the McCarthy kings of South Munster (Desmond) created the Diocese of Cloyne in 1123-1138 (possibly 1130) the diocese of Lismore was pushed back eastwards to the present diocesan border. The Deise Kingdom had possibly lost political control before 1130 of that area of County Cork between the Blackwater and the Bride to a mixture of the Uí Meic Caille kingdom south of the Bride and the Eóganacht Glendamnach kingdom north of the Blackwater.[7]

Kilcoran in medieval times

It is difficult to know the history of Kilcoran in medieval times (1200-1600) as so few records exist and it is unclear to which manor the townland of Kilcoran belonged to. The manor of Knockmourne which possibly was coterminous with the parish of Knockmourne, and where Kilcoran is located, was owned by the de la Fryne family in the thirteenth century. They had inherited the manor from Odo de Barry. In 1295 Thomas FitzPhilip Hodgnet was tenant in Knockmourne of 140 acres from Odo de la Freyne. In 1318 Odo de la Freyne still held Knockmourne.[8] By 1356 Maurice Fitzgerald, 1^st Earl of Desmond, had acquired control of Knockmourne manor and the nearby manor of Ballynoe.[9]

In 1460 William Barry gave Conna, Ballytrasna, Cooladurragh and Mocollop to Thomas Fitzgerald, son of the Earl of Desmond, on his marriage with Barry’s daughter.[10] This Conna is possibly Conna south of the Bride or it could be Knockmourne manor that was technically still Barry property even if occupied by the Fitzgeralds for over a hundred years.

Meanwhile the Condon family of Kilworth and Ballyderown had expanded their territory along the south bank of the River Blackwater. By the early sixteenth century the Condons held Clondulane, Careysville, Kilbarry, Ballydorgan, Waterpark, Garrynagoul, Marshtown, Modeligo and Kilcoran. Many of these places were former Barry lands with Kilbarry meaning Barry’s wood and were connected with the manors of Mocollop and Knockmourne but how or when these lands came to belong to the Condon family is unknown.[11] In 1573 Peter McRichard McShane Condon and John McRichard Condon were living at Garrynagoul.[12] In the 1560s when the border between Counties Cork and Waterford was been formalised, the border followed the then property ownership desires. The Condons wanted their land in Cork while the Fitzgeralds of Mocollop, The Shane, Lisfinny and Strancally wanted their land in Waterford. The exceptions were the Fitzgeralds of Conna and Kilmacow who wanted to be in Cork.  

In 1587 when Sir Walter Raleigh was given a grant of 42,000 acres covering the manors of Inchiquin (Youghal), Ardmore, Templemichael, Ballynatray, Strancally, Lisfinny (Tallow), Kilmacow, Mogeely, Conna, Ballynoe, Lismore, Mocollop and The Shane, he was allowed to take the Condon lands between the Blackwater and the Bride to make up the 42,000 acres if the aforementioned manors were not sufficient enough.[13] In September 1587 Thomas Fleetwood, son and heir of John Fleetwood of Caldwich in Staffordshire, and Marmaduke Redmayne of Thorneton in Yorkshire, were given a substantial part of the Condon estate including the centre at Cloghleigh and other places like one ploughland of Ballegast alias Ballenglasse (Waterpark) and Glenegurtine, one ploughland of Garrangowld alias Garrencowle, Shaghnachara and Kilcoran. In total Fleetwood got 12,000 acres and Redmayne 8,000 acres as two seigniories of 12,667 English acres.[14] But the Condons still retained some ownership rights on the Cork side of the border between the Blackwater and Bride until the middle of the seventeenth century. In about 1605 David Condon leased Ballygomeshy (Marshtown) to Henry Pyne of Mogeely castle.[15]

Kilcoran 1600 to 1640

Sometime before 1606 Henry Pyne of Mogeely castle acquired Kilcoran by title from Sir Walter Raleigh or by lease from David Condon of Kilworth. Sir Richard Boyle had desires o acquire all the townlands held by Henry Pyne and forced Pyne to mortgage Kilcoran to Boyle.[16] Sometime afterwards, the agents of Thomas Fleetwood challenged Pyne’s title to Kilcoran in court. Boyle told Pyne to use the letter of Queen Elizabeth that allowed Raleigh to take Condon lands west of Shane castle but the court rejected the Queen’s letter. Instead the court said the land belonged to David Condon and Pyne should make a lease of Kilcoran from Condon.[17]

Meanwhile Henry Pyne had obtained a lease of Kilbarry wood from David Condon. Afterwards Pyne and Boyle entered a partnership to exploit the woods of Kilcoran and Kilbarry. Starting with Kilcoran the partners cut some 3,000 tons of timber but when they moved onto Kilbarry wood, Boyle claimed it for his own and denied Pyne entry. In 1606 the partners went to court over Kilbarry and the court said Pyne must pay Boyle £150 after Raleigh denied Pyne’s title.[18] In 1616 the court decided in favour of Henry Pyne and David Condon for Kilcoran and Ballydorgan against Sir Richard Boyle.[19] On his death bed Sir Walter Raleigh said that he had wronged Pyne and that Pyne’s lease on Mogeely was sound.[20] About one hundred years later the Boyle and Pyne estates came to two branches of the Cavendish family; such is the circle of history.

In March 1608 Philip Cottingham of London, a carpenter, organised the hewing and carriage of timber and planks from the woods of Kilbarry and Kilcoran for use in the royal service. For this he was paid £71 3s 4¼d in the spring of 1609. Although both townlands are today in County Cork, the royal scribe of 1609 said both were in County Waterford.[21] In 1608 and 1609 Philip Cottingham travelled around the four provinces of Ireland inspecting timber for use in building royal navy ships.[22] In 1617 Mr. Ball paid Sir Richard Boyle £26 5s for three years rent for Kilcoran wood at £8 15s per annum ending on 29^th September.[23] This payment was made in good faith because 1614 Sir Richard Boyle claimed to have a lease of Kilcoran from Edmund McShane Condon of Ballydorgan as he informed the Lord Deputy of Ireland.[24] The 1616 court case dismissed this claim.

But Sir Richard Boyle was not for giving up. On 3^rd June 1630 Richard FitzEdmond Condon of Ballydorgan, under the seal of his father, Edmund McShane, and in the presence of his brother-in-law, George Moson, said that Boyle was acquitted of all rent for Kilcoran wood and owed no arrears. Richard Condon’s wife had been pressing Boyle to pay rent and arrears for Kilcoran wood.[25] Condon’s wife thought that Boyle owed rent for Kilcoran in 1630 and was for taking him on while her husband just wanted to lie low. By 1641 it was said that Garrett Condon of Ballydorgan held Kilcoran by lease from Boyle; you pay your money and pick which story you think true. Richard Condon’s trouble with his wife was only one of his problems as by February 1632 he was in the debtor’s prison in Dublin. Richard Boyle paid £5 to help release Richard Condon of Balllydorgan.[26] Richard Condon’s brother-in-law, George Mason, or Moson, had a lease on Currabeha and Ballybride from Sir Richard Boyle up until 1635 when Edmund Russell took out a lease of 31 years.[27]

Kilcoran South

Kilcoran in the 1641-53 war

At the start of the Confederate War (1641-53), also known as the 1641 Rebellion or 1641 Rising, a number of many Protestant English settlers were attached in the Conna area and robbed of a number of their animals and possessions. William Clay and Richard Clay, both yeomen, were robbed in Kilcoran (called Ulconer).[28] William and Richard Clay may not have left much of a mark on Kilcoran but the next cross roads west of Kilcoran cross roads is called Pope’s Cross Roads after the family of William Pope of Coolbaun, who’s wife, Elizabeth Pope also gave evidence in the 1641 Depositions of how she was robbed by Irish rebels.[29]

Kilcoran in the 1640s

In 1656 it was said that Garrett Condon was the proprietor of Kilcoran (298acres) in 1641 and that Garrett also held the townlands of Garrynagoul (bordering Kilcoran to the north) and Ballydorgan (3 miles to the west-north-west). Kilcoran was held from the Earl of Cork and Ballydorgan from Henry Pyne. In the distribution of land after the 1641-53 war Garrynagoul was granted to Roger Carey.[30] It would seem that the Earl of Cork and Henry Pyne did some sort of exchange between Kilcoran and Ballydorgan since the court cases of 1616.

Kilcoran in 1660

In 1660 a poll tax was taken across most of Ireland that is commonly referred to as the ‘census of 1659’. Kilcoran was recorded in the barony of Condons and Clangibbon as having 29 tax payers. The neighbouring townlands had more tax payers; Curribehy, alias Currabeha (35), Garrynagoul (41) and Modeligo (40).[31]

The Pyne family and Kilcoran

At the end of the sixteenth century Henry Pyne from Devonshire came to Ireland and took a lease of Mogeely castle and its surrounding estate. In the 1660s, under the Act of Settlement, Henry’s grandson, also called Henry Pyne, was given the land of Ballyneglass (known as Waterpark since at least 1712) on the south bank of the River Blackwater. The second Henry left no children and was succeeded by his brother Sir Richard Pyne, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in Ireland. Sir Richard Pyne died in 1709 and his son Henry was killed in 1713 in a duel. Sir Richard had previously purchased Ballyvolane house near Britway and property in England. By his will these passed to his nephew Robert Wakeham who took the name of Pyne and was ancestors of the Pyne family of Ballyvolane.[32] Sir Richard Pyne was briefly the owner of Blarney castle which he purchased for £3,800, but fearing its restoration to the ousted Earl of Clancarthy, he sold it at a loss to Sir James Jeffreys.[33]

In court documents from 1674 it was said that the Pyne family of Henry Pyne of Ballyneglass had a lease on the lands of Kilcoran that would become active on the expiration of a previous interest on Kilcoran held by Sir Henry Tynte. In 1634 Jane Tynte, daughter of Sir Robert Tynte had married Nicholas Pyne (father of Henry of Ballyneglass) and thus Kilcoran was a marriage provision. In 1659 Henry Pyne (died June 1673) made a lease of Kilcoran to Sir Boyle Maynard for 31 years. In 1674 Elizabeth Pyne, widow of Henry Pyne (married secondly to Hugh Massey), claimed Kilcoran and other lands as her widow’s entitlement. She further claimed £150 rent to Richard Wakeman (son-in-law of Nicholas Pyne) and further rent to Captain John Wakeman (another son-in-law of Nicholas). Jane Pyne, widow of Nicholas, was still alive in 1674 but an old lady. It is not known if Elizabeth Pyne got Kilcoran or was retain as a shared property of the Wakeman brothers.[34]

In 1694 Sir Richard Pyne petitioned the government for a confirmation grant of Ballynaglass (Waterpark), Glenagurteen, Ballydorgan and other lands, possibly including Kilcoran. He also desired to create the estate into a manor with liberty to hold a court baron (a justice court for cases up to 40s). In 1697 the petition was successfully granted. Sir Richard married three times and by his third wife, Catherine, daughter of Sir Christopher Wandesford, he had an only son, Henry Pyne, born circa 1688. Young Henry Pyne married on 22^nd June 1705 to Margaret, daughter of Sir Richard Edgecombe. On 28^th February 1713 Henry Pyne fought a duel in Chelsea Fields against Theophilus Biddulph and was killed. Henry was succeeded by his two daughters, Anne and Catherine (both born previous to 1709 as mention in Sir Richard’s will). The 1712 will of their father said the daughters were to have a division of the estate of Waterpark, Kilcoran, and Glenagurteen in Co. Cork along with Little Burgess in Co. Tipperary by way of a previous family deed that hasn’t survived.[35] We don’t know who got which townlands but as Anne’s descendants became Lords Waterpark, she received that townland. One could speculate that Garrynagoul and Kilcoran North belonged to Catherine Maynwaring but there are no documents as yet found to confirm this.

In June 1730 Anne married Sir Henry Cavendish, eldest son of Henry Cavendish of Doveridge, Derbyshire, descendant of an illegitimate son the brother of the 1^st Earl of Devonshire.[36] In June 1739 Catherine married Arthur Maynwaring of St. Paul’s parish, London, the illegitimate son of an actress, Anne Oldfield, and Arthur Maynwaring senior. In 1739 Arthur inherited his mother’s legacy of £5,000.[37] In December 1764 Catherine Maynwaring made her will giving all her property in England and land in County Cork, along with £6,000 in share stocks, to her only child, Margaret Maynwaring. If Margaret died unmarried the estate would revert to the Cavendish family of Anne Pyne. Captain Arthur Maynwaring was killed in 1741 at the siege of Carthagena.[38]

In the 1760s Catherine Maynwaring (nee Pyne) said she earned £700 from her part of the Irish estates.[39] In April 1764 Catherine Maynwaring made a lease of three lives to the Beere family for £120 18s per annum of 118 acres at Ballynemassingbeg, 124 acres at Tubrid, 88 acres at Ballyhostibeg, 7 acres at Ballyvorassy, all in the barony of Iffa and Offa in County Tipperary.[40] This was the Little Burgess of 1712. Viscount Lismore held Ballynemassingbeg and Ballyvorassy in 1850 while Lord Waterpark held Burgess New and Burgess West and Crannavone, Derravoher, Knockannaniska and Tubbrid, all in Tubbrid parish. Interestingly in 1850 the Earl of Glengal held a townland called Kilcoran in Tubbrid parish.[41] In early 1767 Margaret Maynwaring died and on 14^th August 1780 Catherine Maynwaring died in Sussex.[42] Her land in County Cork reverted to Henry Cavendish of Waterpark.  

