Waterford history

Tallow Church of Ireland church

Tallow Church of Ireland church

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Tallow Church of Ireland church is variously dedicated to St. Paul and St. Catherine. The most common dedication is to St. Catherine. Sometime between 1177 and 1199 Richard de Carreu gave Tallow church to the abbey of St. Thomas in Dublin.[1] In the 1190s the bishop of Cork claimed the church of Tallow as part of the paruchia of Cork but was unsuccessful.[2] Sometime afterwards Tallow parish and church became the property of Molana Abbey near the mouth of the River Blackwater. Yet Molana had difficulties controlling Tallow parish.

Sometime before 7th April 1469 Molana Abbey petitioned the pope for the recovery of the Tallow vicarage. The vicarage was occupied by Raymund Staccabul for about eight years without title. The previous vicar appointed by Molana, William Nurruyn, was long since dead (pre 1461). The petition of Molana said that its fruits etc. were so slight that they could not decently maintain themselves, or have the buildings repaired and keep hospitality. Molana said that the rectory of Tallow church was canonically united to the said monastery, and that the values of the said vicarage and monastery did not exceed 6 and 40 marks sterling respectively. The abbot of Inislounaght was to examine the case and if the facts were correct, unite the vicarage to Molana in perpetuity. Thereafter Molana could appoint, and remove at pleasure, its own canons as vicars to Tallow.[3]

At the dissolution of the monasteries in 1540 Molana held Tallow church.

 

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Tallow 18th century church 

Tallow church was subsequently granted to the new Protestant Church of Ireland. in December 1616 Sir Richard Boyle paid to have a gallery installed in Tallow church. Mr. Langredg was paid ten pounds for the work.[4] In 1746 Tallow church was one of only 16 churches in repair in the Diocese of Lismore.[5]

In 1746 Charles Smith described Tallow church as ‘the church is low, and has but an indifferent aspect’.[6] The low-church aspect is in keeping with a medieval church design with its small windows.

The present church is described as a detached four-bay double-height single-cell with single-bay single-storey lean-to vestry to south-east, and single-bay three-stage entrance tower to west on a square plan.[7] It was built about 1772-3 as three new registry books were started in 1772 to record baptisms, marriages burials.[8] In the map of Tallow in 1774 a drawing of the church is depicted showing a tall structure as like the present church and not the low church described in 1746 and so confirming the 1772-3 date. An un-dated front elevation drawing of the new church exists in the Lismore papers in Dublin.[9]

In 1827 the church expenditure included: parish clerk £20, sexton £10, elements £4, washing church linen £2 5s, repairs to the church £8, coffins for paupers £2 and foundling children £10 giving a total of £56 5s. The churchwardens in 1827 were A. Burrudge and William Hudson.[10]

In 1834 Tallow parish had 352 Anglican Protestant residents, making it the second largest rural parish in County Waterford after Lismore which had 494 Anglican Protestants. As a percentage of the total parish population, Tallow came in fourth in size (7.1%) after Killea (9.7%), Kill St. Nicholas (9.7%) and Clonegam (8.7%). The Anglican community in Lismore was only 3.1% of the total population.[11] A report in 1835 gave the Protestant population of Tallow as 357 people, second in County Waterford behind Lismore with 539 Anglican Protestants. In percentage terms against the total population Tallow was fourth (7.2%) behind St. Mary’s Clonmel (11.1%), Clonegam (9.2%) and Monksland (8.0%).[12]

In 1833 it was noted that Rev. John Jackson of Tallow was owed £260 in unpaid tithe. This placed him twelfth in the order of unpaid clergymen in the Lismore part of the Diocese. Yet the amount owed to Rev. Jackson amounted to almost his entire income and he was reduced to some ‘painful embarrassments’ when it came to paying his bills.[13]

In 1943 G.B. Nason (Sandy Hill, Tallow) and J.B. Tuckey of Tallow were the churchwardens.[14] In 1945 the value of the rectory at Tallow was given as £28.[15] Rev. R.B. Bryan, MA, MD, was then the rector.[16] The glebe land was sold sometime before 1942 for £1,419 1s 3d with the money realised going into the parish fund.[17]

Tallow church closed in the late 1960s and many of its fixtures and fittings were removed to other local churches. The east window (originally donated by the Percival family in 1894) was moved to St. Luke’s church at Curraheen. The pews and lectern were also removed to Curraheen.[18] A number of other items were removed to St. Carthage’s Cathedral in Lismore. Having concluded all income and expenditure the vestry books were closed in 1972.[19]

Hayden gateway

At the southern boundary of the graveyard is a pair of cut-stone panelled piers with moulded capping and quatrefoil panels. Between the piers is a decorative wrought iron double gate with spear-head finials, with sections of wrought iron railings flaking the piers. This gateway is said to date to about 1775 but this is incorrect.[20]

 

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Church gateway

In a map of Tallow in 1774 the area of present-day Mill Road didn’t exist. Instead the road was the glebe land of the church. Access to the graveyard was via a lane coming south from Tallow mill and another lane coming west from the Glenaboy River. This western lane turned north at the Glenaboy river and linked up with West Street beside O’Neill’s house.

In the 1840 Ordnance Survey map Mill Road was still not built. Instead a new access road was constructed directly north from the church towards West Street opening at the gateway into MacCarthy’s former hardware premises. When Griffin’s Valuation was done in 1851 no Mill Road was mentioned. The glebe land of the church was included on Mill Lane, a small lane, still in existence, south of the present Mill Road. Sometime after 1856 Michael Hayden of West Street, the man who made the gates and railings died or ceased trading. Therefore Mill road and the gateway date to sometime in the 1850s.

 

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Site of Michael Hayden’s forge behind the wall on West Street

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A biography of the 18th and 19th century vicars of Tallow is available at

https://niallbrn.wordpress.com/2014/05/15/the-vicars-of-tallow-co-waterford-1639-1910/

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[1] Flanagan, M.T., ‘Conquestus and adquisicio: Some early charters relating to St. Thomas’ abbey, Dublin’, in Clerics, Kings and Vikings: Essays on medieval Ireland in honour of Donnchadh Ó Corráin (Dublin, 2015), pp. 127-146, at p. 137

[2] MacCotter, P., A history of the Medieval Diocese of Cloyne (Blackrock, 2013), p. 75

[3] Twemlow, J.A. (ed.), Calendar of Papal Letters relating to Great Britain and Ireland, Volume XII, 1458-1471 (Stationery Office, London, 1933), p. 668

[4] Casey, A.E. & O’Dowling, T. (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater in Ireland (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), vol. 6, p. 363

[5] MacCarthy, R.B., The diocese of Lismore, 1801-69 (Dublin, 2008), p. 42

[6] Charles Smith, The ancient and present state of the County and City of Waterford, edited by D. Brady (Dungarvan, 2008), p. 36

[7] http://www.buildingsofireland.ie/niah/search.jsp?type=record&county=WA&regno=22818047 [accessed on 21 May 2019]

[8] https://www.ireland.anglican.org/cmsfiles/pdf/AboutUs/library/registers/ParishRegisters/PARISHREGISTERS.pdf [accessed on 26 May 2019]

[9] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, AD 3,594/8

[10] http://www.dippam.ac.uk/eppi/documents/10167/page/224867 [accessed on 21 May 2019] Report on Account of Sums applotted by Vestries in Ireland under Parochial Rates, 1927, p. 119