Meanwhile Sir Henry Cavendish (1707-1776) came to Ireland in 1737 when his cousin the 3^rd Duke of Devonshire was Lord Lieutenant. Sir Henry was MP for Tallow (1756-60) and later MP for Lismore (1761-66 & 1768-76). Sir Henry’s eldest son was Sir Henry Cavendish (1732-1804) MP for Lismore (1766-8 & 1776-90 & 1798-1800) and MP for Killybegs (1790-7). Sir Henry, using his skill at shorthand, made notes on the proceedings of the Irish Parliament when no official transcripts were published. In August 1757 Sir Henry married Sarah, daughter of Richard Bradshaw, merchant of Cork, and on 15^th June 1792 she was created Baroness Waterpark with remainder to her sons by Sir Henry.[43] This Waterpark is the Waterpark formerly known as Ballynaglass, on the south bank of the Blackwater, and not the Waterpark near Carrigaline as is sometimes reported.

When Sir Henry’s father died in 1776 he left a debt of over £67,000 from his time as teller of the Irish exchequer. Sir Henry junior mortgaged his estates in Sligo, Monaghan and Dublin to pay off the debt.[44] Sir Henry’s Waterpark property was thus not encumbered by this debt. It is not clear who first built the dwelling house at Waterpark known as Old Court. The building was a ruin by the 1830s and a later Lord Waterpark said it had burnt down previous to that time with the lost of all the family papers. The high chimneys described in 1837 and the ground plan shown in the first Ordnance Survey map of 1840 would suggest a building constructed in the 1660s with possible reconstructed or additions in the 1690s.

Sir Henry Cavendish junior died on 3^rd August 1804 and was succeeded by his son Sir Richard Cavendish, who became 2^nd Baron Waterpark in 1807 on the death of his mother. The 2^nd Baron died in 1830 when he was succeeded by his son, Henry Manners Cavendish (1793-1863), as the 3^rd Baron.[45]

Kilcoran to Walker and Briscoe

Sometime between 1810 and 1819 Henry Walker of Fermoy purchased Waterpark, Glenagurteen, Ballydorgan, and Kilcoran from Lord Waterpark. It is not clear if Robert Briscoe of Fermoy purchased Garrynagoul and Kilcoran North directly from Lord Waterpark or of he brought them from Walker. Henry Walker operated a brewery business in Fermoy and was a property developer in the town. In 1846 Thomas Walker was owner of Waterpark when he got approval from the Cork Grand Jury to spend £240 on drainage works on 48 acres at Waterpark.[46] By 1850 George Walker was owner of Waterpark, Kilcoran South and a number of other townlands.

The landlord of Garrynagoul and Kilcoran North in 1840 was Robert Briscoe of Artillery Quay, Fermoy (now called O’Neill Crowley Quay).[47] In 1844 he gave a lease on his house to the Provincial Bank. The building in 2022 was the Fermoy Garda Station. Robert Briscoe was a member of the first town commission in Fermoy and operated the Clondulane flour mills by lease from the Earl of Mountcashell in the 1820s until his death in October 1846. In 1824 he rented 11 acres in Kill Saint Anne townland, Castlelyons parish.[48] His wife Elizabeth Reade (married 1800) had died in September 1834.[49] Robert Briscoe was succeeded at Kilcoran South by his son, also called Robert Briscoe who died on 29^th May 1890 leaving effects worth £5,833.[50] His first wife, Louise Ann Stokes died on 13^th April 1844 and his second wife is simply known as Catherine with no known surname as yet.[51] It would appear that Robert Briscoe lived at Bank Lane, Fermoy in 1850 (house worth £10) while his cousin, Captain Edward Briscoe (son-in-law of Robert Briscoe senior) lived at Abercrombie Place, Fermoy (house worth £40).[52] In 1875 Captain Briscoe was living at Forglen Terrace,[53] Fermoy. Robert Briscoe died at Lapp’s Quay in Cork and was buried in Fermoy.[54]

Kilcoran in the mid eighteenth century

In the 1760s a religious census was taken to see how many households in Ireland were Protestant and how many Roman Catholic. In 1766 the two parishes of Knockmourne and Ballynoe were joined for the survey. The combined parishes had 11 Protestant households (2.6%) and 420 Roman Catholic households (97.4%).[55] A second survey was done in 1764 of those parts of the parishes of Castlelyons, Knockmourne, and Lismore/Mocollop that were located within the barony of Condons and Clangibbon. This found 12 Protestant households (8.1%) and 137 Roman Catholic households (91.9%). There was a mass house in Modeligo townland.[56] Kilcoran was part of this Condons and Clangibbon area. It is not known if there was any Protestant house in Kilcoran townland but the Catholics of the area were at lease served by the local mass house at Modeligo.

Kilcoran in early maps

The first Ordnance Survey maps were published in 1841 that recording the topography of the country in fine detail for the first time. Before 1841 local maps were produced that gave varying details. The 1598 map of the Mogeely estate shows Kilcoran as a large area of woodland north of what we would now call the Tallow to Fermoy road. The 1685 Petty map just shows Kilcoran as a townland north of the River Bride and bounded on the north by Glenagurteen and Ballygomeshy (later called Marshtown). The 1811 Grand Jury map shows Kilcoran townland as starting about a mile north of the River Bride and bounded on the north by Garrynagoul and Marshtown.[57]  

Kilcoran North in 1833

The 1833 Tithe Applotment book records three tenant farmers in Kilcoran North but does not name the landlord. In plot one was John Flynn and Michael Flynn with a joint tenancy on 22acres of arable land and a further 7acres of arable land for which they paid £30 12s in rent for the whole plot. Timothy Cremin held plot two with two divisions of 14acres and 13acres, both good arable land, for which he paid £21 in rent. The third plot was held by John Cremin and consisted of three divisions; two 10acres divisions of good arable land and one division of 3acres that was wetland. John Cremin paid £21 for his whole farm. All three farms had road frontage.[58] The size of Kilcoran North was 79acres 3roots and 37perches plus extra for roads (1851 size 83acres and 8perches) on which £72 12s of rent was paid.

Kilcoran South in 1833

In contrast to Kilcoran North which had very little waste land in 1833, Kilcoran South was a mixture of good arable land with bog, furze and heath land. The landlord is not named but the various tenants and their varied properties are. They included Barry Griffith who had 10 acres of furze while Alexander Griffith had 46 acres of furze and 22 acres of good arable land. Together they paid £16 12s 3d in rent for the whole property. John Toomey had 7 good acres and 13 acres of furze and paid £7 rent for the whole. Thomas Foley paid £7 rent for 5 acres of arable land and 8 acres of furze and heath. John Kirby paid £4 rent for 6 arable acres and one acre of bog. John Morrison paid £3 rent for 4acres of good land and 3 acres of bog. The Widow O’Keeffe paid £28 8s in rent for a sizeable property of 49 arable acres in two divisions of 23 and 26 acres along with 27 acres of furze and heath.

William Guiry had one acre of good land and 16 acres of good land in another division for which he paid £6 9s 3d in rent. Edmond Thornhill had just over 3 acres of arable land and paid £3 in rent. Con Donovan and Partner had three divisions of land of 2 acres arable, 7 acres arable and 2 acres of bog and paid £3 3s rent in total. It is not clear who was Donovan’s partner; a female partner or may be just an unnamed business partner. Meanwhile Henry Sullivan had 2 acres and 8 acres of good arable land and paid £5 5s in rent. Dan McCarthy had 2acres and 6 acres of good land along with one acre of bog and paid a total rent of £6 9s 2d.

Along the road was John Griffith senior paid £15 13s 10d in rent for 6 acres of good and a further 12 acres of good land with 23 acres of heath and furze ground. John Griffith junior paid the same rent of £15 13s 10d for 6 acres and 14 acres of good land with 26 acres of heath and furze. James O’Brien had three divisions of 4 acres and 20 acres of good land with 3 acres of furze at a rent of £21 4s 7d. The Widow Nagle had 58 acres of good land, 17 acres of furze/heath and 5 acres of bog for which she paid £73 10s in rent. The total area of Kilcoran South was 412acres 3roots and 26perches with a rental income of £218 11s 9d to which needs to be added about £3 for houses and small gardens.[59] The rental income for Kilcoran South of about £221 compares with the rental of 1841 at £258 15s and that of 1859 when it was £188 2s. The Great Famine cut short the raise in rental incomes up to the 1840s and the fall contributed to the bankruptcy of George Walker in the 1850s such that he had to sell the estate.

In Griffith’s Valuation (circa 1851) Kilcoran South was 474acres 1root and 35perches. The difference may be because the first Ordnance Survey map of 1840 set the boundary of each townland and townland size previous to 1840 may have been judge different. The difference in area (62acres) could also be that the landlord of Kilcoran South, presumingly the Walker family of Fermoy, held grazing land in Kilcoran South and this was excluded from the payment of tithes and so not recorded in the tithe book. In 1851 Rev. Robert Campion rented 62acres from George Walker with £3 5s worth of buildings.[60]   

Kilcoran in 1837

In 1837 Samuel Lewis described Knockmourne parish, in which lies Kilcoran, as comprising 7,514 statute acres of which 250 acres was bog and 75 acres of woodland. The soil was good and was mostly limestone. Much of the soil under Kilcoran would be Old Red Sandstone. The entire parish had a population of 3,144 people.[61]  

Kilcoran in the 1841 census

The 1841 census recorded 24 males and 24 females in Kilcoran North living in seven houses. The townland of Kilcoran South had 110 males and 122 females living in thirty five houses with another house uninhabited.[62]

Kilcoran in 1841 Poor Rates

In 1841 a parliamentary report on the poor rates levied in Ireland made a comparison between the rents paid by various tenants and the valuation for poor rate on their property. Kilcoran was situated in the electoral division of Knockmourne for this report. The findings were Mary Nagle £64 rent and £51 9s valuation; John Quirke (£43 10s rent & £36 16s valuation) and John Flynn (£23 rent & £8 71s valuation). The other tenants were Edmond Griffin (£7 10s rent and £11 3s valuation), Laurence Geery (£8 16s & £7 6s), John Griffin (£19 & £22), John Griffin junior (£19 & £22), Michael Flynn (£23 & £15 8s), Tim Cunningham (£21 & £15) and John Cunningham (£21 & £15).[63]

Among the tenants who paid rent below £5 in Kilcoran were James Troy (£1 10s on value of 10s), Tom Murphy (£1 10s on value of 10s), Barry Mills (£1 15s on a value of £ 3 12s) and John Hyde (£4 4s on value of £2 15s). The total rent was £258 15s as estimated by the valuators and not the actual amount of rent collected by the landlord.[64] It would appear that Kilcoran North was not included in the report. In 1841 there were ten or fourteen persons who were registered as electors with rents and valuations more than £10 in the Knockmourne Electoral Division but none of these came from Kilcoran.[65]

Kilcoran in the Great Famine

Like in most parts of the country the Great Famine stopped the rise in population experience since the 1750s. In that part of Knockmourne parish within the barony of Condons and Clangibbon (including Kilcoran townland) the population fell from 997 people in 1841 to 449 people in 1851.[66] This large fall was possibly bigger than that as the population would have continued to increase between 1841 and the start of the famine in 1845. Yet even in times of war or famine when death is everywhere new life is also present like in March 1846 when Patrick Barry and Brigitte Flynn had a son baptized, Patrick, which was looked on by Daniel Connell and Ellen Flynn.[67]

Kilcoran South June to December 1848

The year 1847 is often spoken of as Black ’47 when the worst of the Famine gripped the land but the Valuation Office Books suggested that many in Kilcoran South survived in some form until after June 1848, even with a number of widows among the labourer community, but that by December 1848 great changes had occurred. Many labourer cottages were occupied by new people or simply knocked down. Even a number of farmers had disappeared with their farms going to new people or taken over by neighbouring farmers. In June 1848 the following people had houses in Kilcoran South: Henry Vaughan (took over the house of a widow, Mary Cahill with Mary Nagle as landlord), Robert Prendergast (labourer, tenant of Mary Nagle), Robert Prendergast (blacksmith, house down by Dec 1848), B. Smith, Patrick Miller (took house of Thomas Riordan, labourer), Mary Nagle, John Cahill (farmer/grocer, took farm of Dan McCarthy, house of Mary Cahill, widow and farm/house of George Harrowhill, farmer), John Flynn (farmer), David O’Keeffe (labourer, took house of Edmund Griffin), Johanna Fitzgerald (widow), John Caples (labourer), John Hennery (took over house of Patrick Kearney, labourer), John Griffin senior, John Griffin junior, William Hynes (labourer, house down by Dec 1848), Patrick Keaton (labourer, house down by Dec 1848), Catherine Connell (widow, house down by Dec 1848), Rev. Robert Campion, Michael Morrissey (farmer, house down by Dec 1848), Barry Griffin (farmer), John Tooney (Toomey, house down by Dec 1848), Alice Murray (took house of Matt Morrissey, labourer), Henry Sullivan, Abigail Joyce (widow), Elinor Fitzgerald (widow), John Shanahan (labourer, house down by Dec 1848), James O’Brien (farmer, house down by Dec 1848), Patrick Murray (labourer), John Geary (farmer, gone by December 1848), Patrick Byrne (labourer), Edmund Murphy (labourer, house down by Dec 1848) and Patrick Barry (labourer, house down by Dec 1848).[68]

The National Archives of Ireland has the 1848 Valuation Office House Books online which give the dimensions of each dwelling house and the measurements of each outbuilding with usually a description of the building such as cow house, stable, fowl house, etc. the 1848 House Books say if a dwelling house or outbuilding was knocked down between June 1848 and a later survey done in December 1848. It is also recorded where a house acquired a new tenant in those six months or was just knocked down and who left. Bartholomew Cahill, tailor, was gone by December 1848 and his house was knocked down. Patrick Miller, labourer, had his old house knocked down by December 1848 as he had moved into the house previously occupied by Thomas Riordan, another labourer. People with empty houses during the Great Famine cannot always be assumed dead; they may have just moved to another house in the townland or a neighbouring place.  