[11] Broderick, E., ‘Waterford’s Minority Anglican Community during three crises – 1824-25; 1831-35; and 1848’, in Decies, Number 59 (2003), pp. 161-183, at p. 168

[12] Broderick, E., ‘Protestants and the 1826 Waterford County Election’, in Decies, Number 53 (1997), pp. 45-66, at p. 65

[13] Broderick, E., ‘Waterford’s Minority Anglican Community during three crises – 1824-25; 1831-35; and 1848’, in Decies, Number 59 (2003), pp. 161-183, at pp. 173, 174

[14] Church of Ireland, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, Report of the Diocesan Council, 1945 (Waterford, 1946), p. 33

[15] Church of Ireland, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, Report of the Diocesan Council, 1945 (Waterford, 1946), p. 28

[16] Church of Ireland, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, Report of the Diocesan Council, 1945 (Waterford, 1946), p. 8

[17] Church of Ireland, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, Report of the Diocesan Council, 1942 (Waterford, 1942), p. 24; Church of Ireland, Diocese of Waterford and Lismore, Report of the Diocesan Council, 1945 (Waterford, 1946), p. 12

[18] Anon, St. Catherine’s Parish: Conna, Ballynoe Glengoura: A Christian Heritage (Conna, 2000), p. 109

[19] https://www.ireland.anglican.org/cmsfiles/pdf/AboutUs/library/vestrybooks.pdf [accessed 26 May 2019] Vestry book at the Representative Church Body Library, Dublin

[20] http://www.buildingsofireland.ie/niah/search.jsp?type=record&county=WA&regno=22818047 [accessed on 21 May 2019]

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Waterford history

Tallow Army Barracks

Tallow Army Barracks

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

Before a national police force was organised in the mid-19th century, the army was employed to keep the peace and enforce the laws under direction of the local magistrates. In the 17th century the army was billeted in private houses and inns. This divided the army about a town and exposed the soldiers to the evil drink. In the 18th century this practice of army deployment was phrased out and purpose built army barracks were constructed at key locations around the country. The town of Tallow in west County Waterford had accommodated a troop of cavalry in the 17th century and was strategically located at a crossing point on the River Bride allowing troops to move north or south of the river as the situation demanded.[1]

 

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The ruins of the army barracks at Tallow.

 

Building the barracks

It is not known exactly when the Tallow army barracks was built but a reference in the Journal of the Irish House of Commons places the building of the barracks as occurring between 1743 and 1752 during the time when Arthur Neville was Surveyor-General. Neville employed his clerk, George Ensor to be the contracting builder of Tallow barracks while at the same time constructing a barracks at Cappoquin and Mallow.[2] A British Parliamentary report on the date of the erection of army barracks across the United Kingdom, taken in 1847, fails to mention Tallow as it was no longer an army barracks by that time. Mallow barracks is mentioned but unfortunately no date of construction is given.[3] It was possibly the Earl of Cork who provided the site for the barracks at the southern end of what would become Barrack Street. The rising ground would give the soldiers an observation platform to see all approaches to the town.

The setup costs and economic benefits

In 1719 the initial cost of building a barracks for a troop of horse was about £500-£700 while in operation it would generate £500 to £1,000 per year for the local economy. A barracks for a troop of horse, like Tallow, would fall into the higher range.[4]

Designer and builder

George Ensor went on later in the 1760s to become a recognised architect with his own practice. In 1766-69 he designed the new church of St. John the Evangelist in Fishamble Street, Dublin. The church was demolished in 1884 as part of a road widening scheme.[5]

The dragoons in 1762

Like in the 17th century Tallow was home to a troop of horse which could give a greater range of operations compared to foot soldiers. It is not known when the first troops arrived. In March/April 1762 a troop and a half of dragoons were stationed in the army barracks at the southern end of Barrack Street. But the dragoons were of limited value for security when trouble came. In April 1762 during the Whiteboys disturbances across west Waterford, a large assembly of people invaded the town with weapons of guns and pikes. They freed all the prisoners in the town jail and took over the town.[6] Troops from Youghal had to come and restore order. About 13 Whiteboy prisoners were then confined to the barracks. In November 1763 the army barracks at Tallow and Cappoquin were united under the control of Youghal army barracks.[7]

Later dragoons

In 1789 two companies of the 18th Regiment of Dragoons was stationed at Tallow. Another two companies were stationed at Clogheen while there was one company at Clonmel, and Cappoquin.[8] In 1811 we get a better glimpse into the size and structure of the Tallow army barracks. In that year there were eight cavalry officers and 68 privates were stationed in the barracks. There were no infantry units.[9] The cavalry had 76 horses.[10] It is not exactly clear where these people and horses were accommodated in the barracks. It is possible the horses were on the ground floor with the day rooms on the first floor and the sleeping quarters on the top storey.

Closure of the army barracks

After the end of the war with France in 1815 and the growth of Fermoy as the main army garrison in the south of Ireland, small local army barracks like Tallow were closed down. It is not known when Tallow was closed but the site was an auxiliary workhouse in the second half of the 1840s. In 1818-1826 the Army department in Dublin was in talk with the agents of the Duke of Devonshire about the future of the army barracks suggesting the army had no further use for it.[11] In 1819 a proposal letter was sent to William Curry, agent for the Duke on the sale of the barracks.[12] In 1824 another offer of sale was made to the Duke.[13]

Later life of the barracks buildings

After its use as an auxiliary workhouse from the 1840s to the 1890s the old army barracks became a corn store by 1900 under the Jacob family and was later known as Bride valley Stores when owned by the Kelleher family. In 1920-22 the army barracks was re-occupied by the military – first the British army, then the Irish Republican Army and then by the Irish Free State army. In 1923 the Duke of Devonshire sought compensation from the Board of Works for damaged to the army barracks.[14]

Today (2019) the barracks continues to stand at the southern end of Barrack Street. Even in its ruinous state the barracks still exerts an influence upon the town as the building lives on in the street name of Barrack Street. Such was its impact that it is unknown what the name of the street was before the barracks was built in the 1740s. As the barracks at Mallow is no longer standing and that at Cappoquin much altered, the barracks at Tallow is a time capsule of George Ensor’s work and a picture into how a barracks for cavalry was built.

 

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[1] For more on the 17th century soldiers at Tallow see https://niallbrn.wordpress.com/2014/03/22/a-seventeenth-century-horse-troop-in-tallow-2/

[2] McParland, E., Public Architecture in Ireland, 1680-1760 (New Haven, 2001), p. 129 which referred on note 46 to the Journal of the House of Commons, V, p. xxi ff. Volume V covers the period 1723 to 1730 and so the correct reference must be to a later volume.

[3] British parliamentary Papers, Barracks return from each barracks in the United Kingdom relative to its date of erection, 1847 (169), XXXVI, pp. 376-405, at p. 402

[4] Dickson, D., Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster 1630-1830 (Cork, 2005), p. 424

[5] Bennett, D., Encyclopaedia of Dublin (Dublin, 1994), p. 188

[6] Hayman, Rev. S., The Hand-book for Youghal (reprint Youghal, 1973), p. 67

[7] Hayman, Rev. S., The Hand-book for Youghal (reprint Youghal, 1973), pp. 68, 69

[8] The Gentleman’s and London Magazine: Or Monthly Chronologer, 1741-1794, p. 222

[9] British Parliamentary Papers, Return of Army Barracks, 1811, p. 187

[10] Butler, D., South Tipperary 1570-1841 (Dublin, 2007), p. 285

[11] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, MS 43,388/3

[12] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, MS 43,545/11

[13] National Library of Ireland, Lismore Castle Papers, MS 43,545/19

[14] Waterford County Archives, Lismore Castle papers, IE/WCA/PP/LISM/515

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Biography, Waterford history

Power family of Ballygarran in Seventeenth Century

Power family of Ballygarran in Seventeenth Century

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

In the seventeenth century Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork, dominated the landed estate landscape of west Waterford – he owned many of those estates including the land of Ballygarran. Today (2018) the castle and townland of Ballygarran is not on any map. Instead the castle is usually referred to as Glencairn Abbey and the townland as Castlerichard. The seventeenth century Ballygarran extended from Glencairn Abbey and the River Blackwater south to the main road between Tallow and Lismore. For much of the seventeen the century the tenant of Ballygarran was the Power family.

Ballygarran

At the start of the seventeenth century (in 1602-3) Ballygarran is listed among the lands in the manor of Lisfinny containing one carucate of land.[1] The manor of Lisfinny was owned by the Fitzgerald family, Earls of Desmond, from about 1215 until 1583 when it was seized along with much of the vast earldom at the end of the Second Desmond Rebellion. In 1586 Lisfinny and Ballygarran passed to Sir Walter Raleigh as part of his grant by the government of 42,000 acres in west Waterford and east Cork. In 1602 Sir Walter Raleigh sold his Irish estates to Sir Richard Boyle. On 26th December 1595 Sir Walter Raleigh leased Ballygarran to Roger Suyvener, merchant, with other unnamed lands.[2] At some unknown time after 1595 Pierce Power acquired the lease on Ballygarran.

Pierce Power

In about 1600 Pierce Power married Elizabeth Boyle, sister of Sir Richard Boyle (later first Earl of Cork 1620).[3] In 1604 Lieutenant Pierce Power of Lismore apprehended three notorious malefactors in Co. Waterford, Callaghan McOwen, Daragh McOwen, his brother and Cormock McOwen. As a reward for the arrest, Pierce Power got ten pounds per head (£30 in total) which prize money was to be raise equally among the inhabitants of County Waterford.[4] As part of the Munster Plantation each grantee of land was to provide a military force to maintain order and assemble together in a larger force under the President of Munster if needed. On 30th August 1611 Pierce Power was in Tallow for the muster of Sir Richard Boyle’s tenants and the inhabitants of the surrounding area before Sir Richard Morrison, Vice-President of Munster. On the day Pierce Power was a lieutenant in the foot company of pikemen.[5]

Pierce Power and his brother-in-law, Sir Richard Boyle had a number of recorded transactions over the years. In February 1613 Sir Richard Boyle paid Pierce Power £40 for the use of Lady Honora.[6] While this show of trust was good, on a personal level Pierce Power was experiencing financial trouble. In March 1613 Sir Richard Boyle demanded Pierce Power to repay the money advanced by Boyle to clear Power’s debts. Yet this didn’t prevent Boyle from using Power in the former’s land dealings. In May 1613 Pierce Power gained possession of Jinnyshkeen from Garret Fitzjames Barry on behalf of Sir Richard Boyle.[7] In August 1614 Pierce Power got authority from Sir Richard Boyle to let the latter’s lands in the barony of Kinnatalloon for one year.[8] In October 1619 Sir Richard Boyle lent Pierce Power money to pay his bills.[9]

As previously said, it is not known when Pierce Power acquired the lease on Ballygarran. In June 1620 Pierce Power refused to renew the old lease on Ballygarran which was for life at £20 per year.[10] It is not known what were the terms of the new lease but as the Power family continued to live at Ballygarran then thy must have sign some lease agreement. It is possible that Pierce Power built a castle at Ballygarran but he could have also just redecorated an existing castle. In April 1617 Pierce Power got a ton of iron from Sir Richard Boyle for construction work on Ballygarran castle. at the same time Lieutenant Dowling got ten barrels of iron from Boyle for Ballysaggart house.[11]

 

Glencairn abbey

Glencairn Abbey – built on or near Ballygarran castle

(Niall O Brien photo)

From at least 1612 Pierce Power seems to have acted as a rent collector for Sir Richard Boyle in the manors of Lisfinny and Tallow. In October 1614 Pierce Power paid £10 to Thomas Fitzjohn Fitzgerald for the lease of Tallow on behalf of Sir Richard Boyle.[12] In April 1612, June 1614 and July 1616 Pierce Power collected rent for Sir Richard Boyle on part of the manor of Lisfinny.[13] In May 1615 Pierce Power collected £95 for Sir Richard Boyle as part of rent for lands in the manors of Lisfinny and Tallow and paid another £94 in November 1617.[14] In June 1618 Pierce Power paid £70 of the rents of Lisfinny and Tallow to Mitchel.[15] In April 1617 Pierce Power gave Sir Richard Boyle a velvet satin coat to cover money he was to pay the inhabitants of Tallow for some unknown purpose. Later in the month Sir Richard Boyle purchased provisions for his table from Pierce Power.[16]

Meanwhile on the Ballygarran estate Pierce Power breed cattle and was involved in the timber trade. In July 1617 Pierce Power sent 20 beeves (beef) to St. Leger’s ship.[17] In the 1620s Pierce Power got involved in the pipe staves trade. In March 1620 Pierce Power purchased 10,000 hogheads of pipe staves from Sir Richard Boyle.[18] The pipe staves trade was a big industry in the lower Blackwater region. Between 1616 and 1628 Sir Richard Boyle exported four million staves for £24,000 pounds.[19]

Elizabeth Power

It is not known when Pierce Power died but his wife, Elizabeth Boyle was a widow by 1634. On 20 October 1634 Mrs. Elizabeth Power, widow of Ballygarran, made her will. In it she asked to be buried in Youghal parish church (St. Mary collegiate church), as near as may be to her late husband Pierce Power. Her bequests included £5 to the poor of Lismore, 50 shillings to the poor of Youghal and 50 shillings to the poor of Ardmore. Elizabeth’s grandson, Pierce Power (son of Roger Power) was to get £100 while the residue of her estate went to her son and executor, Roger Power. The witnesses included Robert Naylor (dean of Lismore and cousin of Sir Richard Boyle), Aphra Maunsell, and Anne Begg. The will was proved on 28 November 1634.[20]

Roger Power

Roger Power succeeded his father Pierce Power before 1634 and succeeded to his mother’s estate in November 1634.[21]  In the same month of November 1634 Roger Power signed a new lease on Ballygarran for £50 per year and one fat bore. Also in November 1634 Roger Power travelled from Lismore to Dublin to deliver £2,660 on behalf of his uncle, Sir Richard Boyle.[22] In the first half of 1635 William Wiseman of Bandon died. In his will Wiseman mentioned his cousins, Sir Robert Travers, Sir Peter Smyth and Roger Power of Ballygarran.[23] The wife of William Wiseman was Alice Smyth, third daughter of Sir Richard Smyth of Ballynatray.[24] Alice’s aunt was Elizabeth Boyle, wife of Pierce Power of Ballygarran.