Rev. Robert Campion took the former house of John Geary while Mary Nagle took the former house of Catherine Quirke, a widow. Rev. Robert Campion also took the house and farm of Edmund Griffin between June and December 1848 and added a piggery to the previous barn and fowl house. Rev. Campion also took the house of James Mills, a farmer and the house/farm buildings of Barry Mills, farmer. Barry’s house (51 X 18 X 7feet) and stable (12.6 X 16 X 5feet) were still standing by December 1848 but the cow house was in ruins.[69]

The House Books also give the occupation of the householder. John Cahill was a farmer and grocer. The knowledge that Kilcoran South was not just a farming community but had a grocer shop in 1848 as Kilcoran North did in the twentieth century adds a nice social history to the place. John Cahill’s dwelling house measured 30.6 feet long by 16.6 feet wide by 7 feet in height with an extension measuring 14 feet by 16.6 feet by 6 feet. John had a barn measuring 16 feet by 13.6 feet by 6 feet, a stable measuring 32.6 feet by 10.5 feet by 6 feet and a turf house measuring 10.6 feet by 9 feet by 5 feet.[70] Mary Nagle, a widow and substantial farmer in Kilcoran with tenants under her, lived in a house that measured 58 feet by 20.6 feet by 7.6 feet. She had a cow house (30.6 X 14 X 7.6feet), a turf house (18 X 14 X 6feet), a stable (18.6 X 14 X 6feet), a piggery (22 X 13 X 5.6feet), and a barn (47.6 X 21.6 X 8feet).[71]

The property of John Griffin More, or senior, consisted of a dwelling house (30 X 18X 7feet) with extension (22 X 16 X 5.6feet), a stable (14.6 X 11.6 X 5.6feet), a cow house (18 X 8 X 4.6feet) and a barn (29.6 X 19.6 X 7.6feet). John Griffin Beg, or junior, had a dwelling house measuring 44.6 by 16 by 6feet with a barn (27.6 X 14.6 X 6.6feet) and a stable (27.6 X 15 X 5feet).[72]

Kilcoran North

Kilcoran North June to December 1848

Much the same happened in Kilcoran North as in Kilcoran South in the last six months of 1848 although on a smaller scale as the base line was smaller. In June 1848 there was Michael Daly (labourer), Michael Morrison (farmer), Michael Morrissey (labourer), Eugene Creamer (farmer), James Cangley (carpenter, house down by December 1848), and William Griffin (blacksmith). But even by June 1848 people were under pressure with the cow house of John Creamer being in such a ruined condition as not worth measuring for the purposes of rates. By December 1848 Thomas Ducey had Michael Morrison’s farm, Michael Morrissey’s house was vacant and the farm of Eugene Creamer was take over by his landlord, Robert Briscoe. Thomas Ducy had in December 1848 a dwelling house which measured 52 feet by 18 feet by 6 feet along with a cow house measuring 30.6ft by 14ft by 5.6ft and a barn measuring 30.6ft by 18.6ft by 7ft with a garden, all of which he rented from John Morrison who held it from Robert Briscoe. Michael Daly rented his house from Morrison who held from Briscoe and the house measured 22ft by 14fy by 5feet. Most farmer dwelling houses were 50 feet long while the houses of labourers, blacksmith or carpenters were only about 22 to 28 feet long. All were about 14 to 18 feet wide with 5 feet high for labourer cottages and 6 to 7 feet high for farmer houses.[73]

Kilcoran in the 1851 census

The 1851 census recorded 14 males and 14 females in Kilcoran North living in four houses. This was down 20 people and three houses from the 1841 census. In Kilcoran South there were 60 males and 59 females living in nineteen houses and one unoccupied house. This was down 113 people and fifteen less houses since the 1841 census.[74]

Kilcoran North in the 1850s

The rate books of Griffith’s Valuation composed to set a rate upon land and buildings in a district to financially support the local Poor Law Union give us a view into life in Kilcoran North in the 1850s. Robert Briscoe of Fermoy was the landlord of the townland and directly held 28acres of land (worth £15 10s) with a house and outbuildings, called offices, worth £1 5s. He also had an uninhabited house and garden worth 6s and 2s respectively. John Morrison rented 30acres from Robert Briscoe, worth £20 10s and in turn let a house to Michael Daly worth 5s, along with a house, offices and garden to Thomas Ducie, worth £1 10s and 5s for the garden (35 perches). John Morrison himself lived in the neighbouring townland of Garrynagoul where he rented 75acres from Robert Briscoe. Elsewhere in Kilcoran North John Creamer rented 23acres from Robert Briscoe worth £14 with a house and offices worth 15s. In turn John Creamer let a house to William Griffith worth 5s. In total the townland of Kilcoran North had 83acres and 8 perches, worth £50 7s and buildings worth £4 6s.[75]

Kilcoran South in the 1850s

In the 1850s George Walker was the landlord of Kilcoran South. He held no land directly unlike Robert Briscoe in Kilcoran North. Instead George Walker let out ten farms to nine different tenants, namely; Mary Nagle (82acres and 95acres), John Cahill (28acres), Henry Sullivan (12acres), Denis Spillane (13acres), Rev. Robert Campion (62acres), John Flynn (72acres), Barry Griffith (11acres), John Griffith Beg (50acres) and John Griffith More (43acres). Henry Sullivan and Denis Spillane only rented land as they lived outside the townland. The other farmers had dwelling houses with outbuildings. In turn many of the farmers let houses to labourers; Mary Nagle let four houses (one unoccupied and another with a garden), Henry Sullivan let three houses with small gardens, John Flynn let two houses of which one had a garden and John Griffith More let three houses of which two had gardens. One of the house and gardens let by John Griffith More was to David O’Keeffe who in turn let a house to John Kenry. In total the townland of Kilcoran South had 474acres 1root and 35perches worth £210 7s and buildings worth £20 15s.[76] George Walker was also the landlord of the townlands of Glenagurteen and Waterpark, on the south bank of the River Blackwater, about two miles to the north-west of Kilcoran South.[77]

The farm of Rev. Robert Campion was later held by the Foote family and was acquired in the mid twentieth century by Fred Bryan and his son Cecil Bryan. The four cross roads where the Fermoy to Tallow road joins the road south to Conna and north to O’Donoghue’s Cross is now known as Bryan’s Cross and was formerly called Daly’s Cross.[78]

Kilcoran South sold in 1859

The Great Famine caused no only the death of over a million people and the forced emigration of another million people but it also left the people still living struggling to get back on their feet. For some landlords the Famine turned their struggling estates into debt and bankruptcy while other landlords seem to have come out of the Famine in a stronger financial situation. The Encumbered Estates Court was established in 1849 to facilitate the sale of these bankrupt estates and clear their debt for the new owners. George Walker of Fermoy was one such bankrupt estate and in December 1859 his property in Waterpark, Glenagurteen, Ballydorgan, Pellick, and Kilcoran South, and elsewhere, was sold. The man who purchased most of the estate was Robert Briscoe of Fermoy and owner of Kilcoran North and Garrynagoul.

Robert Briscoe purchased 397 acres of Waterpark for £8,590, 150 acres of Ballydorgan for £2,220, 155 acres of Glenagurteen for £3,862, and 60 acres of Losnanhane for £1,210. Kilcoran South was sold in three lots with Mr. Henry L. Young purchasing 239 acres (rental income of £133 13s and rate value £118) for £2,770. The two other lots were both purchased by Mr. Francis Kearney comprising of 164 acres (rental income of £21 19s and rate value £64 10s) for £1,150 and 71 acres (rental income of £32 10s and rate value £38 10s) for £760. The 474 acres of Kilcoran South had a total rental income of £188 2s (down from £258 15s rental income in 1841) and a rateable valuation of £221 (down from £231 2s in 1851).

Francis Kearney came from Limerick and in 1871 held 236acres 1root and 20perches in Co. Cork with a rate valuation of £93 which corresponds to his property in Kilcoran South. It would appear that Francis Kearney, landlord of Kilcoran, was the same Francis Kearney of Limerick, a solicitor in that place who married Ellie, daughter of Thomas Keane of Prospecthill, Co. Limerick, and was the father of Captain Francis Kearney, a Limerick solicitor, who in 1910 married Claire, daughter of Dr. M.J. Malone of Pery Square, Limerick, with a son and two daughters.[79] Ellie Kearney died on 26^th January 1909 in the North Circular Road and was predeceased by Francis Kearney, solicitor, who had died in 1892[80]. 

In 1871 Henry Lindsey Young of Leemount, west of Cork City, held 3,625 acres in Co. Cork which included the 239 acres in Kilcoran South.[81] Other sources say that Henry Young had 5,500 acres in Co. Cork and 2,300 acres in Co. Waterford.[82] In 1853 Henry Young built a large mill at Carrigrohane for which he paid Eugene McSwiney a rent of £475 a year for the site.[83] In 1868 and 1848-1881 Henry Lindsay Young was owner of the Lolly of Cork, a sailing schooner of 70 net tons.[84] At Graigue in Kildorrery Henry Young was considered a good landlord and was never known to evict a tenant. He is said to have given assistance to tenants to improve their farms.[85] On 19^th August 1848 Henry Young married Margaret Thornhill, daughter of William B. Swan of Cork.[86] His eldest son, Goodwin Young was a barrister-at-law in the 1880s. In 1903 Reginald Young lived at Leemount, Carrigrohane.

Kilcoran in the 1861 census

The 1861 census saw just one dwelling house in Kilcoran North where there were four in 1851 and a population declined from twenty-eight to just eight people. In Kilcoran South the population fell from one hundred and nineteen to ninety-five while the housing stock fell from twenty (one unoccupied) to sixteen.[87]

Kilcoran people 1861 to 1871

After the big survey of Griffith’s Valuation in the 1850s records giving a survey of each townland do not appear again until the census returns of 1901 and 1911. The intervening years are thus more a collection of news items that give us some information and add to our store of knowledge but without the vision of an overall picture. In April 1861 Thomas Daly and Anne Sullivan of Kilcoran had a son Martin. In August 1861 John Collins and Maria Burn of Kilcoran had a son Cornelius. In June 1863 Thomas Heffernan and Mary Keeffe had a son Michael.[88] On 19^th March 1866 Mary Griffin of Kilcoran died aged 11 weeks as a child of a labourer. On 21^st June 1866 Bridget Harty, a widow of a labourer, died at Kilcoran aged 80 years. On 13^th November 1866 Patrick Heffernan, a child of a labourer in Kilcoran, died after just nine days of life.[89]

In May 1867 Michael Caples and Marguerite Fouhy of Kilcoran had a daughter Marie with John Caples and Catherine Gallagher as sponsors.[90] On 24^th September 1867 John Waters, the child of a Kilcoran farmer, died aged sixteen months. On 22^nd March 1868 Michael Riordan, a married farmer from Kilcoran, died aged 70 years.[91] The names of Waters or Riordan do not appear in Griffith’s Valuation and thus were new comers to the area or married into existing farming families.