In February 1637 Roger Power acted with Sir Richard Boyle in securing the mortgage of Robert Stephenson for the latter’s house and lands in Dungarvan which he had mortgaged to John Fitzmathew Hore.[25] Before 1641 Roger Power held half of burgessmchenry outside Lismore (containing 20 arable acres worth £7). By 1654 this land was held by his son, Pierce Power.[26] At the start of the Confederate War in 1641 Roger Power served as a major in the army of King Charles I.[27] He was granted lands in Co. Wicklow for his services to the royalist cause.[28] In 1641 Catherine Power, a Protestant widow, held Ballygarran with its one ploughland of 320 acres of which 300 acres was arable (worth £24) and 10 acres of meadow (worth £5) with 10 acres of a coppice wood (worth £1). The property had a small castle and was held of Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork.[29] A good proportion of Ballygarran is still today (2018) devoted to tillage production.

Pierce Power

Pierce Power was the son and heir of Major Roger Power. In 1660 there were 3 English families living at Ballygarran and 33 Irish families.[30] In 1662 Pierce Power had goods valued at £7 10s upon which he paid £1 in tax. This was the usual tax rate for medium size landholders in Lismore parish at that time but not on the scale of the big landlords like George Knollys of Ballygally (the neighbouring townland o the west of Ballygarran) who had goods worth £18 15s.[31] On 11 May 1687 he secured an exchequer decree against Bethel Vaughan and others for lands granted to his father in Co. Wicklow. The decree was granted.[32]

Roger Power

In February 1687 Richard Cox informed the dowager Countess of Orrery that he was moving to England to live and as such would be retiring as guardian of the estate of Lady Mary Boyle (daughter of the 2nd Earl of Orrery). Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork and Burlington, recommended Mr. Roche (a lawyer) or Roger Power as the most suitable people to succeeded Cox.[33] On 12th August 1698 a mortgage was made by William Oldfield of Abbeyside, Co. Waterford to Roger Power of Lismore for £70 10s 1d on the lands of Nugents Burgery, Knockoulehane, Ardrmone, and Robertstown plus an unnamed location in the Barony of Decies, Co. Waterford. This was signed and sealed by Roger Power. The two witnesses to the mortgage were Benjamin Gumbleton and Michael Bagge.[34]

By 1708 the townland of Ardemone was back within the Oldfield family as Thomas Oldfield gave it in lese for five years to John Meagher of Ballykeroge, Co. Waterford. The rent was £11 for the first year, £12 for the next two years and £13 for the last two years.[35] If Roger Power was able to earn £11 from each of the five townlands in the 1698 mortgage then he could recoup his money within two years. His kinsman, the first Earl of Cork, would arrange it so the mortgage could not be repaid and the Earl would acquire more land.

Richard Power

On 19th September 1684 Richard Power of Carrigline made his will. In it Richard mentioned his son, Francis Power, to whom he left his interest in the lands of Carrigline and Ballygarran. Richard Power left £600 to his eldest daughter, Ann Power and £500 to each of his younger daughters, Catherine and Hanna Power. Richard Power left £5 to the poor of Carrigline and his watch and signet to his brother Robert Power (he had another brother called Pierce Power). Richard Power appointed his son Francis Power as executor and William Babington and his brother Robert Power as overseers and guardians of Francis during his minority. The witnessed to the will were Arthur Pomeroy, John Archdeacon and Robert Power. On 13th November 1684 Robert Power and William Babington took out administration of Richard’s estate. On 4th June 1695 Francis Power was of age and proved the will in the Prerogative Court.[36] But by 1695 the Power family had surrendered or loss the lease on Ballygarran from the 2nd Earl of Cork and 1st Earl of Burlington.

Richard Gumbleton

In 1695 Richard Gumbleton of Curraglass near Tallow acquired the lands of Ballygarran and Ralph, amounting to 542 and 79 acres respectively. In about 1720 Richard Gumbleton took out a fee farm grant on Ballygarran and on 9th June 1739 purchased the fee farm lease for £2,354 16s with a chief rent of £5 to Lord Burlington.[37] The descendants of Richard Gumbleton continued ownership of Ballygarran until the early twentieth century when the property was sold to the Cistercian Order and is today (2018) home to a house of Cistercian nuns called Glencairn Abbey.

 

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[1] Hayman, Rev. S., The hand-book for Youghal (Youghal, 1896, reprinted 1973), pp. 17, 20

[2] Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal, p. 18

[3] Kelly, Sr. V.G., OCSO, Glimpses of Glencairn (St. Mary’s Abbey, Glencairn, 2005), p. 2

[4] Clayton, M.C. (ed.), The Council Book for the Province of Munster, c.1599-1649 (Dublin, 2008), pp. 53, 54

[5] Brewer, J.S., & Bullen, W. (eds.), Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts preserved in the Archiepiscopal library at Lambeth (6 vols. London, 1873, reprint Liechtenstein, 1974), vol. 6 (1603-1614), p. 89

[6] Casey, A.E. & Dowling, T. (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater (15 vols. Wisconsin, 1964), Vol. 6, p. 344

[7] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 344

[8] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 345

[9] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 379

[10] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 382

[11] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 378

[12] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 349

[13] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 340, 348, 360

[14] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 353, 369

[15] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 372

[16] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, pp. 377, 378

[17] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 367

[18] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 6, p. 381

[19] O’Brien, N., Blackwater and Bride: Navigation and Trade, 7000 BC to 2007 (Ballyduff, 2008), p. 39

[20] Ainsworth, J.F. (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 177

[21] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 177

[22] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 8, p. 496

[23] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 14, p. 731

[24] Burke’s Irish Family Records, 1976 (reprinted 2007), p. 1039

[25] Casey & Dowling (eds.), O’Kief, Coshe Many, Slieve Loughter and Upper Blackwater, Vol. 8, p. 500

[26] Simington, R. (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford vol. VI with appendices: Muskerry barony, Co. Cork: Kilkenny city and liberties (part) also valuations, circa 1663-64 for Waterford and Cork cities (Dublin, 1942), p. 15

[27] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200 accessed on 18th February 2016

[28] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200

[29] Simington (ed.), The Civil Survey A.D. 1654-1656 County of Waterford, p. 8

[30] Pender, S. (ed.), A census of Ireland circa 1659 with essential materials from the Poll Money Ordinances 1660-1661 (Dublin, 2002), p. 338

[31] Walton, J., ‘The subsidy roll of County Waterford, 1662’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 30 (1982), pp. 49-96, at p. 62

[32] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 200

[33] MacLysaght, E. (ed.), Calendar of the Orrery Papers (Dublin, 1941), pp. 324, 325

[34] Ainsworth, J.F. & MacLysaght, E. (eds.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power O’Shee Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 20 (1958), p. 243

[35] Ainsworth & MacLysaght (eds.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power O’Shee Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 20 (1958), p. 244

[36] Ainsworth (ed.), ‘Survey of Documents in Private Keeping – Power Papers’, in Analecta Hibernica, No. 25 (1967), no. 197

[37] Kelly, OCSO, Glimpses of Glencairn, pp. 3, 5

Standard
Confederate War

Colonel Matthew Appleyard

Colonel Matthew Appleyard

Niall C.E.J. O’Brien

 

 

On 18th March 1642 Sir Richard Osborne wrote to Sir Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, to recount that he had received ten musketeers from the garrison of Youghal by the appointment of Serjeant-Major Matthew Appleyard, who was, said Osborne, “a gentleman [of] whom I have no acquaintance”.[1] In outline Sir Mathew Appleyard was a military commander in the Civil Wars in England and Ireland in the 1640s. After the Restoration (1660) Sir Matthew Appleyard served for a number of years a Member of Parliament at London and Dublin but what more can be said of his life? This article will add some detail to the life of Matthew Appleyard and makes us all more acquainted with his life.