In November 1868 John Heffernan and Catherine McGrath of Kilcoran had a son William. In February 1869 Martin Coughlan and Ellen Shanrahan of Kilcoran had a daughter Abigail with John Coughlan and Kate Ryan as sponsors. In March 1869 Michael Waters and Margarita Cahill of Kilcoran had a daughter Hanoria.[92] On 4^th November 1869 died Patrick Murray of Kilcoran, a married labourer aged 60 years. On 24^th December 1870 Mary Fitzgerald, the widow of a labourer, died at Kilcoran aged 68 years.[93]

Kilcoran in the 1871 census

In the census of 1871 there were seventy-five people living fifteen houses with another house unoccupied in Kilcoran South with fifteen outbuildings. The townland of Kilcoran North had no residents in 1871 and no recorded dwelling houses. The rateable valuation of Kilcoran North was £53 5 (£54 13s in 1851) and £223 in Kilcoran South (£231 2s in 1851).[94]

Kilcoran people 1871-1881

On 21^st November 1871 Mary Caples, the daughter of a labourer, died aged 4 years to be followed on 13^th March 1872 by her possible grandmother, Mary Caples, the wife of a labourer, aged 75 years. On 16^th February 1873 they were followed by Mary Caples of Kilcoran, a labourer’s daughter, after just 12 hours of life.[95]

In December 1871 Michael Leahy and Marie Donovan of Kilcoran had a daughter Margarita. In February 1872 Patrick Connell and Hanora Morrissey of Kilcoran had a daughter Honora.[96] On 28^th December 1872 John Griffin, a married labourer in Kilcoran, died aged 84 years. On 28^th November 1875 Catherine Griffin, a labourer’s widow, died aged 90 years. These deaths were followed in 1876 with a possible connected double loss. On 29^th August 1876 John Griffin of Kilcoran died after just 5 hours of life and on 1^st September 1876 his mother, Hanora Griffin died aged 38 years, the wife of a labourer.[97]

In December 1874 Michael Colbert and Margarita Prendergast had a daughter, Catherine. In January 1875 Andrew Reardon and Mary Cartney of Kilcoran had a daughter, Elena.[98] On 6^th February 1875 Kate Colebert, the daughter of a labourer, died aged just 6 weeks.[99] In March 1875 John Caples and Mary Broderick of Kilcoran had a son, John. In May 1875 Peter Myles and Catherine Panchane of Kilcoran had a son, John Myles. In August 1875 Michael Caples and Margarita Fouhy of Kilcoran had a daughter, Marie. In January 1876 James Fleming and Brigide Donnell of Kilcoran had a son, James Fleming. In June 1876 Michael Waters and Margarita Cahill had a daughter, Brigide.[100]

On 23^rd June 1877 Bridget Waters died as a farmer’s daughter, aged just 12 months. On 23^rd March 1879 her brother, John Waters died aged 10 months. On 5^th March 1880 John Griffin, a farmer’s son from Kilcoran, died aged 11 months. On 21^st May 1880 Alice Flynn, a farmer’s wife, died aged 65 years. On 2^nd April 1881 Ellen Griffin, a labourer’s daughter, died aged just 10 months.[101]

Kilcoran in the 1881 census

Between 1871 and 1881 Kilcoran North got three new dwelling houses with two outbuildings. The population of the townland was sixteen people (11 male and 5 female). Meanwhile in Kilcoran South the population had increased from seventy-five people to ninety-five people (51 male and 44 female) while the number of dwelling houses remained at sixteen houses. These houses had twenty-two outbuildings between them. The rateable valuation of Kilcoran North was £51 5s (down from £54 13s in 1851) and £224 for Kilcoran South (down from £231 2s in 1851 but up £1 since 1871).[102]

Further personalities of Kilcoran 1881-1891

On 6^th April 1882 Michael Cashman of Garrynagoul died as reported by the Cork Examiner. The Cashman family would later live in Kilcoran North in the twentieth century. On 22^nd March 1882 Thomas Caples of Kilcoran, a farmer’s son, died aged 9 months. He was followed on 6^th April 1882 by Edmond Caples of Kilcoran, a labourer’s son, aged just 6 months.[103] The late 1870s was a period of bad weather and a mini famine while the early 1880s was the start of the land war. It is possible that many families were short of food and clothing which helped contribute to a number of early deaths in Kilcoran. Yet as in all periods of stress and sadness new life comes along. In November 1880 Michael Stapleton and Bridgid Fitzgerald of Kilcoran had a son, James.[104]

On 3^rd March 1883 Catherine Connell, a labourer’s widow, died aged 90 years. On 25^th March 1883 Margaret Murray, a labourer’s widow, died at Kilcoran aged 70 years. On 9^th September 1883 Eliza Shanahan died at Kilcoran as a labourer’s widow, aged 70 years.[105] On 30^th July 1884 John Caples, a widowed labourer, died aged 96 years. He was possibly the John Caples who held a house and garden at Kilcoran from John Griffin More in the 1850s.[106]

On 1^st January 1885 Robert Prendergast, a married labourer in Kilcoran, died aged 87 years. On 15^th February 1885 John Flynn, a widowed farmer from Kilcoran, died aged 82 years. On 14^th April 1887 Daniel Daly, a widowed farmer of Kilcoran, died aged 95 years.[107] Born about 1792 Daniel Daly would possibly have heard stories of the 1798 Rebellion, the 1801 Act of Union, the 1815 defeat of Napoleon, followed the monster meeting of Daniel O’Connell, experience the Great Famine, heard of the 1867 Fenian uprising and wonder what Charles Parnell could do for Ireland.

On 9^th February 1888 Maurice Shea, a married Kilcoran farmer, died aged 79 years. On 3^rd March 1888 Eliza Griffin, a labourer’s daughter, died aged 2 years. On 5^th March 1880 Margaret Prendergast, a labourer’s widow, died aged 80 years. On 23^rd March 1889 Catherine Byrne, a labourer’s daughter, died aged 8 years. On 25^th July 1890 Anne Fouhy, a labourer’s widow, died aged 72 years. On 13^th June 1891 Patrick Flynn, a farmer’s son of Kilcoran, died aged just 2 months. On 9^th November 1891 Mary Howe, a tailor’s wife, died aged 80 years.[108] This is the first time we notice a family in Kilcoran who were not farmers or labourers.

Kilcoran in the 1891 census

In the 1891 census there were thirteen people living in Kilcoran North in three houses. In Kilcoran South there were eighty-six people living in sixteen houses.[109]

People of Kilcoran 1891-1901

On 24^th May 1895 Martin Coughlan, a Kilcoran married labourer, died aged 65 years. On 16^th October 1895 John Burns of Kilcoran, an unmarried caretaker, died aged 22 years. It is not known what he was caring for. On 13^th November 1896 a young daughter of Mr. Waters, a Kilcoran farmer, died after only a few seconds of life. On 24^th November 1896 Michael Griffin, a labourer’s son, died aged 4 years. On 29^th March 1898 Patrick Flynn, a Kilcoran married farmer, died aged 52 years. On 13^th March 1899 Thomas Flynn, an unmarried farmer’s son, died aged 16 years. On 15^th March 1899 Hannah Cotter, a farmer’s widow, died aged 58 years. On 29^th July 1900 Mary Riordan, a farmer’s widow, died aged 62 years.[110]

Kilcoran in the 1901 census

In the 1901 census there were six people living in two houses in Kilcoran North while in Kilcoran South there were fifty-three people living in fourteen houses.[111] At Kilcoran North lived Margaret Carlington (widow) who rented a house of thatch and mud walls with two rooms from James Morrison and John Prendergast (unemployed blacksmith) had a house of mud walls with a slate roof with two rooms which he rented from Katie Cashman. Neither house reported having any outbuildings. John Prendergast had 5 in family while Margaret lived alone.[112]

In Kilcoran South all the householders said they owned their own houses except Michael Colbert who rented from Andrew Reardan. The householders and building data for Kilcoran South was: Bartholomew Murphy (3 rooms in the house, 4 in the family & 2 outbuildings), Kate Flynn (3 rooms, 6 in family & 3 outbuildings), Patrick Gallagher (4 rooms, 3 in family & 4 outbuildings), John Foote (house unoccupied and no recorded outbuildings), Bartholomew Prendergast (3 rooms, 5 in family & 2 outbuildings), Michael Waters (3 rooms, 7 in family & 7 outbuildings), William Cotter (5 rooms, 1 in family & 5 outbuildings), Patrick Barry (3 rooms, 6 in family & 3 outbuildings), Michael Colbert (1 room, 2 in family & 2 outbuildings), Andrew Reardan (2 rooms, 5 in family & 2 outbuildings), Michael Caples (3 rooms, 4 in family & 2 outbuildings), Charles Bryan (5 rooms, 5 in family & 4 outbuildings), John Griffin (3 rooms, 7 in family & 3 outbuildings), and Thomas Caples (2 rooms, 4 in family & 2 outbuildings).[113] John Griffin said he was a farmer and a shopkeeper.  

Kilcoran personalities between 1901 and 1911

On 21^st January 1905 Bartholomew Prendergast, an unmarried labourer of Kilcoran, died aged 70 years. On 18^th February 1906 Michael Colbert, a married labourer, died aged 60 years. On 14^th July 1907 John Prendergast, a Kilcoran blacksmith, died aged 62 years. On 11^th January 1910 Mary Anne Cotter died aged 8 months, a farmer’s daughter.[114]

Kilcoran in the 1911 census

In the 1911 census there were fifty-two people (30 male and 22 female) living in thirteen houses with 39 outbuildings. There was nobody living in Kilcoran North. The rateable valuation was £50 10s for Kilcoran North and £222 10s for Kilcoran South, both down since the 1881 census.[115] Thomas Caples had two rooms in his house, four in his family and one outbuilding. John Griffin (3 rooms, 5 in family & 4 outbuildings), Charles Bryan (5 rooms, 5 in family & 4 outbuildings), Michael Caples (3 rooms, 4 in family & 2 outbuildings), John Flynn (3 rooms, 2 in family & 3 outbuildings), Patrick Gallagher (3 rooms, 4 in family & 4 outbuildings), Eliza McGrath (4 rooms, 4 in family & 2 outbuildings), Mary Prendergast (4 rooms, 4 in family & 1 outbuilding), Bartholomew Murphy (4 rooms, 3 in family & 3 outbuildings), Michael Waters (3 rooms, 5 in family & 5 outbuildings), Margaret Colbert (2 rooms, I in family & 1 outbuilding), Patrick Barry (3 rooms, 5 in family & 5 outbuildings) and William Cotter (4 rooms, 6 in family & 4 outbuildings). All the householders said they owned their own houses.[116]

Kilcoran people after 1911

On 11^th June 1911 John Griffin, a married farmer, died aged 81 years. On 23^rd December 1913 Patrick Griffin, an unmarried labourer, died aged 30 years. On 26^th November 1914 Hannah Cotter, a farmer’s daughter, died aged 10 years. On 30^th March 1915 Katherine Gallagher, a farmer’s wife, died aged 55 years. On 3^rd June 1919 Margaret Colbert, a labourer’s widow, died aged 85 years. On 2^nd May 1922 Michael Caples, a Kilcoran labourer, died aged 84 years. On 27^th April 1923 Margaret Caples, his widow, died aged 82 years.[117]

After the Dáil approved of the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, a large part of the army broke away with the beginning of a civil war in June 1922. The Free State forces quickly pushed the Anti-Treaty forces into Munster where they had declared as the Munster Republic (that area south-west of the Limerick/Waterford line). The Free State organised a series of sea borne landings which in quick time retook most of the towns in Munster and forced the Anti-Treaty forces into the countryside by the end of August 1922. Yet there was still unrest and lawless across the land. On 6^th September 1922 persons unknown stole ten cattle from Charles Bryan of Kilcoran. In August 1923 Charles filed a petition for compensation with the Department of Finance (the result is unknown).[118] On 6^th September 1925 Thomas Bryan, an unmarried farmer’s son of Kilcoran South, died aged 26 years. On 2^nd March 1926 Sarah Bryan, a farmer’s wife, died aged 63 years.[119] On 19^th January 1927 Cecil Bryan was born at Kilcoran and lived until his ninetieth year.[120]

On 4^th March 1928 William Cotter, an unmarried farmer’s son, died aged 13 years. On 29^th April 1928 Hannah McGrath, an unmarried labourer’s daughter, died aged 45 years. On 3^rd February 1930 Mary Prendergast, a labourer’s widow, died aged 76 years. On 8^th February 1930 Michael Barry, an unmarried farmer’s son, died aged just 32 days. On 4^th August 1930 Nora Griffin, an unmarried farmer’s sister, died aged 33 years. On 27^th December 1930 Margaret Murphy, a labourer’s widow, died aged 94 years. On 15^th January 1931 Johannah Griffin, an unmarried farmer’s daughter, died aged 7 years. On 26^th October 1931 Mary Caples, a farmer’s wife, died aged 88 years. On 9^th May 1938 Thomas Caples, a widowed labourer, died aged 94 years. On 16^th January 1939 Nora Griffin, a farmer’s widow, died aged 88 years. On 23^rd March 1939 Patrick Gallagher, a widowed farmer, died aged 77 years.[121]

In April 1943 there was a double tragedy in Kilcoran when Michael Kenneally, a labourer, died on the 19^th, aged 78 years and the next day his wife, Margaret, died aged 73 years. On 9^th May 1947 Bartholomew Kenneally, a farmer’s son, died aged just 4 weeks. On 1^st August 1947 Cornelius Barry, a married farmer in Kilcoran South, died aged 61 years. He was originally from Bartlemy.[122] Also in Kilcoran South was an unrelated Barry family that had two priests among its members: Fr. Patrick Barry and Fr. John Barry, sons of Michael Barry and Hannah Brackett. Both served as priests in South Africa before John went in 1968 to serve in parishes in California, USA.[123]

On 1^st July 1960 Bridget Beecher, widow of a farm labourer, died aged 77 years. On 3^rd May 1968 John O’Flynn of Kilcoran died aged 87 years as a widowed farmer. On 1^st May 1975 Martin Coughlan, a married labourer, died aged 62 years. On 13^th August 1984 Nora Hannon, a butcher’s widow, died aged 77 years. On 4^th April 1985 William Cashman of Kilcoran died aged 66 years as a married farmer.[124]

Kilcoran G.A.A. in 1927

In 1927 a hurling team was formed in Kilcoran from local residents and surrounding areas which competed in games against a team from Currabeha called the John Mitchell’s and teams from Glencairn and Conna. The Kilcoran team was called the ‘Kill-me-Deads’ and they met in a field to the east of Beecher’s shop at Donoghue’s Cross, now called Kenneally’s Cross, where the road from the south met the ridgeway road running east-west. Frank Daly of Ballyduff made the hurleys and the sliotars or hurling balls, were made by Hallys of Monagown or Johnny Crowley. The team consisted of Denis Canning, Joe Canning, Bill Canning, Dan Caples, Micky Caples, Martin Coughlan, Michael Coughlan, Tommy Feeney, Edward Flynn, Paddy Flynn, Tom Flynn, Michael Hickey, Jim Kenneally, Dave Pearse, Joe Pearse, Mike Pearse and Pierrie Walsh.[125]

Kilcoran in 1935 and 1945

In 1935 Michael Beecher had a shop while Fred Bryan operated a threshing machine as well as being a farmer. Both appear to have entered their respective businesses since 1925 as they were not recorded in that year.[126] In 1945 the principal farmers of Kilcoran were given as F. Bryan, C. Barry, M. Barry, and James Kenneally. Michael Beecher had a shop in Kilcoran North, in the house later lived in by Mr. King (former proprietor of Glencairn Inn), and second (from the east) of a row of five houses.[127]

Near the shop of Mick and Bridgie Beecher dances were held at Kilcoran Cross, also known as O’Donoghue’s Cross and Kenneally’s Cross. A temporary stage was erected on Sunday nights with Jim O’Sullivan from Ballyduff providing the music. On the road south of Kilcoran Cross lived Nelly Flynn who rode race horses one of whom was called ‘Merry Boy’.[128]

Kilcoran in the mid twentieth century

One of the houses in Kilcoran South, occupied in the late twentieth century by Dave Feeney, was previously the home of Bill Murphy. He was a carman by trade and worked mainly at Bride Valley Stores in Tallow transporting coal and timber between Janeville Quay and Tallow. Elsewhere Jim Kenneally, a farmer in Kilcoran South, would supplement his income by carting milk from the local farmers to Conna creamery. Among the staff at Conna creamery was Jimmy Barry from Kilcoran South. One of the early shareholders of Conna creamery was John Flynn of Kilcoran South.[129]

In 1972 the Conna Guild of Muintir na Tire decided to changed the organisational structure to that of an elected Community Council with members elected from the different areas in the parish and representing Kilcoran were Christopher Kenneally and Paddy Barry.[130]

Kilcoran in late twentieth century

In the late twentieth century the land of Kilcoran North and South was owned by various farmers and householders with attached gardens. Kilcoran South had eight farms of varied size, mostly with a southern aspect along with ten dwelling houses with attached gardens. Kilcoran North had two farms and six dwelling houses with attached gardens.

===================

End of post

===================

---

[1] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition (Conna, 1998), p. 397

[2] Anon, St. Catherine Parish: Conna, Ballynoe, Glengoura; A Christian Heritage (Conna, 2000), pp. 26, 27

[3] Anon, St. Catherine Parish, p. 48

[4] Patrick Power, Crichad an Chaoilli being the topography of ancient Fermoy (Cork, 1932), p. 68; Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 370

[5] Power, Crichad an Chaoilli being the topography of ancient Fermoy, p. 68

[6] Paul MacCotter, Medieval Ireland: Territorial, Political and Economic Divisions (Dublin, 2008), p. 266

[7] Paul MacCotter, A history of the medieval diocese of Cloyne (Blackrock, Dublin, 2013), p. 42

[8] Paul MacCotter & Kenneth Nicholls (eds.), Richard Caulfield, The Pipe Roll of Cloyne (Cloyne, 1996), pp. 161, 162

[9] Kenneth Nicholls, ‘The development of lordship in County Cork, 1300-1600’, in P. O’Flanagan & C. Buttimer (eds.), Cork History and Society (Dublin, 1993), pp. 157-211, at pp. 176, 204, note 133

[10] Nicholls, ‘The development of lordship in County Cork, 1300-1600’, pp. 157-211, at p. 204, note 134

[11] Nicholls, ‘The development of lordship in County Cork, 1300-1600’, pp. 157-211, at p. 186

[12] John T. Collins, ‘Fiants of Queen Elizabeth relating to the City and County of Cork’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Vol. XLI (1936), pp. 29-36, at p. 31

[13] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), viz. selections from the private and public (or state) correspondence of Sir Richard Boyle, First and ‘Great’ Earl of Cork (4 vols. London, 1887), vol. II, p. 42

[14] John T. Collins, ‘Fiants of Queen Elizabeth relating to the City and County of Cork’, in the Journal of the Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, Vol. XLV (1940), pp. 127-135, at p. 130

[15] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (2^nd series), viz. private and public (or state) letters, vol. II, p. 40

[16] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (2^nd series), viz. private and public (or state) letters, vol. II, p. 41

[17] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (2^nd series), viz. private and public (or state) letter, vol. II, p. 43

[18] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (2^nd series), viz. private and public (or state) letters, vol. II, p. 47

[19] Albert Eugene Casey & Thomas O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 6, p. 360

[20] Collins, ‘Fiants of Queen Elizabeth of Cork’, in the J.C.H.A.S., Vol. XLV (1940), pp. 127-135, at p. 134

[21] Rev. C.W. Russell & John Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, James 1, 1608-1610 (London, 1874, reprint Liechtenstein, 1974), p. 225

[22] Russell & Prendergast (eds.), Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, James 1, 1608-1610, pp. 21, 70, 114, 126

[23] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (2^nd series), viz. private and public (or state) letters, vol. II, p. 102

[24] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (second series), viz. selections from the private and public (or state) correspondence of Sir Richard Boyle, First and ‘Great’ Earl of Cork (4 vols. London, 1887), vol. 1, p. 223

[25] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (first series), viz. autobiographical notes, remembrances and diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and ‘Great’ Earl of Cork (5 vols. London, 1886), vol. III, p. 36

[26] Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (1^st series), viz. autobiographical notes, vol. III, p. 130

[27] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 498

[28] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 400

[29] Nicholas Canny, ‘The 1641 Depositions as a source for the writing of social history: County Cork as a case study’, in P. O’Flanagan & C. Buttimer (eds.), Cork History and Society (Dublin, 1993), pp. 249-308, at p. 298

[30] Albert Eugene Casey & Thomas O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 11, p. 935

[31] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 403

[32] H.F. Morris, ‘The Pynes of Co. Cork revisited’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 9, No. 4 (1997), pp. 494-529, at p. 494

[33] Edith Johnston, History of the Irish Parliament, 1692-1800: Commons, Constituencies and Statutes (6 vols. Belfast, 2002), vol. VI, p. 136

[34] Raymond Refaussé & Heather Smith, ‘W.H. Welply’s Abstracts of Irish Chancery Bills, 1601-1801’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1987), pp. 166-185, at p. 168, numbers 25, 26, 28

[35] Joanna Lafter, ‘The Will of Katherine Maynwaring: An Autobiographical Reading’, in Biography, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Spring 1997), pp. 156-180, at p. 176, note 17

[36] Johnston, History of the Irish Parliament, 1692-1800, vol. VI, p. 136

[37] Lafter, ‘The Will of Katherine Maynwaring’, pp. 156-180, at pp. 159, 160

[38] Lafter, ‘The Will of Katherine Maynwaring’, pp. 156-180, at pp. 156, 177, note 24

[39] Lafter, ‘The Will of Katherine Maynwaring’, pp. 156-180, at p. 157

[40] Registry of Deeds, Ireland, Vol. 229, Page 286,Memorial 150414, dated 23^rd April 1764

[41] Griffith’s Valuation, Co. Tipperary, South Riding, Tubbrid parish

[42] Lafter, ‘The Will of Katherine Maynwaring’, pp. 156-180, at pp. 161, 171

[43] Edith Johnston, History of the Irish Parliament, 1692-1800: Commons, Constituencies and Statutes (6 vols. Belfast, 2002), vol. III, p. 395, 399

[44] www.dib.ie/biography/cavendish-sir-henry-a1574 (accessed on 6th September 2022)

[45] Debrett’s Peerage, 1901, p. 810

[46] T.A. Barry, ‘The Famine, No. 68, December 1846’, in The Avondhu Newspaper, December 1998

[47] Pigot’s Directory, 1824, Fermoy

[48] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Tithe Applotment Books, Briscoe, County Cork

[49] Fermoy parish, Church of Ireland Registry

[50] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 1728

[51] Fermoy parish, Church of Ireland Registry

[52] Griffith’s Valuation, Fermoy, Co. Cork; Memorial Fiddown Church, Co. Kilkenny

[53] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1875, Fermoy

[54] Casey & O’Dowling (eds.), OKief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, vol. 6, p. 1728

[55] Brian Gurrin, Kerby Miller & Liam Kennedy (eds.), The Irish Religious Censuses of the 1760s: Catholics and Protestants in Eighteenth-Century Ireland (Dublin, 2022), p. 268

[56] Gurrin, Miller & Kennedy (eds.), The Irish Religious Censuses of the 1760s, p. 58

[57] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, pp. 26, 54 and back-piece

[58] National Archives of Ireland, Tithe Applotment Books, Kilcoran, Knockmourne parish, PDF 004625689_00198

[59] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy Online, Tithe Applotment Books, Co. Cork, Knockmourne, Kilcoran

[60] Griffith’s Valuation, Kilcoran South, Knockmourne parish, Condons & Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[61] Tim Cadogan (ed.), Lewis’ Cork: a topographical dictionary of the parishes, towns and villages of Cork City and County (Wilton, 1998), p. 327

[62] British Parliamentary Papers, Vol. XCI, 1851 census, Leinster & Munster, p. 446

[63] British Parliamentary Papers, Reports relative to the Valuations for Poor Rates and to the Registered Elective Franchise in Ireland (London, 1841), pp. 111, 112

[64] British Parliamentary Papers, Reports relative to the Valuations for Poor Rates, pp. 82, 94

[65] British Parliamentary Papers, Reports relative to the Valuations for Poor Rates, pp. 134 (says ten), 137 (says fourteen)

[66] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 88

[67] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to 16th January 1889, March 1846

[68] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran South

[69] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran South, John Griffin, PDF IRE_Cenusu_1821_51_007246790_01051

[70] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran South, John Cahill, PDF IRE_Cenusu_1821_51_007246790_01054

[71] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran South, Mary Nagle, PDF IRE_Cenusu_1821_51_007246790_01049

[72] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran South, John Griffin, PDF IRE_Cenusu_1821_51_007246790_01051

[73] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Kilcoran North, Michael Daly, PDF IRE_Cenusu_1821_51_007246790_01046

[74] British Parliamentary Papers, Vol. XCI, 1851 census, Leinster & Munster, p. 446

[75] Griffith’s Valuation, Kilcoran North, Knockmourne parish, Condons & Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[76] Griffith’s Valuation, Kilcoran South, Knockmourne parish, Condons & Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[77] Griffith’s Valuation, Glenagurteen and Waterpark, Lismore & Mocollop parish, Condons & Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[78] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 338

[79] Thom’s Irish Who’s Who (Dublin, 1923), Captain Francis Kearney

[80] Perrymead Cemetery, Row A, C1, grave of Captain Francis Kearney, www.batharchives.co.uk PDF of section C of Perrymead with notes, Bath Record office

[81] British Parliamentary Papers, Owners of one acres and upwards, 1871, p. 127

[82] www.landedestates.ie/Young(Leemount) (accessed on 5^th September 2022)

[83] Irish Chancery Reports, Volume 16 (Dublin, 1866), p. 3

[84] Mercantile Navy List, 1868, p. 233

[85] Duchas, Schools Folklore Commission, www.duchas.ie/en/cbes/4921828/4909843/5182 (accessed 5th September 2022)

[86] Faulkiner’s Journal, 25^th August 1848

[87] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1881, Munster, Cork, p. 155

[88] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to 16th January 1881, April, 1861; August 1861; June 1863

[89] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records (Conna, 2005), pp. 237, 238

[90] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to 16th January 1881, May 1867

[91] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 239, 240

[92] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to 16th January 1881, November 1868, February 1869, March 1869

[93] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 241, 242

[94] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1871, Munster, Cork, p. 155

[95] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 243, 244

[96] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to16th January 1881, December 1871, February 1872

[97] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, p. 244, 246, 247

[98] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to16th January 1881, December 1874

[99] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, p. 245

[100] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to16th January 1881, March 1875, May 1875, August 1875, January 1876, June 1876

[101] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 248, 251, 252, 253

[102] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1881, Munster, Cork, p. 155

[103] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, p. 254

[104] www.registers.nil.ie Catholic Parish registers, Conna, microfilm 04996/05, 16^th December 1845 to16th January 1881, November 1880

[105] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 255, 256

[106] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, p. 257; Griffith’s Valuation, Kilcoran South, Knockmourne parish, Condons and Clangibbon barony, Co. Cork

[107] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 257, 260

[108] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 261, 262, 263, 264

[109] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1911, Munster, Cork, p. 53

[110] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 268, 269, 270, 271, 272

[111] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1911, Munster, Cork, p. 53

[112] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Kilcoran North, Form B:  house and building return

[113] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Kilcoran South, Form B:  house and building return

[114] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 276, 277, 279

[115] British Parliamentary Papers, Census of Ireland for the year 1911, Munster, Cork, p. 53

[116] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Kilcoran South, Form B:  house and building return

[117] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 280, 281, 282, 285, 286, 287

[118] National archives of Ireland, FIN/COMP/2/4/2123, Charles Bryan, Kilcoran, County Cork