Background

In 1606 Matthew Appleyard was born as the son of Thomas Appleyard of Yorkshire. The family of Appleyard were for several generations residents at Burstwick Hall Garth in the East Riding of Yorkshire.[2] In 1652 a person called Thomas Appleyard lived at Burstwick Hall Garth.[3]

Although Matthew Appleyard was associated very much with Yorkshire, the family name of Appleyard and its associated name of Applegard can be found elsewhere in England. A family of Appleyard lived for a number of generations in medieval Norwich while John Appleyard lived in London in the 1530s.[4]

Ireland

In October 1641 rebellion broke out in Ireland as the Irish decided to take advantage of divisions in England to get a better measure of freedom in Ireland. The standing army in Ireland had previously been reduced as part of the fraction between King Charles and the English Parliament and was thus inadequate to deal with the rapidly deteriorating situation. Within a few weeks much of Ireland was in rebel hands. Troops had to be sent over from England before it was too late. It would appear that Matthew Appleyard was one of few soldiers already in Ireland before the rebellion or he arrived very shortly after.

The main relief force entered Munster in the spring of 1642 under Sir Charles Vavasour but Sergeant-Major Matthew Appleyard was a military officer in the defence of Youghal in December 1641 with Sir Richard Boyle, 1st Earl of Cork.[5]

On 16th January 1642, William St. Leger, Lord President of Munster, wrote a letter to Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork, in response to the latter’s concerns about the lack of military forces in and around Youghal. The Lord President told the Earl that the present military force in the town was not there to defend the place against an attacking army but to “maintain it [the town] from any revolt or treachery within & to preserve a port open”. If such an attacking army did materialise the Lord President expected to be forewarned of such and would come to Youghal with extra forces. The Lord President couldn’t send extra forces to Youghal in January 1642 because he had very limited numbers of troops to defend the Province of Munster and certainly had none to spare. Instead the Lord President told the Earl to remove two pieces of canon from the quay side and place them in the Earl’s garden by St. Mary’s church as directed by Serjeant-Major Matthew Appleyard. These two canons could command and batter the whole town in an attack situation. The two companies and numerous English settlers would provide a sufficient military presence in the town.[6]

DSC03966

The Earl’s garden with the town walls in the background where the canons were placed

In the same January of 1642, William St. Leger, Lord President of Munster, appointed Richard Boyle, Lord Dungarvan, to be governor of Youghal, Co. Cork. Lord Dungarvan was to manage all military affairs in the town, like ensuring that proper defences were in place, appointing guards and soldiers of the watch with the additional authority to impose martial law if needed. Lord Dungarvan was also concerned with the broader defence of the English controlled areas of Munster and didn’t have time to manage the minute details of Youghal’s defence. Consequentially on 20th January 1642 he appointed a vice-governor or deputy-governor for Youghal and named Sergeant-Major Matthew Appleyard for the position. Sergeant-Major Matthew Appleyard was to have full powers on military matters and to execute martial law and punish offenders.[7] On 1st February 1642 the Lord President informed the Earl of Cork that he had given Serjeant-Major Appleyard a commission to impose martial law if needed.[8]

As part of his military assessment of the town’s defences, Sergeant-Major Appleyard decided that some houses within the town could help an attacking army. In May he ordered ten thatched cottages near the walls, belonging to Jasper Collins, to be pulled down. These cottages provided Jasper Collins with £20 per year income and were his chef source of income. For the rest of the summer of 1642 Jasper Collins and his family lived off the assistance of his father-in-law but this was insufficient for his upkeep. In November 1642 Jasper Collins got permission for him and his family to move to a small estate near Ballymaloe.[9] It doesn’t appear that Sergeant-Major Appleyard made any compensation to Jasper Collins for the ten cottages.

Serjeant-Major Matthew Appleyard did not always stay in garrison duties at Youghal. In May 1642 Appleyard and his troops were called out by Lord President St. Leger to form a mobile army force to defend the Province. The Earl of Cork complained that he was not informed that Serjeant-Major Appleyard had left Youghal and felt slighted. Lord President St. Leger counted that he had the right to redeploy the government forces in Munster whenever he felt the need without the obligation to inform local lords.[10] The absence from Youghal was felt not just by the Earl of Cork but also by the town’s people and this was shown to all by the indiscipline of the remaining garrison.

By June 1642 the town’s people of Youghal had become weary of war and some of the inhabitants didn’t always turn up to do watch duty on the town’s walls. On 29th June 1642 the mayor, James Gallwan and Sergeant-Major Appleyard issued a notice that all the inhabitants in each quarter were to give their personal attendance in the watch when their turn of duty came round. The inhabitants were to attend the watch with a good sword and an able musket or serviceable pike. The inhabitants were also not to send unfit men to take their place. The town constables were to enter the house of any offending person and take materials to pay for the town’s defence.[11]

By July 1642 Lord Dungarvan was completely consumed with military affairs in other parts of Munster that he had little time for Youghal. Therefore on 26th July 1642 the Lord President of Munster promoted Sergeant-Major Appleyard to become full governor of Youghal. In addition to managing the military affairs of the town and conducting martial law, Governor Appleyard was also in charge of any troops temporarally garrisoned in the town as they passed in and out of the port. At the September 1642 town council meeting Governor Appleyard was sworn a freeman of Youghal.[12]

In October 1642 Matthew Appleyard was a member of the Council of War in Munster. The Council included twenty three people such as Lord Inchiquin, Lord Dungarvan, Rowland St. Leger, William Jephson and Agmondisham Muschamp. On 15th October 1642 the Council wrote to the Speaker of the English House of Commons who acted as the political head of the Parliamentary side. The Council told the Speaker that the rebels were growing in number and were receiving military supplies from overseas, the want of which had heretofore restricted the rebel’s war effort.

The Council asked for supplies as bread and cheese were insufficient for fighting men and the men had nothing to drink but water from the river. The Council also asked for a regiment of dragoons to provide mobile defence and for military supplies. Without such help the rebels could attack all the English garrisons in Munster all at once and wipe out the Munster colony.[13]

View_Youghal

View of the waterfront at Youghal with St. Mary’s church in the centre

Provisions were also in short supply within Youghal. On 10th March 1643, Governor Matthew Appleyard directed that the rate-payers supply forty butts of secke at seventeen pounds per butt to supply the army for one month.[14]

By July 1643 the strain of war was hitting the ordinary people in Youghal. The town had small pre-war facilities for billeting soldiers but these were inadequate for the increased numbers of soldiers billeted in the town for garrison duty along with the many soldiers passing through the town. Added to this there were many refugees in the town. Most of County Waterford was in the hands of the Irish rebels and many English settlers had left or were forced from their homes. These settlers became refugees in English controlled Youghal.