[119] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, p. 288

[120] The Avondhu Newspaper, 25^th October 1927

[121] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 289, 290, 291, 294

[122] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 296, 298

[123] Anon, St. Catherine Parish, p. 67

[124] Anon, Conna Parish Death Records, pp. 302, 304, 306, 308

[125] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 347

[126] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, pp. 388, 390

[127] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, pp. 391, 392, 393

[128] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 337

[129] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, pp. 153, 167, 168, 339

[130] Anon, Conna in History and Tradition, p. 141

Mary Miller of Barrow, Dublin & Fowey

Mary Miller of Barrow, Dublin & Fowey

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Mary Miller was a wooden three-masted schooner which was registered variously at Barrow, Dublin and Fowey during its long career. The vessel was built in 1881 by Paul Rodgers & Co., of Carrickfergus. Its dimensions were 93.2 feet long X 22.1 feet wide X 9.9 feet in depth. The Mary Miller had tonnage of 119 tons gross, 93 tons net. Her Official Number was 83974 and in the early 1930s her Signal Hoist was EICN.[1]

The Mary Miller was the second of six wooden sailing vessels built by Paul Rodgers of Carrickfergus.[2] The Mary Miller was first registered to the port of Barrow on 4^th May 1881 described as a sailing vessel of 99 net tons.[3] In 1882 the Mary Miller of Barrow (ON 83974) was owned by John Fisher of Barrow and had 99 net tons.[4]

The firm of Fisher & Sons of Barrow were important ship owners in the north-west of England with at one stage owning 42 vessels. The Mary Miller was originally used in the deep water trade before spending much of her life in the coastal trade of which transporting china clay played a big part of her cargo.[5]

In 1889 John Fisher was described as owner and manager of the Mary Miller of Barrow.[6] Between 1891 and 1892 the net tonnage of the Mary Miller was reduced from 99 tons to 93 tons.[7] Between 1900 and 1902 ownership of the Mary Miller passed from John Fisher of Barrow to James Fisher of Barrow. Of course ownership of a sailing vessel is a bit misleading. The vessel was divided into 64 shares with the largest shareholder having their name recorded on Lloyd’s Register or the Mercantile Navy List were other people, including the master of the vessel holding anything from one share upwards.[8] In 1903 James Fisher was described as owner/manager of the Mary Miller with an address at Fisher’s Buildings in Barrow.[9]

Up until his death in 1909 the Mary Miller was captained by Robert Williams of Waterford.[10] In 1915 the Mary Miller received a signal hoist of J.G.F.Q. with James Fisher still as owner/manager.[11] In 1915 the crew list of the Mary Miller included Owen Thomas (aged 52 from Amlwch) master, William Headon (aged 34 from Clovelly) mate, John Wynne (aged 20 from Amlwch) able seaman, William Roberts (aged 17 from Amlwch) cook/ordinary seaman, John H. Rowlands (aged 19 from Amlwch) able seaman, John W. Scarff (aged 23 from Amlwch) able seaman, and Evan Thomas (aged 18 from Amlwch) cook/ordinary seaman on his first vessel. All the sailors worked on the Mary Miller in 1914 except John Wynne who had previously served on the Earl of Lathom of Liverpool (ON 91172).[12]

In 1917 ownership of the Mary Miller passed to Mrs. Mabel a. Fisher of Drumard in Barrow-in-Furness with John Fisher as master.[13] By 1918 John Fisher of Drumard, Barrow, had taken over as owner/manager of the Mary Miller of Barrow.[14]

Mary Miller of Barrow, Dubllin & Fowey

It is said that in 1920 the Mary Miller was sold to Grounds of Runcorn but the Mercantile Navy List doesn’t show this. Instead it shows the vessel passing from Fisher ownership to that of Joseph Furlong in Ireland.[15] Another source says that the Mary Miller was owned by Grounds of Runcorn in 1928 while still registered at Barrow and it was only in 1931 that she was sold to Furlong in Ireland and her port of registration was changed to Dublin.[16]

Between 1921 and 1923 ownership of the Mary Miller of Barrow passed to Joseph Furlong of number 1 Anderson’s Quay in Cork City, Ireland, as owner/manager. The shipping records in the 1920s continue to quote Joseph Furlong of Cork as the owner/manager.[17] Joseph Furlong was said to be hard of hearing, even deaf, and use a speaking horn.[18] Other sources say that the Mary Miller was purchased by Joseph Furlong of Arklow in 1920 and following the owner’s death, was in 1934 sold to Par in Cornwall.[19] John Anderson said that the Mary Miller only arrived in Par after the Second World War where she was laid up because of necessary repairs and lack of trading opportunities.[20]

The ownership of the Mary Miller from circa 1920 to circa 1931 is clearly in dispute between the official records and the maritime historians. The historians say the Mary Miller passed from Fisher of Barrow to George Grounds of Runcorn in 1928 and in 1931 was sold on to Joseph Furlong of Arklow who changed the registration from Barrow to Dublin. The Mercantile Navy List says that Joe Furlong of Cork purchased the Mary Miller from Fisher between 1921 and 1923 and that later on when Furlong moved his business to Arklow in 1931/33 the Mary Miller was changed to Dublin as her port of registration. Between 1915 and 1939 the National Archives at Kew does not have any crew agreements for the Mary Miller except for the year 1927 (BT 99/3882). This would be acceptable as the vessel was in suggested Irish ownership from circa 1921 to 1936 when Charles Couch of Cornwall became owner. The Mercantile Navy List based its information on Board of Trade returns and registry books in the various ports of registration which due to time lags are liable to have errors of information, especially that of ownership. In 1926, 1927 and 1928 Joseph Furlong of Cork is listed as owner of the Mary Miller in the Mercantile Navy List. As Joseph Furlong is consistently name as owner from 1921 to 1936 in the Navy List it would appear that no time lag in information occurred or error in transcript unless the clerks of the Navy List simply copied their own records rather than check in with the ports of registration from time to time.

So what of George Grounds of Runcorn? In the M.N.L. for 1928 (page 1029), he was the owner/manager of the Mary Sinclair (ON 70478) of Barrow (built 1876 at Ardrossan). He was still owner of the Mary Sinclair in 1935 and in 1936 was sold to Thomas Williams of Runcorn. In January 1937 she had two separate accidents and was sold to Richard Abel & Sons for barge work. The Mary Sinclair was owned by John Fisher of Barrow in 1921 and sold to George Grounds between 1921 and 1923; that same Fisher who was owner and seller of the Mary Miller in the same period. [Source = Mercantile Navy List, 1921, page 910; Ibid, 1923, page 943]

The Mary Miller and the Mary Sinclair were both three mast schooners registered at Barrow and both owned by John Fisher until 1921 when sold to seemingly different owners. But life is never that straight forward. It would appear that in this case the clerks at the Mercantile Navy List were not accurate in their records. Lloyd’s Register of Shipping for 1922, page 72, lists the vessels owned by George Grounds of Runcorn as the Bidsie & Bell, the Fanny Crossfield, the Florence, the J.H. Barrow, the Mary Sinclair, the Mary Watkinson, the Shoal Fisher and the Mary Miller. The Registers for 1924 (page 76) and 1926 (76) repeat the Mary Miller as owned by George Grounds. Yet Lloyd’s Register for 1926 also mentions the Bidsie & Bell as still owned by Grounds but the vessel is not listed in the shipping details in the 1924 and 1926 Registers. While the Mercantile Navy List makes no mention of the Bidsie & Bell in 1926 as it was withdrawn from trade in 1924 due to an accident. As for Mr. Furlong; Lloyd’s Register mentions Joseph Furlong as the master of the Mary Miller in the shipping details for 1922, 1924 and 1926.

It would seem that in 1923 the Mercantile Navy List made an error in recording Joseph Furlong as the owner of the Mary Miller and that he was just the master. Furlong didn’t become the owner until 1931. At the same time Lloyd’s Register is not without its error.

Just as an extra, George Grounds of Runcorn was owner in 1922 of the Zion Hill of Wexford (ON 55356) when she sank off the Isle of Man (purchased from Arklow in 1919). George Grounds was the owner in 1928 of a schooner called the Mary Ann of Fowey and later Guernsey (ON 79954) which was lost on Dulas Rocks by Anglesey in that year (M.N.L., 1920, page 881 owned in Guernsey). In 1924 the Bidsie & Bell of Barrow (ON 68221) another vessel owned in 1921 by John Fisher and sold to George Grounds lost her rudder and sprang her mainmast such that she left the Register in 1925. In 1927 George Grounds lost the Gauntlet of Lancaster (ON 16680). In 1932 George Grounds lost the Shoal Fisher (built 1890 at Carrickfergus) of Barrow; another John Fisher vessel sold to Grounds in 1921. In December 1934 George Grounds lost the Mary Watkinson off the Lizzard. After all those losses it is thumbs up to George Grounds for staying in the shipping business.[21] 

Between 1931 and 1933 the Mary Miller was changed from Barrow to Dublin as her port of registration. Joseph Furlong also moved from Cork City to “Fionn Barra” on Coalgreany Road in Arklow, Co. Wicklow.[22] Well he didn’t actually move as the address on Anderson Quay in Cork was a business address rather than a place of residence. In 1934 the Mary Miller got a new signal hoist in the form of E.I.C.N. Many Irish sailing vessels got a new signal hoist in the early 1930s to show that they were vessels belonging to the Irish Free State.[23] In 1936 the Mary Miller of Dublin was hit by the Happy Harry off Holyhead when the Happy Harry was blown into the Mary Miller while both were wind bound.[24]

In 1936 the Mary Miller of Dublin became the Mary Miller of Fowey and thus received a new signal hoist in the form of M.B.R.X. as a British owned vessel. Her new owner/manager was Charles P. Couch of Pentewan, St. Austell in Cornwall.[25]

The small cargo hatches of your traditional sailing merchant vessel were a challenge for modern cargo handling facilities at the big ports. A photo exists showing Captain C. Gilbert of the Mary Miller of Fowey overseeing the discharge of china clay from the vessel using steel tubs attached to a steam crane. After discharge the white dust from the clay had to be washed out of the hold in preparation for the next cargo.[26] Charles Couch usually employed the Mary Miller to take china clay from Cornwall to the Humber with a return passage carrying coal.[27]

In 1939 the Mary Miller was one of only three sailing merchant vessels to be powered solely by sail. During the War a 50 horse power engine was installed to help with restricted inshore work.[28] The three engineless vessels in 1939 were the Mary Miller, the Katie and the Brooklands.[29] Basil Greenhill said the Mary Miller and the Katie, both of Fowey, were the last two engineless sailing merchant vessels. This is still correct in an English context as the third vessel, the Brooklands, was an Irish vessel.[30]

As a sail only vessel, the Mary Miller was dependent solely on the weather and a good tide. When owned by Joseph Furlong the Mary Miller once took 42 days to get from Cornwall to Glasgow. Later in 1937, when owned by Charles Couch, the Mary Miller did the passage between Plymouth and Goole in 7 days but in the following year the same passage took 37 days.[31]

The National Archives, United Kingdom, at Kew has many crew agreements relating to the Mary Miller of the years of her service. The references numbers include BT 99/1334, BT 99/1435, BT 99/1919, BT 99/2690, BT 99/2988, BT 99/3091, BT 99/3882, BT 381/2, BT 381/555, BT 381/1228, BT 381/1737, BT 381/2215, BT 381/2699, and BT 381/3200.

At the start of the Second World War, the Mary Miller was on a passage from Goole on the Humber to Looe, Cornwall, with coal with her skipper and two raw recruits who had never sailed on a sailing vessel previously. They were steam boat men. The inexperienced crew and bad weather forced the vessel into Dover where the skipper was immediately arrested for landing without a permit. By some means the skipper was released and the vessel continued to Looe. It was after this hectic passage that she received her 50 horse power twin screw motor. Two of her three masts were removed and she was no longer the three mast topsail schooner of her youth but a single mast barge.[32]

During World War Two the Mary Miller was used as a balloon anchorage in Greenock.[33] After the War the Mary Miller was laid up for a time at Par in Cornwall before returning to trade.[34] In 1947 the Mary Miller of Fowey was still owned and managed by Charles Couch of St. Austell. The engine had reduced her net tonnage from 93 tons to 87 tons.[35]

After 1947 the Mary Miller was sold to Edger Badcock of London but by 1949 the vessel was left as a hulk on the River Mersey.[36] The Mary Miller was refitted sometime after as a house boat on the Mersey and survived until the 1960s.[37] The Owen Fletcher collection of photographs in the Mersey Museum shows the Mary Miller as a house boat on the River Mersey in the 1950s. She was described as the last West Country sailing vessel to be involved in the china clay trade.[38]

===============

End of post

===============

---

[1] Douglas Bennett (edited by David Clement), Schooner Sunset (Rochester, 2001), p. 201

[2] www.shipsnostalgia.com/Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022)

[3] Appropriation Books, Official Numbers 83951-84000, 83974

[4] Mercantile Navy List, 1882, p. 427

[5] John Anderson, Coastwise Sail (London, 1948), p. 50

[6] Mercantile Navy List, 1889, p. 494

[7] Mercantile Navy List, 1892, p. 545

[8] Mercantile Navy List, 1902, p. 646

[9] Mercantile Navy List, 1903, p. 663

[10] www.waterfordmuseum.ie/The_Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022) = photo on website number UK35 of the vessel circa 1930

[11] Mercantile Navy List, 1915, page 888

[12] www.1915crewlists.mg.co.uk (accessed on 5^th September 2022)

[13] Mercantile Navy List, 1917, p. 889

[14] Mercantile Navy List, 1918, p. 855

[15] www.shipsnostalgia.com/Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022)

[16] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[17] Mercantile Navy List, 1923, p. 943

[18] www.waterfordmuseum.ie/The_Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022)

[19] Frank Forde, Maritime Arklow (Arklow, 1988), p. 84

[20] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[21] Richard J. Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders (Lydney, 2012), pp. 94, 98, 103, 109, 111

[22] Mercantile Navy List, 1933, p. 1186

[23] Mercantile Navy List, 1934, p. 1031

[24] Niall O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), p. 359

[25] Mercantile Navy List, 1936, p. 1043

[26] Michael Bouquet, Westcountry Sail: Merchant Shipping, 1840-1960 (Newton Abbot, 1971), p. 101

[27] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[28] Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders, p. 149

[29] Bouquet, Westcountry Sail: Merchant Shipping, 1840-1960, p. 69

[30] Basil Greenhill, The Merchant Schooners, Volume 2 (London, 1957), p. 112

[31] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[32] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[33] www.shipsnostalgia.com/Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022)

[34] Anderson, Coastwise Sail, p. 50

[35] Mercantile Navy List, 1947, p. 1205

[36] Scott, Irish Sea Schooner Twilight: The Last Years of the Western Seas Traders, p. 149

[37] www.shipsnostalgia.com/Mary_Miller (accessed on 5th September 2022)

[38] www.merseymuseum.org.uk/Houseboats_form_Coast_Road (accessed on 5th September 2022)

Tallent: Land steward of Glencairn Abbey

Tallent: Land steward of Glencairn Abbey

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

The Glencairn Abbey estate was located about three miles upriver from Lismore, Co. Waterford, on the south bank of the river. In the late 19^th century the estate was owned by the Bushe Power family who were often absent from the estate, serving the British Empire in its overseas colonies. To manage the estate a land steward was appointed and in the late 19^th and early 20^th century the Tallent family from Co. Kilkenny served as land stewards.

Ballygarron of Power and Gumbleton

In the 16^th century a tower house castle occupied the site of later Glencairn Abbey and was called Ballygarron. The medieval castle was remodelled in 1619 by a Mr. Gay. Shortly afterwards Ballygarron was occupied by Pierce Power, who had in about 1600 married Elizabeth Boyle, sister of Sir Richard Boyle, later 1^st Earl of Cork. the Earl of Cork and his successor were owners of Ballygarron into the mid 18^th century and Pierce Power leased the property. In 1695 Richard Gumbleton (died c.1732) of Curraghlass, west of Tallow, purchased the lease Ballygarron and the adjoining townland of Ralph of 542 and 79 acres respectively. The Gumbleton family had come from Wiltshire in England in the 1650s and obtains lands in the Cromwellian settlement as a soldier in the army.

For more on the Power family at Ballygarron see https://niallbrn.wordpress.com/2018/12/22/power-family-of-ballygarran-in-seventeenth-century/

Richard Gumbleton remodelled the old house into the new style part of which survives today as the guest house of the Cistercian Nuns of Glencairn Abbey (the house and estate became a nunnery in 1932). In 1739 Richard Gumbleton (1675-1757) took out a new lease of Ballygarron in fee farm for £2,354 16s with a yearly rent of £5. This effectively meant that Gumbleton was the owner of the property. Yet it wasn’t until the 1820s that Henry Amyas Bushe, successor of the Gumbletons, purchased the high rent of £5 from the Duke of Devonshire, successor of the Earls of Cork. In 1746 the place was still called Ballygarron as it was in 1777.[1]

Glencairn Abbey late 19th Century

From Ballygarron to Castlerichard

In 1757 Richard Gumbleton (1709-1776) succeeded his father and did remodelling and extensions to the house in the mid 1700s. In 1776 he was succeeded by his son, Richard Gumbleton (1744-1793) who changed the name of the house to Castlerichard which name continues today as the name of the surrounding District Electoral Division. In the late 1780s Richard extended the house and improved the gardens. In 1793 Richard was succeeded by his son Richard Edward Gumbleton (1786-1819) who was placed under his guardian uncle John Hamilton O’Hara. In 1796 John O’Hara knocked some of the house and commissioned John Hogan of Tallow to build a new east wing (father of John Hogan the sculptor).[2]

Castlerichard to Glencairn Abbey

In about 1814 Richard Edward Gumbleton remodelled the house with the intention of making a neo-Gothic castle designed by Richard Morrison. Richard Edward Gumbleton died in 1819 and was succeeded by his sister, Lavinia Gumbleton who had married c.1800 Henry Amyas Bushe (1773-1831) of Kilfane house, near Thomastown, Co. Kilkenny. Henry Amyas Bushe was a nephew of Henry Grattan, MP, via his mother Mary Grattan, daughter of James Grattan of Dublin. The remodelling of the house was incomplete in 1819 when Richard Gumbleton died and was completed by Henry Amyas Bushe. He abandoned the neo-Gothic castle design and gave it a monastic appearance which he renamed the house as Glencairn Abbey.[3]

Glencairn 1825 to 1851 with James Galwey and Richard Egan as land stewards

In 1825 the tithe applotment book recorded the total rental income for Ballygarron and Ralph was £731 4s. The chief tenants of the estate were Henry Amyas Bushe with 344 acres; Richard Egan with 57 acres in Ballygarron and 73 acres in Ralph (both held by lease for life made 8^th August 1806); Timothy Grady 51 acres, and Thomas Green 54 acres (the then Captain Bushe was liable for tithe on Green’s farm). Gumbleton of Fortwilliam held 102 acres for life in Ballygarron. The small tenants were David Shallow (3 acres), Michael Walsh (3 acres), James Donohue senior (4 acres) and James Donohue junior (5 acres). James Mathew Galwey (1800-1880) of Kilsheelan, and later Colligan Lodge, was the estate agent. He was also the breeder of that most famous of greyhounds, Master McGrath. James’s sister Alicia married Thomas Nelson Trafalgar Foley of Ballygally, just beside the Glencairn estate to the west.

In 1831 Henry Bushe was succeeded by his son, Colonel Gervase Parker Bushe (1806-1879). Gervase, also spelt as James Parker Bushe, kept on James Mathew Galwey as agent in the 1830s. Gervase Parker Bushe was the landlord of Glencairn townland and the neighbouring townland of Ralph in the time of Griffith Valuation in the 1850s. It appears that Richard Egan was the land steward in those times. In the mid 1840s John Leahy with a farm of 54 acres for which he paid rent of £66 per year and held at will, was land steward for the Glencairn estate. By 1850 John Leahy had reduced his holding to 28 acres and had ceased to rent a farm by 1851. Meanwhile Richard Egan held 33 acres in 1850 which he increased to 57 acres in 1851. It seems that John Leahy got into trouble and by 1851 the Leahy farm was absorbed into that held by Richard Egan who assumed the role of land steward. The main part of the dwelling house of Richard Egan measured 21.6 feet by 15.9 feet by 12 feet. Various extensions of the house measured hallway (20ft by 8ft by 8ft); kitchen (18ft by 18ft by 7ft); parlour wing (29ft by 17ft by 8ft); bedroom wing (12ft by 10ft by 6ft) and kitchen storage area (25ft by 11ft by 6ft). According to the house books Richard Egan had two piggeries, one turnip house, one stable, one fowl house, one dairy, one barn and a cow house.[4]

Gervase Parker Bushe estate

In 1851 Richard Egan was succeeded by Maurice Egan who farmed 57 acres of Glencairn townland (along with 5 acres in Ralph townland) while Gervase Bushe farmed the remaining 471 acres. Much of the estate consisted of labourer cottages with small gardens, except for the townland of Ralph where John Egan farmed 67 acres of the 79 acres in that townland (in 1901 and 1911 this farm was occupied by Philip Lane). In Ahaunboy North Gervase Parker Bushe leased 34 acres from the Duke of Devonshire and leased a further 27 acres in Garrycloyne townland from the Duke.[5] The neighbouring Fortwilliam estate to the east of Glencairn, owned by John Bowen Gumbleton in the 1840s, was possibly once part of the Glencairn estate. In 1787, and previously, Fortwilliam was a separate estate.[6] In the 1840s-1850s John Gumbleton rented 4 acres and a few houses in Glencairn townland from Gervase Bushe.[7]

In County Kilkenny Gervase Parker Bushe was owner of 577 acres of Cloghala townland in Dungarvan parish. He also held a number of townlands in Kilfane parish including Ballykeoghan (60 acres), Kilfane Demesne (514 acres), Kilfane East (15 acres), Kilfane West (12 acres), Knockanroe North (109 acres), Knockanroe South (24 acres), Stroan (205 acres) and Sugarstown (247 acres). In Columbkille parish Gervase Bushe held Niljames Upper (37 acres plus 150 acres with various tenants). In Tullaherin parish Gervase Bushe had Ballykeoghan townland (45 acres) along with a few houses in Tullaherin townland itself including the site of the Roman Catholic Church. In Kilkenny City Gervase had a house an yard in Water Lane leased to Patrick Cody.[8] In total Gervase Bushe held 1,894 acres (113 acres in fee) across fourteen townlands in Co. Kilkenny, valued for rates at £1,616. In 1884 the estate office at Kilfane was operated by Messrs Morrissey and Tallent.

Glencairn estate after 1879

In 1879 Gervase Parker Bushe was succeeded by his daughter, Frances Maria (1859-1917) who in 1884 had married Ambrose William Power of Barrettstown Castle, Co. Tipperary and Kilfane house. His grandfather, Sir John Power of Tullamain castle, Co. Tipperary, had married Harriet, daughter of Gervase Bushe of Kilfane and eventual heiress of Kilfane where Sir John was a tenant of Gervase. In 1796 on the marriage of Harriet Bushe to Sir John Power, Henry Amyas Bushe gave a lease forever of Kilfane to Sir John. It was not until 1903 that the Power family acquired the freehold of Kilfane. Ambrose took the Bushe name to become Ambrose Bushe Power. His was the son of Rev. Ambrose Power, long time archdeacon of Lismore, and for whom the monument in the centre of Lismore is dedicated. In 1907 Ambrose was succeeded in name by his son Major Ambrose Grattan Power (1887-1926). The Glencairn estate was held in trust by the representatives of Ambrose Bushe Power. The Major didn’t come to live in the house until 1918. After Irish independence in January 1922 Major Ambrose decided to leave Glencairn and died in 1926 in New Guinea. The house remained empty for four years before it was purchased by the Cistercian monastery of Mount Melleray near Cappoquin. In March 1932 Mount Melleray established a nunnery at Glencairn with thirteen nuns. Today (2022) the nunnery of Glencairn Abbey is a thriving community.[9]

Glencairn Abbey circa 1910

Tallent family of Glencairn

Ambrose William Bushe Power served for many years in the Indian Civil Service and his son, Major Ambrose Grattan Power spent many years in the army in various overseas postings. Thus the house and estate had no resident landlord for many decades. To manage the estate a land steward was appointed and in the late 19^th century this position was held by the Tallent family. The family of Tallent, spelt as Tallant in the 1850s Griffith’s Valuation and earlier documents.

The name appears in medieval England in the 12^th century. In 1150-66 Otes de Talent gave the manor of Hensington in Oxfordshire to the Knights Templar.[10] In 1402 John Talent, alias Batache, appears in the Close Rolls with Francis Talent in 1407.[11] In 1444 John Talent was the husband of Matilda de Perkelee of London and held property in Middlesex.[12] The name first appears in Ireland in 1602 with Walter Tallent acting as the interpreter for Shane McManus Oge O’Donnell.[13] It is not known how Walter Talent came to know Irish or when he first arrived in Ireland. In 1609 Walter Tallent held part of the estate of the former monastery of St. Columkill in Derry.[14] In 1611 Walter Talent was paid £6 for two houses in Derry by the King as part of a general scheme of property purchase by the government for later development. Walter was described as an ancient inhabitant of Derry.[15] In 1649 Patrick Tallant of Dublin purchased several houses in Goulding’s Lane, Dublin, for £700 from Luke Hussey. During the 1650s he took possession of Downstown in Co. Meath.[16] In 1660 and 1661 Patrick Tallant was one of a number of tax commissioners for Dublin city.[17]

In about 1870 James Tallent from County Kilkenny came to Glencairn to take up the job of land steward in the employment of Colonel Gervase Parker Bushe. James Tallent possibly came to Glencairn on the encouragement of Thomas Tallent, manager of the Lismore Gas Works in 1901, who had come to County Waterford in about 1860. On 29^th November 1883 Thomas Tallent of Lismore was mentioned in The Freeman’s Journal as part of a group of Lismore people writing a letter to the editor.[18]

Thomas Tallent and family before 1901

In 1867 Thomas Tallent was recorded as the manger of the Lismore Gas Works, a position he held for over three decades. The Lismore Gas Works was in operation from the early 1850s until 1934 when it was voluntarily closed down.[19] Thomas Tallent, spelt as Tallant, is often recorded in the Lismore canal log book between 1873 and 1901 importing barges of coal via the canal for the Gas Works.[20] In the 1880s and 1890s Thomas Tallent also received imports of coal at Youghal for the Gas Works that was transported by barge to Killahala and by cart to Lismore.[21] In 1893 Guys Postal Directory recorded Thomas Tallant of Ballyrafter as manager of the Lismore Gas Works.[22]

Apart from his work at the Gas Works, Thomas Tallent was a family man and some records of his family exist before the 1901 census. On 17^th November 1867 the death occurred of Bridget Theresa Tallent of Ballyrafter, aged 6 years after just two days of illness from scarlatina. She was the daughter of Thomas Tallent and was followed the next year by her new brother. On 21^st March 1868 James Tallent of Ballyrafter died aged just six weeks after four days of illness. On 25^th October 1883 the death occurred of Annie Tallent, aged 18 years, of Ballyrafter as notified by her sister Agnes Tallent. Annie was sick for six months with ulcers.[23] 

Ballyrafter Warehouse near the Gas Works

James Tallent and family before 1901

In 1871 James Tallent was recorded as land steward at Glencairn. His arrival was shortly to be overshadowed by grief as on 30^th December 1871 his son Thomas, aged 2½ years died after just one day of convulsions as ported by Margaret Grogan.[24] This event possibly led to his wife Agnes returning to Kilkenny in 1873 to give birth to their next son, Stephen Tallent. The job of land steward at Glencairn was mainly involved in managing the crops, breeding livestock, buying and selling livestock, and over-seeing the employment of the estate staff. In most other estates rent collecting and interacting with tenants was a big part of a land steward’s job but the Glencairn estate had few farming tenants to deal with. Yet directing farming an estate was not without its challenges. In the late 1870s three years of bad weather ruined tillage crops. In 1883 and 1884 the major outbreak of foot and mouth disease in Ireland lasted fifteen months and fairs were suspended which meant the cattle could not be sold. When the fairs reopened the backlog of cattle coming quickly onto the market depressed prices.  