The extra soldiers were accommodated in private houses at the charge of the occupant. Some inhabitants of Youghal had worked out that if they left the town they would be free of the charge of billeting soldiers. After the owners left the soldiers also had to move to another house placing more strain on decreasing resources and facilities. On 6th July 1643 Governor Matthew Appleyard issued an order that if the these inhabitants did not return in three days their goods and chattels would be found and sold to pay for the army.[15]

How successful was this order is difficult to establish. Within two months the situation had changed dramatically. On 15th September 1643 at Gigginstown a treaty of cessation of fighting was made between the Marquis of Ormond, Lieutenant-General of the King’s Army in Ireland and representatives of the Irish Confederate Council. All armies were to cease fighting for one year and existing battle lines were to stay as they were on 15th September.

Even though the English armies in Munster favoured the Parliament side in the English civil war they respected the Royalist army in Ireland as allies and both sides fought the common enemy of the Irish Confederates. The cessation of hostilities may have ended the fighting but the problems of billeting soldiers on a tax burdened population and of providing the army with wages and supplies continued to occupy the concerns of English army commanders in Munster.

To help the supply issue Lieutenant-Colonel Appleyard at some stage seized a gun on a ship belonging to Robert Smally. Following the truce Robert Smally petitioned Lord Inchiquin, the English commander in Munster, for the return of the gun and for the release of his ship which was impounded as a troop transporter/supply ship. On 30th September 1643 Lord Inchiquin ordered the return of the gun but kept the vessel as a troop transporter.[16]

The truce in Ireland allowed King Charles to bring over soldiers from Ireland to increase his own army in England. Robert Smally’s ship was possibly used to transport some of these soldiers. The English Parliament and a number of people on the King’s side were hostile to Irish soldiers coming over to England, even if many of these soldiers were English or Anglo-Irish. Matthew Appleyard was one of these soldiers who came over. He was replaced as deputy-governor of Youghal by Sir William Fenton.[17]

Marriage

Sir Matthew Appleyard married Frances, second daughter of the third Sir William Pelham (died 1st August 1644) of Brocklesby, Lincolnshire.[18] The father and grandfather of Sir William Pelham were firm Royalists and Sir William followed their example and was a military commander for the Royalist in the Civil War. William’s brother, Henry Pelham, broke ranks and supported Parliament in the Civil War.[19]

Sir Matthew Appleyard had a son called Matthew Appleyard, born about 1659.[20]

Battle of Cheriton, 29th March 1644

During the month of March 1644 the Royalist forces under Sir Ralph Hopton had tried to bring the Parliamentary army under Sir William Waller to battle without success. On the 28th March 1644 the Royalist forces occupied the north ridge overlooking Cheriton while the Parliamentarians occupied the ridge south of the village. General Hopton suspected that the Parliamentarians might withdraw overnight and move on again to threaten Winchester.[21]

But the Parliamentarians didn’t withdraw. Instead after a diverted discussion among his officers the Parliamentary commander, Sir William Waller decided to fight it out. On the morning of 29th March General Hopton realised that Cheriton Wood raised a potential threat to his left wing and the Royalist hold on the northern ridge. About 11 a.m. General Hopton sent foot soldiers to take the wood. But by then the Parliamentarians under Colonel Leighton had already occupied the wood and, with their musket shot, repelled the foot soldiers.

General Hopton then ordered Colonel Matthew Appleyard to take the wood. Colonel Appleyard took about 1,000 musketeers, divided into four parties and assaulted the wood but was repulsed. General Hopton appraised the situation and sent Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Hopton, commander of one of Colonel Appleyard’s assault parties and sent him round the back side of the wood. Lt-Col Hopton was supported by the Royalist canon and screened by a cross hedge so that he got up close with the Parliamentarians and with the fire of one volley sent the enemy into disorder.

Colonel Appleyard renewed his assault with the other three parties and cleared the wood, even taking a colour from a cavalry unit of Leighton. The chief Royalist commander Lord Forth ordered General Hopton to hold his strong defensive position and let the Parliamentarians attack. But some junior officers on the Royalist right disobeyed orders and began to attack. Sir William Waller sent 300 Horse under Sir Arthur Hesilrige, to attack the Royalist Foot and they were totally successful. Sir William Balfour then took the Parliament right wing to attack the Royalist Foot on their left. The Royalist cavalry made one attack on Balfour and then retired.

The Royalist Horse on the right then attacked Hesilrige’s Horse and the Foot of both sides got involved. The fighting was most hot at the base of Cheriton Wood with the Royalists coming off the worst. Colonel Appleyard’s musketeers were by now on the ridge on the Royalist right. The Parliamentarians now advanced up the east and west sides of the ridge. Colonel Appleyard and the Royalist canon made stout resistance to the enemies attack but were under pressure. In the heat of the action Colonel Appleyard was shot and wounded. By the approach of evening the Royalist army was on the verge of collapse and a general retreat was ordered.

General Hopton and Lord Forth managed to extract their Horse to Basing House and onto Reading. The Royalist Foot made their retreat as best they could. Indiscipline and a failure to exploit Colonel Appleyard’s capture of Cheriton Wood against a strong and disciplined Parliamentary side were cited for the Royalist defeat. The defeat at Cheriton forced the Royalists to later abandon Reading and withdraw from the south coast. On 30th March 1644 the Parliamentarians took Winchester.[22]

Ireland again

After the battle of Cheriton, Colonel Matthew Appleyard retreated with the Royalist army to a safe place. There he spent some time recovering from his injuries. By the end of 1644 Matthew Appleyard was sufficiently recovered to return to active service. He was sent to Ireland to take up his old position as governor of Youghal but with the reduced rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. In January 1645 Lieutenant-Colonel Appleyard approved Dominick Trant for town constable instead of Nicholas Dalton.[23]

Leicester

Lieutenant-Colonel Appleyard did not stay long in Ireland. By May 1645 he was back in England in the Royalist army. In May 1645 Prince Rupert led a Royalist force to take the Parliamentary town of Leicester or at least to draw off some of the troops of Colonel Fairfax that were besieging the Royalist capital at Oxford. On 29th May Prince Rupert encircled the town but failed in two attempts to storm Leicester. On 31st May a party of horse under Colonel Page attacked the undefended side of the town and the town fell. The Royalists then ‘miserably sacked the place without distinction of person or place’.[24] After the taking of Leicester on 31st May 1645, King Charles ‘presently made Sir Matthew Appleyard, a soldier of known courage and experience, his lieutenant governor’.[25]

On 29th September 1645 the English House of Commons ordered that the estate of Sir Matthew Appleyard, lately seized by the Committee of the Yorkshire East Riding be restored to Sir Matthew less £180.[26]

Member of Parliament for Hedon

In 1661 Sir Matthew Appleyard was elected Member of Parliament for Hedon in the English House of Commons and held the seat until his death.[27] Sir Matthew Appleyard’s time in Parliament was of mixed fortune. On 14th May 1661 Sir Matthew Appleyard was appointed to a committee to examine a number of public bills and judge if they collated with existing legislation. Some of these bills concerned the Act of Pardon, the Act confirming Judicial Proceedings, the Act for taking away the Court of Wards and several acts touching the king’s revenue.[28] On 22nd June 1661 Sir Matthew Appleyard was placed on the committee to examine the bill containing limits to the level of anclone.[29]

On 27th June 1661 Sir Matthew Appleayrd was on a committee to examine the bill for the naturalization of Anne Ferrers. This committee failed to settle the issue and the committee was reassembled on 29th June 1661 with extra members joining the existing membership which included Sir Matthew.[30] On 29th June 1661 Sir Matthew Appleyard was on a committee to examine the bill to divide the church of Trinity Church in Kingston-Upon-Hull.[31] On 22nd July 1661 Sir Matthew Appleyard, M.P., was given leave of absence from the House of Commons to travel out into the country.[32]

On 10th January 1662 Sir Matthew Appleyard was appointed to a Parliamentary committee to examine the bill for the execution of the regicides. These regicides were accused of high treason for the murder of King Charles I in 1649 and the bill particularly cited any who were on the scaffold the day king was killed.[33]

Old London Reconstructed: The Palace of Westminster about 1530

Old Westminster Palace in Tudor times

On 19th February 1662 Sir Matthew Appleyard was appointed to a Parliamentary committee assembled to examine petitions relating to a duty on iron.[34] On 8th March 1662 Sir Matthew Appleyard was appointed to a large committee to examine the Parliamentary bill concerning the estate of Sir Thomas Lee, Baronet, who wanted to exchange lands settled on his wife and needed a Parliamentary bill to change the legal title to the land.[35] In May 1663 he was cited by Mr. Cooke on a matter of breach of privilege. Matthew Appleyard was committed to the custody of the serjeant at arms until examination at the next sitting. It appears that Appleyard took to trial a tenant of Mr. Cooke M.P. for payment of tithes after Cooke gave notice that he had claim to the tithes.[36]

On 31st March 1664 Sir Matthew Appleyard was appointed to a committee assembled to examine what amount of £60,000 was paid to loyal Commission Officers and what money was still unpaid.[37]

On 6th April 1664 Sir Matthew Appleyard was given leave of absence from the House of Commons to travel to Ireland.[38] This absence was because Sir Matthew Appleyard was now captain of a Foot Company in Ireland and his presence was needed. The activities of this Foot Company are more fully explored below.

By January 1667 Sir Matthew Appleyard had retired from the army in Ireland yet it appears he did not readily return to the London Parliament. On 17th February 1667 a number of Members of Parliament were cited for not attendance and fined forty pounds each. Nine of these Members attended the House and were discharged of the fines. Two others, one of whom was Sir Matthew Appleyard, were discharged in absence because they were too sick to attend in person.[39]

With the army in Ireland under Charles II

Sometime between August 1662 and September 1663 Sir Matthew Appleyard took command of a Foot Company in the King’s Army in Ireland. A Foot Company consisted of a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, one or two sergeants, one or two corporals, two drummers and about 86 soldiers.[40]

On 23rd September 1663 a meeting of the Council of War in Ireland resolved to settle various army units to winter quarters. Three companies were assigned to Kilkenny under Captain Thomas Stewart, Captain Cecil and Sir Matthew Appleyard with one of the three officers acing as the local commander.[41]

It would seem that Sir Mathew Appleyard had difficulties managing his company. Sometime in October Thomas Wilson, late sergeant to Appleyard, petitioned the Duke of Ormond for arrears of pay. The Duke passed on the petition to the Muster-Master-General of the army. It is assumed that Thomas Wilson was not satisfied in his pay.[42] Sir Matthew Appleyard was not alone in his difficulties. Many other commanders had trouble paying their troops. The carry-over from the civil war between King and Parliament in the 1640s meant Charles II and his government were restricted in their ability to raise taxation and Parliament refused to give more taxation. The bulk of the army was sent to Ireland so as to be in the pay of the Irish Exchequer and so ease Parliament’s concerns about the King’s power in England. But the Irish economy was not able to help pay this increased burden and arrears of pay occurred.

By 1st June 1664 Sir Matthew Appleyard and his Foot Company had moved from Kilkenny to Youghal, Co. Cork. The company stayed at Youghal until the autumn when the company moved to Charlemont where they appeared on the army list on 26th November 1664. The Foot Company of Captain William Rosse were also quartered at Youghal and Charlemont with Appleyard’s company. The other six companies at Youghal in June 1664 were sent to winter quarters elsewhere by November 1664.[43] Sir Matthew Appleyard had previous connections with Charlemont which are outlined below.

In November 1664 a list of commissioned officers in Ireland provides some names in Appleyard’s company. Sir Matthew Appleyard was captain of the company, Sir John Hall was the lieutenant and Francis Hutton was the ensign.[44] Sir John Hall was appointed lieutenant to Sir Matthew Appleyard’s Foot Company on 20th August 1664.[45]

On 17th June 1665 Sir Mathew Appleyard wrote to the Duke of Ormond on the Charlemont garrison and the needs of the garrison.[46] The details of these needs are not known to this author but lack of equipment and regular pay would have figured highly. The army payroll was a big issue as the bill accounted for about 85 per cent of government expenditure. The faultering economy during the 1660s only increased the government budget deficit and the amount of arrears. Reductions in the number of soldiers were only partly affected due to threats of a French invasion and plots against the government by Presbyterians and Catholics alike.[47]

On 14th August 1666 Sir Matthew Appleyard was given leave of absence from the Charlemont garrison.[48] By January 1667 Sir Matthew Appleyard had retired from the Irish army. On 27th January 1667 Conway Hill was appointed captain of the Foot Company lately commanded by Appleyard.[49]

Member of Parliament for Charlemont

In March 1661 William, Lord Caulfield Brown of Charlemont, was constable of the castle of Charlemont (appointed January 1661) with a garrison of fifteen soldiers.[50] On 8th September 1662 Sir Matthew Appleyard was directed by James Butler, Duke of Ormond and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, to carry out a survey of the fort of Charlemont.[51]

In May 1664 Sir Matthew Appleyard was given four hundred pounds to be employed on construction of the fortifications of Charlemont fort and repair of existence facilities. Sir Matthew Appleyard was also allowed to buy timber from the king’s forests in Ulster. At that time Appleyard was Governor of Charlemont.[52] It is not known when he was so appointed. His Foot Company was based in Kilkenny and Youghal during the winter of 1663-4 and spring of 1664 and only appears at Charlemont in the autumn of 1664 as noted above.

In 1665 Sir Matthew Appleyard was elected Member of Parliament for Charlemont in the Irish House of Commons. He held the seat for only one year.[53] While at Charlemont on 28th April 1666 Sir Matthew Appleyard wrote a letter to James Butler, Duke of Ormond and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Appleyard wrote that following a quiet period an Englishman and his family were robbed of money and clothes in the parish of Clogher. The attackers numbered thirteen men and were led by Neill McTurlough McShane Oge O’Neill who had killed a man at Caledon fair in 1665. Afterwards Neill’s father came to Mr. Golborne and asked for protection for six weeks and a pardon. Appleyard recommended the pardon to the Duke of Ormond because the O’Neill’s were so numerous in the area that no other option was possible without causing serious unrest.[54]

The port of Hull

Shortly after the Restoration, Sir Nicholas Appleyard was appointed customer of the port of Hull along with his son, Sir Matthew Appleyard.[55] On 4th July 1643 the House of Commons passed by resolution that Lieutenant-Colonel Appleyard should return to Hull and resume his former employment.[56] After Sir Matthew Appleyard died in 1670 his office of customer at Hull port passed to his son Matthew Appleyard. But as young Matthew was only eleven years old Thomas Meriton was appointed to hold the position until young Matthew came of age. Meriton got a salary of £100 and £30 for a clerk. When Meriton died his successor, Robert Mason, only got £30 for a clerk and no salary. When young Matthew Appleyard came of age he succeeded to the office of customer with Thomas Lysons. In June 1681 Robert Mason petitioned the Treasury for an increase in his fee from £30 to £50 as clerks in other ports usually received the higher amount.[57]