On 23^rd December 1885 the death occurred of Agnes Tallent, the daughter of James Tallent, land steward. Agnes was just one year and seven months and died after three days of illness. On 26^th December 1890 the death occurred of James Tallent junior, son of James and Agnes Tallent of Glencairn aged 15 years.[25] James junior was a grocer’s assistant and had suffered from broncho pneumonia for six days as reported by his brother Pius Tallent.[26] Many years later, on Thursday, 5^th November 1936, Pius Tallent of Glenmore attended the funeral in Tallow of James Clancy of Coolydoody.[27]

On the 15^th January 1898 the Cork Examiner reported that on the 11^th January at the Roman Catholic Church in Tallow William E. Ahearne of 1 West Beach, Queenstown (Cobh) had married Mary, second daughter of James Tallent of Glencairn, Lismore.[28] On 6^th August 1898 the death occurred of Thomas Tallent, son of James and Agnes Tallent of Glencairn aged 25 years.[29] His death from a tumour endured for over two years was reported to the local registrar by his brother, Matthew Tallent.[30]

Tallent in the 1901 census

In 1901 James Tallent, land steward of the Glencairn estate, was living in the steward’s house with his wife Agnes and three of their children. James talent was aged 66 years and was born in County Kilkenny circa 1835. He was a Roman Catholic and especially useful for his position could both read and write. Agnes Tallent was aged 56 and born in County Kilkenny. She was also a Roman Catholic and gave her occupation as house keeper who could read and write. The daughter Bridget (aged 30) was born in County Kilkenny and was unmarried. Their eldest son Stephen Tallent (aged 28) was also born in County Kilkenny and gave his occupation as assistant steward. The younger son, Matthew Tallent (aged 22), was born in County Waterford and gave his occupation as assistant, presumingly to his father and elder brother. With the Tallent family on census night in 1901 was their granddaughter, Ellen Ahearne, aged just one year old and born in Co. Cork. The dwelling house had six windows in the front elevation and five rooms within along with five outbuildings including one stable, one cow house, one barn, one potato house and one shed.[31] 

At Ballyrafter Flats, opposite Lismore on the north bank of the River Blackwater, lived Thomas Tallent and his family in 1901. Thomas Tallent was aged 79 and manager of the Lismore Gas Works. He was born in County Kilkenny circa 1822 and was a Roman Catholic. His wife Johana, aged 75, was also born in County Kilkenny. Their daughter Margaret (aged 40) and her brother John (aged 37) were both born in County Waterford and were unmarried. Margaret was a music teacher and John worked as an assistant at the gas works. All were Roman Catholics and could read and write. The dwelling house had one window in the front elevation and seven rooms within along with two outbuildings. Thomas Tallent claimed the house as his own property.[32] Elsewhere Margaret Tallent was called Peig Tallent, an aunt of Kevin and Tom Noonan (employed at the Gas Works) of Chapel Street, Lismore. Peig Tallent used to play the piano in the South Mall cinema of Cyril Hynes in the days of the silent movies. In winter time she was a noted skater, doing figures-of-eight on the frozen Ferry Inch.[33]

On census night in 1901 another Matthew Tallent was visiting the house of Denis O’Brien on Main Street in Lismore. Matthew Tallent was then 24 years old and born in Co. Kilkenny. He gave his occupation as farmer and was a Roman Catholic who was unmarried. Matthew Tallent could both read and write but apparently couldn’t speak Irish.[34] In 1901 Matthew Tallent said he was born in County Kilkenny both in the 1911 census he changed this idea and said he was born in County Waterford.[35]

Tallent between 1901 and 1911

On 30^th August 1901 the death occurred of Bridget Tallent, daughter of James and Agnes Tallent of Glencairn aged 35 years. Her death register said she died from heart disease and gave her aged as 34 years as reported by her brother, Matthew Tallent. She was sick for just three months.[36] On 9^th September 1908 Agnes Tallent of Glencairn died and was buried in Lismore Catholic cemetery. She was 65 years old. 

Tallent in the 1911 census

By the time of the 1911 census James Tallent of Glencairn townland had become a widower. He was then 78 years old and still employed as a land steward on the Glencairn estate. Living in the house with him were his sons, Stephen Tallent (aged 38) a mail car driver and Matthew Tallent (aged 35) a farmer. Both sons were unmarried. With them in the house for census night was their cousin Alice Noonan (aged 25) from Lismore town. All could read and write. The dwelling house had seven windows in the front elevation and ten rooms within and was leased from the representatives of Ambrose Bushe Power. James Tallent had 12 outbuildings which included one stable, five cow houses, one dairy, one piggery, one fowl house, one barn, one potato house and one workshop. The dwelling house and the outbuildings of 1911 had doubled since the 1901 census.[37]

In 1911 John Tallent (aged 45) and his sister Margaret Tallent (aged 48) lived in Lismore. On census night they were both staying in the house of Michael Noonan, a relation, on Main Street. John and Margaret were both were born in County Waterford and were unmarried. They could read and write and were both Roman Catholics. John Tallent worked as a gas fitter at the Lismore Gas Works.[38] On 25^th October 1873 Michael Noonan had married Mary Tallent, daughter of Thomas Tallent, in the Roman Catholic Church at Cappoquin. Mary died on 20^th July 1922 at Chapel Street, Lismore. Michael Noonan had a draper’s shop on Main Street, near the Red House.[39]

Kilkenny ancestors

Thomas Tallent (born 1822) of Lismore Gas Works and James Tallent (born 1833-1835), land steward of Glencairn estate, both claimed to be born in County Kilkenny. Griffith’s Valuation of the 1850s records Michael Tallant living at Ballygowney in Coolcashin parish holding 29 acres from Viscount Mountgarret and holding 13 acres at Gurteennamuck from James Caulfield. Elsewhere James Tallant was living at Maddockstown in Blackrath parish in the 1850s holding 74 acres from Thomas J. Roberts. In 1848 James Tallant held at will 4 acres at Maddockstown with a dwelling house and outbuildings from Thomas Egan for £1 5s rent acre per year with another 38 acres of land at the same rent.[40]

The old cemetery of Blackrath parish at Maddockstown, south-east of Kilkenny city, records three gravestones of the Tallent family. The first grave records Thomas Tallent who died in August 1821, aged 30 years and Tobias Tallent of Sheestown who died in July 1842, aged 70 years. The second grave records Alicia Tallent, née Fennelly who died in 1818, aged 64 years and that of Nicholas Tallent who died 6^th February 1820, aged 45 years. The third grave records John Tallent of this town (presumingly Kilkenny) who died 3^rd June 1814, aged 72 years.[41] In 1820 and 1824 Thomas Tallent was governor of Kilkenny jail.[42] The tithe books record Tobias Tallent of Sheestown, Kilferagh parish, in 1835 renting 28 acres at £26 8s 9d per year.[43] In 1826 Michael Talent was living at Ballygoony Grogan Lower in Freshford parish, Co. Kilkenny with 17 acres.[44] In 1884 Michael Tallant was living at Ballygowney near Johnstown, some six miles from Freshford.

It is not possible at present to connect Thomas Tallent of Lismore and James Tallent of Glencairn with these Kilkenny families. Thus we have to leave James Tallent, land steward of the Glencairn estate and his kinsman, Thomas Tallent, manager of the Lismore Gas Works for another day.

================

End of post

================

---

[1] Information gathered from Sr. Veronica G. Kelly, Glimpses of Glencairn (Glencairn Abbey, 2005)

[2] Information gathered from Sr. Veronica G. Kelly, Glimpses of Glencairn (Glencairn Abbey, 2005)

[3] Information gathered from Sr. Veronica G. Kelly, Glimpses of Glencairn (Glencairn Abbey, 2005)

[4] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy Online, Valuation Office Books, Glencairn, field, tenure and house books

[5] Ask About Ireland online, Griffith’s Valuation, Waterford, Gervase (Jervis) Bushe

[6] Cork City and County Archives, IECCCA/U195, Preston Collection, Descriptive List, p. 25, No. 105, Settlement Deed, 18^th December 1787

[7] Ask About Ireland online, Griffith’s Valuation, Waterford, Gervase (Jervis) Bushe

[8] Ask About Ireland online, Griffith’s Valuation, Waterford, Gervase (Jervis) Bushe

[9] Information gathered from Sr. Veronica G. Kelly, Glimpses of Glencairn (Glencairn Abbey, 2005)

[10] A.P. Baggs and others, edited by Alan Crossley & C.R. Elrington, A History of the County of Oxford: Volume 12, Wootton Hundred (South) including Woodstock (London, 1990), p. 20

[11] Calendar of Close Rolls, Henry IV, 1399-1402, p. 447; Ibid, Henry IV, 1405-1409, p. 249

[12] William Page (ed.), A History of the County of Middlesex, Volume 2 (London, 1911), p. 404

[13] Robert P. Mahaffy (ed.), Calendar of the State Papers relating to Ireland, 1601-1603 with addenda, 1565-1654 (London, 1912), p. 376

[14] T.W. Moody & J.G. Simms (eds.), The Bishopric of Derry and the Irish Society of London, 1602-1705, olume II: 1670-1705 (Dublin, 1983), p. 313

[15] T.W. Moody, ‘Ulster Plantation Papers, 1608-13’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 8 (March 1938), pp. 180-297, at p. 261

[16] Geraldine Tallon (ed.), Court of Claims: Submissions and Evidence 1663 (Dublin, 2006), nos. 112, 698

[17] Seamus Pender (ed.), A Census of Ireland circa 1659 with essential materials from the Poll Money Ordinances 1660-1661 (Dublin, 2002), pp. 620, 639

[18] The Freeman’s Journal, 29^th November 1883, page 6

[19] Waterford City & County Archive Service, Lismore Castle Archives catalogue, page 177

[20] Waterford City & County Archive Service, PP/LISM/LCK/1-40, Lismore Canal Log Book, 1851-1901

[21] Niall O’Brien, Blackwater and Bride, Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), pp. 474, 478, 480, 485

[22] Guy’s Postal Directory, 1893, County Waterford, p. 49

[23] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Family History Databases, Death Registers, Lismore district

[24] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Family History Databases, Death Registers, Ballyduff district

[25] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Local History Online, Gravestone Inscriptions, Lismore Catholic Graveyard

[26] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Family History Databases, Death Registers, Ballyduff district

[27] Dungarvan Observer, 7^th November 1936, page 6

[28] Ahearne Family History Online

[29] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Local History Online, Gravestone Inscriptions, Lismore Catholic Graveyard

[30] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Family History Databases, Death Registers, Ballyduff district

[31] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Glencairn, Co. Waterford

[32] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Ballyrafter Flats, Co. Waterford

[33] Paddy Vaughan, Farewell to Chapel Street (Dublin, 2011), p. 76

[34] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Lismore, Co. Waterford

[35] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1901 online, Lismore, Co. Waterford ; National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Lismore, Co. Waterford

[36] Waterford City & County Library, Online Resources, Family History Databases, Death Registers, Ballyduff district

[37] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Glencairn, Co. Waterford

[38] National Archives of Ireland, Census 1911 online, Lismore, Co. Waterford

[39] Paddy Vaughan, Farewell to Chapel Street (Dublin, 2011), p. 76

[40] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Valuation Office Books, Tallant

[41] Kilkenny Archaeological Society.ie, Maddockstown/Blackrath Cemetery PDF online

[42] Pigot’s Directory, 1824; National Archives of Ireland, Chief Secretary Office, CSO/RP/1820/784

[43] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Tithe Applotment Books, Tallent

[44] National Archives of Ireland, Genealogy online, Tithe Applotment Books, Talent