Death

Sir Mathew Appleyard died on 20th February 1669-70 after a lifetime as a firm supporter of church and state.[58]

Later people called Appleyard in Ireland

About the year 1820 a banker called John Appleyard lived in Ireland. He was the son of Thomas Appleyard and grandson of John Appleyard of Athlunkard, Co. Clare. It is claimed that John Appleyard was possibly a descendent of Sir Matthew Appleyard but I have yet to establish any solid link apart from having the same surname.[59]

Another reference to this Appleyard family comes from 1806 when Walter Joyce of Merview and Galway married as his second wife Helen Appleyard, daughter of Thomas Appleyard of Galway, merchant (died 20 August 1814). This Thomas Appleyard was son of John Appleyard of Athlunkard, Co. Clare and Helen Kelly.[60]

Elsewhere we find in 1830 that John Appleyard of Drogheda entered Trinity College, Dublin. This John was the son of James Appleyard of Drogheda.[61] While Henry Appleyard held a house and yard at number 9 Charleville Mall in the Mountjoy ward of Dublin. Henry also had a shop, parlour and basement at number 38 Sackville Street Lower, two doors south from the General Post Office.[62]

Postscript

It was my desire for many years to write a biography on Sir Matthew Appleyard. Although this article contains along of information on the life of Matthew Appleyard it is not beyond improvement. May be some day additional information will be found in new sources not available to me at this time. For the present this is Sir Matthew Appleyard.

 

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[1] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers, second series, volume five (author, 1888), p. 62

[2] Augustus Samuel Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, edited by Sir Leslie Stephen & Sir Sidney Lee (19 vols. Oxford University Press, 1917), Vol. 1, p. 522

[3] Mary Anne Everett Green (ed.), Calendar of the Committee of Compounding (1892), Vol. 4

[4] http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=78155&strquery=Appleyard accessed on 6 June 2014; http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=22621&strquery=Appleyard accessed on 6 June 2014

[5] Rev. Samuel Hayman, The hand-book for Youghal (Field, Youghal, 1973), p. 32

[6] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers, second series, volume four (author, 1888), p. 249

[7] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal (Guildford, 1878), p. 217

[8] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers, second series, volume four, p. 262

[9] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, pp. 224-5

[10] Rev. Alexander Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers, second series, volume five, p. 73

[11] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 221

[12] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 222

[13] James Hogan (ed.), Letters and papers relating to the Irish Rebellion between 1642-46 (Stationery Office, Dublin, 1936), pp. 156-7

[14] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 227

[15] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 227

[16] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 308

[17] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 550

[18] Sir Egerton Brydges (ed.), Collin’s peerage of England (London, 1812), p. 391; Augustus S. Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 522

[19] http://www.tudorplace.com.ar/Bios/WilliamPelhamofBrocklesby2.htm accessed 5 June 2014

[20] William Shaw (ed.), Calendar of Treasury Books (1916), Vol. 7 (1681-85), p. 172

[21] Peter Young & Richard Holmes, The English Civil War (Wordsworth, Ware, 2000), pp. 166, 167

[22] Charles Chadwyck Healey (ed.), Hopton’s narrative of his campaign in the West (1642-1644) and other papers (Somerset Record Society, Vol.18, 1902), pp. 81, 82, 101, 103; Peter Young & Richard Holmes, The English Civil War, pp. 169-71; Wilfrid Emberton, The English Civil War day by day (Sutton Publishing, Stroud, 1997), p. 103

[23] Richard Caulfield (ed.), Council Book of the Corporation of Youghal, p. 253

[24] Wilfrid Emberton, The English Civil War day by day, p. 153

[25] Augustus S. Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 522

[26] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 4 (1644-46), p. 389

[27] Augustus S. Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 522

[28] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 249

[29] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 257

[30] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), pp. 281, 284

[31] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 284

[32] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 307

[33] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 343

[34] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 369

[35] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 381

[36] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), pp. 477, 478

[37] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 540

[38] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 8 (1660-67), p. 545

[39] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 9 (1667-87), p. 52

[40] John T. Gilbert and Rosa Gilbert (eds.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond at Kilkenny Castle (Historical Manuscripts Commission, Vol. 2, 1899), p. 178

[41] John and Rosa Gilbert (eds.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond, p. 185

[42] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 159, folio 92v, Petition of Thomas Wilson to the Duke of Ormond, c. 18 October 1663; Ibid, MS. Carte 159, folio 92v, Reference of this petition to the Muster-Master-General, 21 October 1663

[43] John and Rosa Gilbert (eds.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond, p. 188

[44] John and Rosa Gilbert (eds.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond, pp. 190-2; In April 167 Francis Hutton was made a lieutenant in Colonel Humphrey Sydenham’s Regiment of Foot = Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 163, folio 29, commission to Francis Hutton to be lieutenant, 3 April 1667

[45]Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 145, folio 31v, commission to Sir John Hall to be lieutenant, 20 August 1664; By October 1666 John Hall was with the king’s Regiment of Guards = Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 154, folio 100, petition of Francis Vangamon to Duke of Ormond, October 1666

[46] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 34, folio 259, Sir Matthew Appleyard to Duke of Ormond, 17 June 1665

[47] David Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1600-1800 (Irish Academic Press, Dublin, 2000), pp. 9, 10

[48] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 163, folio 7, leave of absence to Sir Matthew Appleyard, 14 August 1666

[49] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 163, folio 27v, commission by the Duke of Ormond to Conway Hill to become captain of Appleyard’s Foot Company, 27 January 1667

[50] Bodleian Library, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 41, folio 701, The King to the Lords Justices of Ireland, 29 January 1661; Ibid, MS. Carte 158, p. 65, warrant by the Lords Justices of Ireland, 26 March 1661

[51] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 165, folio 20v, commission to Sir Matthew Appleyard issued by the Duke of Ormond, 8 September 1662

[52] Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Carte 165, folio 192v, warrant by the Duke of Ormond to Sir Matthew Appleyard, 26 May 1664

[53] Augustus S. Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 522

[54] C. Litton Falkiner (ed.), Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Marquis of Ormond at Kilkenny Castle (Historical Manuscripts Commission, New Series, Vol. 3, 1904), p. 219

[55] William Shaw (ed.), Calendar of Treasury Books (1916), Vol. 7 (1681-85), p. 172

[56] Anon, Journal of the House of Commons (1802), Vol. 3 (1643-44), p. 154

[57] William Shaw (ed.), Calendar of Treasury Books (1916), Vol. 7 (1681-85), p. 172

[58] Augustus S. Bolton, ‘Appleyard, Sir Mathew’, in The Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. 1, p. 522

[59] C.M. Tenison, M.R.I.A., ‘The Private Bankers of Ireland’, in Journal Cork Historical and Archaeological Society, vol. II (1893), p. 206

[60] Gordon St. George Mark, ‘The Joyces of Merview’, in The Irish Genealogist, Vol. 8, No. 3 (1992), p. 385

[61] George Dames Burtchaell & Thomas Ulick Sadleir (eds.), Alumni Dublinenses (Thoemmes Press, Bristol, 2001), Vol. 1, p. 16

[62] http://www.askaboutireland.ie/griffith-valuation/index.xml?action=doNameSearch&Submit.x=26&Submit.y=15&Submit=Submit&familyname=Appleyard = accessed 5 September 2014

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